On May 22, 2013, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted the next annual scientific conference organized by the Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania. The theme of the conference is "Main directions of modern development of the region at the regional and country levels". The reports and presentations covered a wide range of issues, including politics, geopolitics, economy, social sphere, and culture. Considerable attention was paid to the analysis of the existing system of international relations in Southeast Asia, which focuses on the growing rivalry between China and the United States. The speakers also focused on the definition and assessment of the interests of the Russian Federation in the region. The issue of regional security, which is relevant for Southeast Asia, was considered in connection with the territorial dispute in the South China Sea (SCM), which poses a latent threat to stability and peace in the region. The conference was attended by employees of the Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania, other divisions of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, teachers and postgraduates of higher educational institutions in Moscow (ISAA MSU, MSU(U)Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation), scientists of academic institutes, employees of practical organizations.

E. V. Molodyakova, Deputy Director of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, welcomed the conference participants and introduced Ide Keiji, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Embassy of Japan in the Russian Federation. Ide Keiji delivered a report on the Results of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's visit to Russia. In connection with this significant event in relations between Japan and the Russian Federation, Keiji focused on the issues of Japanese-Russian cooperation in various fields, highlighting the economy. The report noted positive trends in the development of Japanese-Russian business ties and examined the state and dynamics of direct investment from Japan to Russia.

The conference consisted of two blocks: 1) key problems of regional development; 2) country problems.

D. V. Mosyakov, Head of the Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania, made a report on "Aggravation of contradictions in the South China Sea region". He noted that the situation in the South China Sea has recently changed significantly: 1) China gave permission to the police authorities of Hainan province to inspect any vessels in the waters of the South China Sea; 2) the Philippine government appealed to the UN International Court of Justice on the Law of the Sea, insisting that the territorial dispute with the PRC be considered by the International Court of Justice. Both of these solutions are radically different.

they change the configuration of an existing conflict, increasing the threat of its escalation. This, in particular, was stated by ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan. The Philippines ' appeal to the UN raises the conflict from a regional to an international level, and the initiative of the PRC threatens the right of free passage of ships through the waters of the South China Sea. This development means that peace in the region is becoming increasingly fragile. It is enough for Chinese border guards to stop at least one ship in the South China Sea, as a conflict can break out with the most unpredictable consequences. The fact is that the United States and other Western countries have repeatedly stated that they will protect the right of free passage through the waters of the South China Sea by all possible means. Such a resolute position is explained by the fact that the stakes in the confrontation are extremely high. Through the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea passes 10 times more oil than through Suez, and 16 times more than through the Panama Canal. A third of this trade goes through these waters, not only to Japan, India and the Russian Far East, but also to the West Coast of the United States.

Topic of the report: V. F. Terekhov (RISS) "Military and political situation in the South China Sea and Russia's interests". The South China Sea is an integral part of the sea strip enclosed between the east coast of China, as well as a number of Southeast Asian countries, and the so-called First Island Line, which includes the Ryukyu Archipelago, Taiwan and the Malay Archipelago. The growing importance of this strip (and, consequently, the South China Sea) is determined by the nature of the new geopolitical game that is being formed with the end of the Cold War. The main content of the new game is a global-scale US-China rivalry with the center located in the sea strip indicated above.

The military-political situation developing in the South China Sea may become a source of conflict between both leading world powers, in which the "normalizing Japan" is quite likely to be involved. Other potential sources of similar conflict are located in the same coastal zone. They are the Taiwan and Korean problems (the prospects for solving which today seem very doubtful), as well as the uncompromising positions of China and Japan on the issue of ownership of the Ssnkaku/Diaoyu Islands. The main threat to stability in the South China Sea is disputes over the ownership of the Spratly and Paracel Islands. Applicants for ownership can be roughly divided into the PRC and "everyone else". The aggravation of territorial disputes between China and most coastal countries is noted after the distribution in the summer of 2009 in the UN of the so-called nine-point map, according to which almost the entire water area of the South China Sea and all archipelagos are declared as an integral part of Chinese territory as Taiwan and Tibet. China seeks to negotiate with its opponents in a bilateral format, while the South China Sea littoral states are trying to present a united front within the framework of the ASEAN association that unites them. Washington, despite its declared neutral position in these disputes, is actually on the side of Beijing's opponents. Japan's presence here is becoming increasingly visible, not only in the economic sphere (as it has been in the last 50 years), but also in the field of "security". At the same time, China cannot exclude the influence of "extra-regional forces" on the situation in the South China Sea.

As for Russia's interests in the South China Sea and its neighboring states, several fundamental points should be taken into account. First, the military-political situation in the South China Sea is under the influence of a new global game. Secondly, the new game takes on the character of a sharp rivalry between the main participants (such as the United States and China), including in the South China Sea. Third, in terms of territorial and motivational aspects, the part of it that unfolds in the South China Sea has an extraneous character for Russia. All this should be taken into account when considering the possible participation of the Russian Federation in certain business projects of the countries of this sub-region.

The report of G. M. Lokshin (IDV RAS) notes that events in the South China Sea continue to develop in a negative direction. Expectations of easing tensions after the change of leadership in China have not been met. Relations between the main protagonists-China, on the one hand, and Vietnam and the Philippines, on the other-have entered a new phase-psychological warfare. ASEAN's negotiations with China on a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea parties promise to be long and difficult. There is no threat of a major war in the region, but the number of dangerous incidents and conflicts will increase. Mutually acceptable resolution of disputes in the near future

it is not visible, because none of the parties has the political will to compromise, without which progress towards a peaceful settlement is impossible.

The report by N. B. Lebedeva (IB RAS) analyzed India's interests and goals in the region at the junction of two oceans, which are closely related to the implementation of the "Look to the East" course, in order to ensure: 1) freedom of navigation to deliver 55% of goods to the NEA; 2) access to resource exploration in Vietnamese waters and oil production on the Sakhalin shelf; 3) access to the Himandri polar base; 4) achieving partial control in Southeast Asian waters by projecting the Navy and strengthening strategic relationships with ASEAN. In 2011-2012. India, without becoming a direct participant in the dispute between Vietnam and China, indirectly "fueled" its new stage and twice declared its readiness to send warships to the MLC to protect its interests. However, against such a tense backdrop, on June 19, 2012, Indian and Chinese oil companies signed an agreement on joint exploration of resources in third countries, which should be considered as a step towards warming Indo-Chinese relations. One should take into account the" big game "of the United States, which is trying to use India's geostrategic and geopolitical advantages as a" deterrent mechanism for China."

In her report "On the current situation in the South China Sea", G. F. Murasheva (IB RAS) focused on some points that explain why the territorial dispute in the KZHM cannot be resolved in the foreseeable future. One of the main reasons is that the intra-regional, inter-State dispute over sovereignty over the islands and adjacent waters, which involves six subjects (China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan), has an internal aspect in addition to the external one. The dispute involves nationalist-minded masses of the population of the "disputing" countries. This is especially evident in China and Vietnam, where the dispute in the South China Sea is a "clash of nationalisms", which significantly limits the ability of the ruling elite to compromise in finding a consensus in solving the problems of the South China Sea. It is nationalism that narrows the field of maneuver of the authorities, since any agreement to compromise will be understood internally as a manifestation of weakness and capitulation and may provoke anti-government actions. The nationalist dimension of the dispute precludes the possibility of a united front for ASEAN countries both against China and on" maritime issues " in general. In addition to the different attitudes of the ASEAN countries towards China, a significant part of them are rivals in relation to each other in the territorial dispute in the South China Sea, which hinders its settlement. The territorial dispute in the South China Sea is strongly influenced by relations between the United States and China. The current status quo is largely due to the fact that neither China nor the United States confronts each other, using other measures to achieve their goals. One of them is to ensure a predominant influence on the strategically important countries of ASEAN. It can be assumed that the status quo in "maritime issues" will continue for the long term, being acceptable to all countries.

E. V. Koldunoaa (MGI(U)DOD) devoted its report to regional cooperation institutes in East and South-East Asia. Most studies of regional cooperation processes in East and South-East Asia have traditionally focused on their successful functioning in the context of latent contradictions between many regional players. At the same time, these studies do not provide an answer to the question of how regional institutions will transform in the context of the transition of these contradictions to the open phase. The report examines the crisis trends in the activities of regional cooperation institutions (primarily ASEAN and ARF) in conditions when "soft institutionalism" is no longer able to ensure the coordination of the positions of the conflicting parties.

A. A. Rogozhin (IMEMO RAS) in his report "The economic situation in Southeast Asia: successes, problems, prospects" analyzed the main reasons that allowed the countries of the region to meet with dignity in 2012-2013 the difficulties caused by instability in the global economy, and first of all in the EU and the USA-the main foreign economic partners: 1) effective financial management, taking into account the experience gained during the 1997-1998 Asian crisis; 2) rational use of industrial and agricultural raw materials; 3) expansion of domestic demand; 4) activation of trade relations with Asian countries, including through the use of ASEAN integration mechanisms. The speaker described the development prospects of the Southeast Asian countries in the medium term and the key threats to their economic growth: 1) accelerating integration into the global economy; 2) avoiding the "middle class trap"; 3) border disputes in Southeast Asia; 4) changes in global markets in the short term

industrial and food raw materials, primarily oil, in the long run - the aggravation of the problem of energy support for economic growth.

A. P. Muranova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences)presented the results of monitoring the dynamics of foreign trade operations and investment flows in the first decade of the XXI century in her report "Main trends in the development of foreign economic relations of the ASEAN countries in 2000-2012". In her opinion, the region's foreign trade was characterized by: 1) a very high rate of foreign trade turnover (especially in the least developed countries of Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar), which outstripped the GDP growth rate; 2) an increasing role of foreign trade in the economy of the entire region, which is manifested in an increase in the foreign trade quota - the highest in the world; 3) an expansion of intraregional trade operations (although at this Southeast Asian countries are significantly lagging behind other regions); 4) reorientation of trade relations from the developed countries of Europe and America to the rapidly developing Asian states-China, India, the Republic of Korea; 5) rapid increase in the volume of trade in services, in which tourism occupies a leading place. The size of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the economies of Southeast Asian countries increased rapidly until 2008. when the global economic crisis slowed down the high dynamics, foreign direct investment from both developed countries and the countries of the region itself declined. By the end of the decade, the ratio between these two sources of FDI had shifted dramatically in favor of developed countries.

N. G. Rogozhina (IMEMO) in her report "Climate change and migration in Southeast Asia" noted that the region's countries are among the most vulnerable to climate warming, which will negatively affect the population of Southeast Asian countries: 1) millions of Southeast Asian residents will suffer from water scarcity; 2) rice production in the region will fall, threatening food security; 3) huge tracts of forest will turn into savanna and wasteland; 4) natural disasters such as floods, cyclones, and droughts will become more frequent; 5) sea level rise by 70 cm will lead to flooding of low-lying and coastal areas. The risk zone already includes Indonesia, the Philippines, Vietnam, Thailand and Laos. This development will lead to a sharp increase in the number of "climate migrants" in Southeast Asia, which will significantly complicate the already difficult situation with managing migration flows in the region, especially the movement of rural residents from "risk areas" to metropolitan megacities. The struggle for territories of residence and resources can destabilize the political and economic situation in Southeast Asia as a whole, because in the face of the negative impact of climate change, there will be not only the movement of residents within one country, but also their outflow to other countries in the region.

I. I. Nikolaeva's speech (IB RAS) was devoted to environmental problems in Southeast Asia, such as reducing green cover, deforestation and soil depletion, water pollution, the problem of the Mekong River and the South China Sea, air pollution by industrial enterprises and burning forests, and radioactive pollution. The report touched upon the demographic problem and the problem of environmental safety. Summing up, Irina Nikolaeva noted that for a long time the impact of the economy on the environment was negative, but now the economy is the only way to solve environmental problems.

M. G. Osipova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) considered the problem of internationalization of the yuan in the aspect of the financial strategy of the countries of Southeast and East Asia (SEEA). The processes of financial integration of the ASEAN+6 member countries largely stimulate the activation of the state policy of the People's Republic of China to liberalize its currency unit. By 2015, it is planned to form a new financial integration grouping, in the center of which will be the internationalized renminbi yuan. In 2010, the China-ASEAN Free Trade Zone was opened, which took eight years to establish. The emergence of such a zone in the presence of financial centers in Singapore and Hong Kong can become the basis for the process of liberalizing the Chinese currency unit. The strategy of the ASEAN+6 member countries for 2013-2015 will be aimed at creating a single integrated financial system, which should focus on the currency of the People's Republic of China, the renminbi yuan. Given the serious crisis processes in the global monetary system and the inability of the IMF to resolve this process, the role of such a financial strategy of the SEEA countries can have a very serious impact on the entire global financial system.

In her speech, L. V. Arunova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) outlined the main initiatives in the field of financial cooperation of the ASEAN countries. A number of agreements were signed: the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA); the ASEAN Services Framework Agreement (AFAS); the ASEAN Investment Area (AIA) Agreement, etc. The roadmap was approved in 2003

The ASEAN Monetary and Financial Integration Organization (RIA-Fin), whose ultimate goal is to achieve full economic integration of the ASEAN countries by 2015.The ASEAN member countries are developing financial cooperation with China, Japan and the Republic of Korea (ASEAN+3). Important developments for ASEAN+3 were the establishment of the Chiang Mai Initiative, the Asian Bond Markets Initiative, and the ASEAN + Research Group3. Currently, the Association and its partners are at a transition stage, when it is necessary to take all possible measures to maintain financial stability in the region, despite the crisis phenomena in the global economy. Attempts are being made to reduce the role of international financial institutions in deciding how to resolve financial problems in the region, although the future of ASEAN+3 financial cooperation remains largely dependent on international organizations such as the IMF.

O. V. Mosolova's presentation focused on the role of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Organization (APEC) in international cooperation in the context of economic globalization. Currently, globalization is the most important factor in economic life. The most striking manifestation of the trends of globalization was the deepening of the processes of international economic integration. One example of such integration is the work of APEC , the largest economic organization in the Asia-Pacific region.

The second block was opened by a message from A. Drugov (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences), in which he noted that in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2014, disunity remains in the political life of Indonesia, which hinders effective counteraction to the Islamist threat. At the same time, local demonstrations against Islamist radicals have become a relatively new phenomenon. The situation in the economy in 2012 was favorable, with GDP growth exceeding 6%. The Government promotes the export of value-added goods through taxation and restricts the export of raw materials. In the field of foreign policy, Indonesia is developing relations with China, avoiding involvement in Sino-American rivalry, and making efforts to maintain stability in the South China Sea. Latent tensions on the land border with Malaysia in Kalimantan are of concern.

In the speech of I. I. Bektimirova (ISAA) "Cambodia on the eve of general elections" noted that the alignment of political forces on the eve of the general elections indicates the most likely victory of the ruling People's Party of Cambodia led by Hun Sen. The majority of the country's population supports the CDP due to the steady economic growth and improved living standards that have been observed in the country over the past five years, the solution of acute social problems, in particular ensuring the rights of peasant property, as well as a well-designed election strategy. The systemic opposition, represented in the elections by the Khmer National Salvation Party, stands under the slogans of deepening the democratization process, as well as fighting corruption and nepotism. Despite serious objective constraints - a weak financial base and insufficient information support - the opposition can count on 25-30% of the vote, primarily among urban youth.

In the report "Political Situation in the Philippines 2013", Yu. O. Levtonova (IB RAS) focused on the assessment of the midterm elections to both houses of Congress, government and municipal authorities held on May 13, 2013. The victory of the presidential party bloc led by the Liberal Party means strengthening Aquino's position as head of state and creating favorable conditions for continuing the intensification of the presidential course of reforms. When assessing the course and results of the elections, attention is drawn to the active role of the Catholic Church - one of the main institutions of the political system, its direct intervention in the electoral process (recommendations to parishioners to choose the "right" candidates), ambivalent tactics towards the president from encouraging the reform project of Aquino to sharp criticism of his policy on an issue that is relevant for the Catholic country restrictions on the birth rate and family planning, new trends that have emerged: increased participation in the election campaign of urban youth and rejuvenation of the deputy corps (in 2010, the average age of congressmen and senators was from 60 to 70-75 years, in 2013 from 45-48 to 55). But the traditionalist basis of the Philippine model of elite democracy remains the same: in all power structures, there is a predominance (up to 70% and above) of people from traditional political dynasties, often simultaneously representatives of the second or fourth generations of the same family. Maintaining a paternalistic ha-

The power structure will continue to serve as a brake on political and economic modernization and development of society as a whole.

In her speech "Destabilizing factors in the process of democratization in Myanmar", A. A. Simonia (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences) noted that the current stage of development has become a test for democracy. Soon after the transfer of power to the civil administration, inter-ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts began to arise simultaneously with the implementation of political reforms. Two years ago, a 1994 peace agreement with the Kachin Independence Army, which advocates a federal structure of the Union of Myanmar with greater autonomy for ethnic regions, was violated. This is the second year of clashes between Buddhist and Muslim communities, which take on a massive and protracted character. A. A. Simonia explains outbreaks of interethnic or inter-religious discord during democratic transformations by saying that authoritarian power usually keeps various ethnic and religious groups of the population existing in the country in a latent state. But when authoritarian power is either eliminated in a short time (as in Iraq) or weakened for internal reasons (as in Myanmar), the contradictions between these groups of the population are released, come to the surface and escalate to open acute conflicts. This is exactly what has been happening in Myanmar for the past two years.

E. A. Fomicheva's speech (IB RAS) is devoted to the visits of high-ranking American politicians to Bangkok, including Secretary of State X. Clinton, Secretary of Defense L. Panetta, President B. Obama, made in 2011-2012 as part of their trips to East Asian countries. These visits are considered in the context of the new foreign policy of the Obama administration, formulated in the document "Maintaining American global leadership: defense priorities of the XXI century", which states:: "The U.S. military will continue to contribute to global security, but as necessary, we will shift the focus of our military presence to the Asia-Pacific region." The United States ' interest in Thailand as a strategic ally stems from its rivalry with China for influence in East Asia, including Southeast Asia.

In his report on the problems of contemporary Vietnamese culture, A. A. Sokolov (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) focused on the literary process. An important event of national significance was the awarding of the Ho Chi Minh Prize to Vietnamese writers of the older generation Pham Tien Zuat, Ma Van Khang, Huu Thin, Ho Phuong, Do Tu and Le Van Thao. Their works on the war of Resistance against foreign invaders have educated several generations of Vietnamese readers, especially young people. The first Asia-Pacific Poetry Festival was held in Quang Ninh. It was attended by about 100 poets from 28 countries. The music and poetry competition "This is the Sea and the Vietnamese Islands", dedicated to the current problems of our time, caused a great resonance and response in the widest segments of the population of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. It was organized by the electronic newspaper Vietnam Net and the Union of Composers of Vietnam. The competition received about 1,500 works, of which 1 thousand were submitted. poems. In addition to amateur authors, who made up the majority, it was also attended by famous poets (Le Thi Mai, Nguyen Viet Thien, etc.). In 2012, the 80th anniversary of the New Poetry movement, which marked the birth of modern Vietnamese literature. The Institute of Literature (Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences) hosted scientific conferences, including two dedicated to the works of Nguyen Xuan Khanh, the author of popular historical novels, and the contemporary poet Nguyen Xuan Thieu.

V. F. Urlyapov (Institute of Political Science of the Russian Academy of Sciences) spoke on "Results of the Malaysian general election" on May 5, 2013, which was won by the ruling National Front (NF), a coalition of 13 national and regional parties led by the United Malay National Organization (UMNO). He was opposed by the opposition People's Bloc (NB) - an alliance of the Democratic Action Party( PDP), the People's Justice Party (NPS) and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party. Although less than half of the voters voted for the NF, thanks to the current majority system and the tactics of jerrymandering (arbitrary rearrangement of electoral district boundaries), as well as direct falsification of voting results, the NF won 60% of seats in the federal parliament, respectively 133 out of 222, and the NB 89. At the same time, the ruling coalition lost 7 parliamentary seats. The NF retained power in 10 states, while the opposition defended the Penang, Selangor and Kelantan states it controlled, as well as the federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur.

The report by T. P. Mshyuslavskaya (IB RAS) shows how the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party positions itself as a champion of a "truly Islamic state" as opposed to a "pseudo-Islamic state". Islamic political leadership is an important institution necessary for achieving human progress, which the party understands as " full awareness of the reality of the multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multicultural component of this country." Thus, it clearly defines its position on the status and position of Islam as an integral system that encompasses socio-political life at the individual, social, national and international levels.

The report by E. M. Astafieva (Institute of Higher Education of the Russian Academy of Sciences) examines the evolution of the education system, as well as various directions of the Singapore government's policy in the field of education from the moment of independence to the present day. The structure of primary, secondary, higher, and vocational education is described. Special attention is paid to the problem of multilingualism and the policy of bilingualism.

E. M. Gurevich's report "Singapore in 2012-2013: Trends and prospects of political development" considered a number of events that can become a prologue to the beginning of a new stage in the evolution of the city-state political system: a gradual transition from an authoritarian to a more open and liberal model of government and governance. An example of this is the results of by-elections in the Punggol East single-member constituency, in which the opposition Workers ' Party (RP) won a landslide victory over the ruling People's Action Party (MHP) - 54.5% against 43.7%. Thus, the Republic of Moldova confirmed its success in the May 2011 general election by electing its seventh deputy to the country's highest legislative body. Of course, such a small representation of the opposition in the parliament did not change the balance of political forces, and the MHP retained its dominant position (80 seats out of 87). However, the victory of the RP forced the party and state elite to recognize that in the new political context, when almost 40% of the electorate supports the opposition, it is impossible to reach a consensus in society by turning to authoritarian political practices., quite difficult. The HDP management faces a classic dilemma. On the one hand, it is necessary to preserve the fundamental principles of the modern political culture formed over the years of independence: polyethnicity, multi-confessional character, the rule of law, meritocracy, an open economy, and the absence of corruption. On the other hand, there is an urgent need to modernize the authoritarian model of government while preserving a number of its inherent characteristics (the comprehensive role of the state, the preservation of the law on the state of emergency, etc.). The role of the opposition in this process is equally important, in particular the ability of the Republic of Moldova to unite opposition forces and develop a high-quality political program. Successful resolution of the challenges facing both sides can create favorable conditions for achieving a new consensus and balance of political forces, which will further advance Singapore on the path of political liberalization.

N. S. Skorobogatykh (IB RAS) noted in her speech that since 2007, when the Australian Labor Party came to power, there has once again been a growing interest of Australian politicians in their closest neighbors. The publication in late 2012 and early 2013 of three government reports, whose general theme was a detailed presentation of the views of the Gillard Cabinet on the place of the Australian Union in the "Asian century", indicates a new round of their attempts to enter the Asian region. In principle, this trend is natural, taking into account the geostrategic position of the country, the peculiarities of its economic development, and in recent decades, the demographic situation.

E. P. Zakaznikova (IB RAS) considered the problem associated with the positioning of Australia as one of the leaders of the Asia-Pacific region for the first time in 20 years. The country's leadership recognizes the fact of Asianization of Australia, but confirms its commitment to Western institutions and values. This is taking place in the context of increased military cooperation with the United States.

S. E. Pale (IB RAS) analyzed the policy of France in the South Pacific region in the 2010s. At present, France remains one of the key players in the JTR, along with the traditional leaders - Australia, New Zealand, the United States and, in the last decade, China. France's policy in its strategically important possessions-New Caledonia and French Polynesia (Tahiti) - is based on impressive subsidies to local budgets and at the same time on promises to hold referendums in these "territorial communities" on their independence in 2014-2018. In this regard, I wonder if it will perform

whether Paris will deliver on its promises in the coming years and who will be France's successor on regional policy issues if it leaves the UTR. Australia insists on granting independence to the French territories, which is not quite comfortable "between two fires" of the United States and France-in the South.

Despite the complex relationship with neighboring players in the region, Paris is not going to give up its position in the Pacific Ocean. During the 2000s and 2010s, the French treasury supported the New Caledonian and French Polynesian economies at 40%, which made Paris ' promises to grant independence to its territories unrealistic. Moreover, over the past two decades, French diplomacy has managed to curb the centrifugal aspirations of Oceanian independence fighters, allowing them to take power and thereby diverting their enthusiasm to a more manageable channel. Thus, thanks to the skillful manipulation of the opinions of both ruling and opposition leaders, who constantly replace each other in the presidential post, Paris's promises to grant independence to its South Pacific territories are unlikely to be realized even if they hold corresponding referendums.

L. G. Stefanchuk (IV RLN) reviewed the higher education system in New Zealand. This area is given high priority, and large financial resources are spent on it. In turn, educational services make up a significant revenue component of New Zealand's exports. Young people come here to study from all over the world, in particular from the countries of Southeast Asia. The New Zealand system of higher education, which was formed in colonial times (the first university of Otago appeared in 1869), is built mainly on the English model. Higher education in the country can be obtained at universities, polytechnic and technological institutes, and teacher training colleges. Universities are subsidized and controlled by the state. They have a significant number of research centers and conduct extensive research work.

A.V. Kolmakova's speech (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) traces the process of integration of the Maori community into the political life of New Zealand. Following the British takeover of New Zealand (early 19th century) in 1840, under the Waitangi agreement between various Maori tribes and the British Crown, the Maori acquired the rights and status of British subjects, but interest in political life among the Maori community did not immediately arise, and restrictions such as property qualifications did not allow representatives of the community to participate in political events. public life. Subsequently, the New Zealand Parliament granted Maori electoral mandates. For a long time, Maori, having seats in parliament without their own party, actively supported Labor. This was the case until the end of the twentieth century, when the Labour Party lost all the Maori polls. Many observers believed that Maori interests could not be fully realized as long as the community supported any political forces without having its own party. Such a party was eventually created at the beginning of the XXI century. Now the Maori Party is in opposition, as the planned formation of a coalition with the Green and Progressive parties was not completed. But it is possible that a coalition will still be formed, given that the Maori Party managed to retain its seats in Parliament.

Mikhail Matyukhin (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in his report "Export of entrepreneurial capital from Thailand" noted a noticeable increase in foreign investment activities of Thai companies both in Southeast Asia and outside the region. In the region, Thai business continued to be attracted by various manufacturing industries, primarily in Indochina, where it had to withstand fierce competition with companies from China and Hong Kong. Outside the region, there was a global expansion of the national oil and gas company RTT Exploration and Production (RTTER), which showed interest in assets in dozens of countries around the world from Australia to Afghanistan. The speaker gave an analysis of the causes of this phenomenon.

As a result of the conference, a picture of the complex and diverse life of the region as a whole and its individual countries has been recreated. The conclusions and assessments contained in the reports and speeches confirm the scientific relevance and significance of studying those phenomena, processes, and trends in the modern development of the region, which indicate its increasing role in world politics and economy.

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