The development of humanity will take an evolutionary path or through huge natural disasters - this is a dilemma of long-term forecasting, including population forecasting. A. V. Akimov's article is based on an evolutionary approach and is of considerable interest as an attempt to look into the future of humanity and the resource base of the national economy, abstracting from the increased variability and variability of the global climate. A number of studies show that these changes pose the greatest threat to developing countries, where natural ecosystems are most fragile, and where the standard of living of the population and institutional constraints do not give room for maneuver to cope with increased instability.

The risks are especially high for densely populated countries such as India and Bangladesh, which have almost reached the "growth limits" of their resource base, including the natural base of agricultural production. For the whole world, it is very likely to turn into a hostage of the "raging climate"in the near future, according to meteorologists. Even now, we are seeing extreme manifestations of the usual climatic patterns, or, in other words, the growing "nervousness" of the climate. It is almost impossible to predict changes in climate parameters, but it is obvious that the life of entire regions and countries will increasingly become dependent on atmospheric processes, and it is possible that humanity will eventually become dependent on climate change, no less than at the dawn of its development, but with much more serious consequences. Hindustan is a classic region where dependence on changes in the nature of the passage and saturation of the monsoon, as well as the impoverished resource base, only increases and pushes the entire population to the point where long-term forecasts lose meaning. Any forecast

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For India, it should start with an assessment of expected climate changes in various ecosystems in the country and their impact on the availability of water resources for irrigation and for household needs. Forecasting the population size using a purely mathematical and statistical model is not very informative for India, since it does not take into account the standard of living of the population, the food situation, the state of the environment and the natural base of agriculture. In other words, with regard to India, it is more correct to ask the question: not what the population will be in 2100 or 2300, but how many people the country will be able to feed.

THE ESSENCE OF THE PROBLEM

In general, the model of forecasting the world population based on changing demographic development regimes and specific calculations performed by A.V. Akimov is interesting not only as an alternative to the one used by the UN, but also as an attempt to look into the very distant future and imagine to what limits the world's population can grow [Akimov, 2009, p. 96]. The model assumes that the distribution of population across different regions will remain uneven in the future - densely populated countries are unlikely to become poorer in population in the future compared to the current aging countries. In this regard, Asian giants such as China and India attract particular attention.

India is now dangerously close to the line where the future looks uncertain and bleak. Even now, the country is burdened with so much "excess", poor, illiterate and sick population ("biomass", in the words of one Indian sociologist) that it is impossible to include it in the modern economic process (inclusive growth). The country's leadership is aware that even the rate of economic growth of 8-10% per year will not be able to solve the problem dramatically. In terms of population growth, India may have reduced its relative indicators (only the 2011 census will show how much), but the absolute indicators are still very high. Its population is projected to grow to 1.4 billion by 2025. people, and by 2050 - up to 1.6 - 1.7 billion. and thus it will turn into the most populous country in the world, taking away the palm tree from China. Experts from the United Nations, the World Bank, and Indian demographers agree on these figures [Economic & Political Weekly, 4.02.2004, p. 629].

Large population - is it good or bad for India? There can be no clear answer to this crucial question for the development of the Asian giant. An undoubted positive aspect of this is the impressive intellectual potential of the nation, which gave India a huge impetus to development during the neoliberal economic reforms of the 90s of the XX century. Rich, vibrant and largely incomprehensible to Westerners, the embodiment of the East and one of the leaders of the modern world in terms of dynamic economic development, honoring traditions and sensitively catching new trends in science and new technologies, such India is the result of the work of its new middle class. India successfully fits into the globalizing economy of the world, gaining new positions in the global market of manufacturing products, high-tech technologies such as information and space. Given the obvious high intellectual and labor potential of the nation, which is favorable for the development of the country, and a thriving middle class, the high population of the country contains a number of problems and makes us talk about the overpopulation of the country and the ineradicable poverty of a certain part of the population. This is the main knot of problems of socio-economic development, which was tried to untie throughout the XX century by the changing leaders of various political parties of the country.

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STAGES OF DEMOGRAPHIC DEVELOPMENT

The problem of the mismatch between population growth and the increase in the means of living has arisen in India for a long time. The historical dynamics of population size and density and the evolution of the socio-economic structure of society will help to get an idea of the rate of increase and aggravation of the problem of overpopulation in India. It is believed that from the third century BC to the 17th century AD, the total population of India ranged from 100 to 140 million people. The main feature of demographic growth was the lack of progressive dynamics, i.e. the "pulsating" nature of population changes depending on the prevailing conditions - a rapid increase in favorable periods and multi-million losses in epidemics, wars or catastrophic droughts and floods. It can be assumed that the natural resources that ensure the reproduction of the population at that time were not in short supply, since there was a significant reserve of extensive expansion of the economic base. The demographic reproduction regime consisted of a high birth rate and mortality.

If we proceed from the criterion of the level and quality of life, then even then there was an overpopulation in India, since all European travelers and merchants noted the extreme poverty, by European standards, of ordinary Indians. But to assume that there was already an overpopulation there at that time is to ignore the peculiarities of the productive forces and production relations of Eastern society. The fact that the large number of labor resources and their low level were not a consequence of overpopulation, but were a production necessity, explains the theory of "functional overpopulation" proposed by A. P. Kolontaev [Kolontaev, 1987].

In pre-colonial and colonial times, up to India's independence, the" pulsating " demographic dynamics gradually began to change to progressive due to a decrease in mortality. The era of late feudalism brought some improvements in the development of the means of production, and from the second half of the colonial period, a modern production sector appears in the economy, developed not only by the capital of the mother country, but also by the national Indian capital. Vaccination activities in the 20-30s of the XX century and the development of healthcare also make a positive contribution to the dynamics of population growth. At the same time, the quality of life of the majority of Indians remained extremely low and the existence of the problem of poverty and misery in the country was already officially recognized. Many British officials involved in population censuses at the beginning of the twentieth century were deeply impressed by the utter poverty of ordinary peasants and townspeople in India, and they were sure that the country simply could not bear even a small increase in population, so great was the overpopulation in the country, in their opinion. At that time, there was probably at least a theoretical possibility, in the event of rapid economic development, to pull the country out of total poverty. The population of India within the current borders grew from 238.4 million to 361.1 million between 1901 and 1951, or by 51.5% [Census of India 2001..., p. 34]. A fairly active demographic dynamics during this period begins to significantly outstrip economic development. The accumulation of population growth potential leads to the deepening of impoverishment processes, and the functional nature of overpopulation begins to develop into absolute overpopulation, which cannot be eliminated by simply accelerating the rate of economic growth.

By the middle of the twentieth century, at the beginning of the period of independence, India came with such a burden of impoverished population, which even now, in the twenty-first century, in an era of impressive development rates, places a heavy burden on public resources and increases the need to apply measures that are not quite justified from an economic point of view, to maintain their lives. A negative contribution to this situation was made by the demographic explosion of the 50s-60s of the XX century, which sharply accelerated the pace and scale of population growth - in the period 1951-2001. the number of residents of India has tripled - from

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361.1 to 1027 million people [Census of India 2001..., p. 34]. The demographic transition phase of this period differed from the previous one not in its nature, but in its amplitude : the decline in mortality rates accelerated with a slight decrease in the birth rate.

Since the last population census in 2001, many data indicate a significant decline in the birth rate. At the same time, however, it is impossible to state with certainty that the entire country is moving to a new phase of demographic development, since statistics on the age structure of the population, the dynamics of life expectancy, and child and maternal mortality do not confirm this. Only two major states - Kerala and Tamil Nadu - are examples of a complete demographic transition in almost all respects. The situation is very unfavorable in the most populous and impoverished northern states - Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, where population growth is almost not decreasing. In this regard, it is obvious that in India in the next 20 - 30 years there will be two modes of population reproduction - an incomplete demographic transition for the northern states and a completed transition for the southern states. Obviously, the resulting two regimes will still work to reduce the rate and scale of population growth, but not at the rate that would solve the problem of overpopulation in this century.

The greatest difficulty of mathematical and statistical forecasts of the population of India is that the norms of reproductive behavior of Indians, which are strongly influenced by social and religious traditions, cannot be formalized within the framework of the forecast model. Public consciousness in India has clearly turned towards the preference for a small family, the possibility of abortion and contraception. However, sons are still considered preferable in the family, the status of a wife and mother is not high enough, and girls are discriminated against in the family in terms of food and domestic work.

The economic conditions that developed during the reforms of the 1990s do not contribute to the fact that 77% of the population actually living at the poverty level (consumer spending is 20 rupees per day in 2005 prices, or $ 1.25), switched to modern norms of reproductive behavior [Report..., 2005, p. 1]. Official forecasts predict the fall of bastions of poverty in the next 20-30 years to the level of 5-10% of the total population. Such a significant reduction in the poverty rate, from the current 28.7%, according to the Planning Commission, or 50-60%, according to the World Bank, seems unlikely due to the tense situation developing in the country's stagnant agriculture. The almost complete depletion of available land suitable for conversion to the category of cultivated land, the degradation of arable land, the huge shortage of water resources from land-based sources of water supply for irrigation purposes, and the almost complete depletion of underground renewable water storehouses in some particularly arid regions-all this does not allow us to be very optimistic about the future food situation of the country, including supplying the poorest population. How did the country come to this state of affairs?

LAND FUND

India is not only one of the most populous countries in the world, but also one of the most densely populated: India occupies 2.4% of the world's land area with a share in the world population of 16.4% (2001). During the XX century, the population density increased 4 times - from 77 people per square kilometer to 324 people, and only in the last per decade (1991-2001) - by 57 people per square km, or by 21.3% [Census of India 2001..., p. 5]. Regional differences in population density are huge - from 13 people per square km in the mountainous state of Aruna-

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Chal Pradesh in the northeast has up to 904 people per sq km in the state of West Bengal. The belt of continuous high population density is located in the north of the country, in the south it is mainly concentrated in the state of Kerala. In high-density areas, this figure is twice as high as the average Indian level. It has long passed the threshold of "critical population density", which for tropical and equatorial countries is defined as 300 people per square kilometer. It is observed that beyond this threshold of density, countries and regions begin to have serious problems with land management and a number of irreversible habitat degradation.

India is an ancient agricultural civilization, where nature has long been subjected to deep processing. Today's India is a continuous realm of man-made landscapes, many of which are in a state of degradation. The process of degradation was especially intensified during the years of independence as a result of the increasing burden of the population on land and the sharply increased use of mineral fertilizers and the involvement of land and underground water reserves for irrigation in intensive exploitation. Anthropogenic pressure on the earth in India is one of the highest in the world, and it continues to increase continuously.

The structure of the country's land fund is characterized by an extremely high proportion of ploughed land (over 50% versus 12% of the global average), a negligible share of pasture-pasture land (3.6% versus 19.4% of the global average), with the world's largest livestock population (450 million heads, 19% of the world's population), and low forest cover [Statistical Abstract..., 2005, p. 31-32]. The anthropogenic load and structure of the land fund are such that India cannot afford to switch to" organic farming " at least in some regions, as this requires the withdrawal of arable land for reconstruction for a number of years.

In the early 60s of the XX century. India was forced to resort to grain imports in the amount of 5-10 million tons to cover the shortage of grain in the domestic market. The question became tough: will the country be able to feed itself? A qualitative leap in the development of agriculture, known as the "green revolution", ensured the country's food security for 30 to 40 years ahead, but with low per capita consumption. The breakthrough was achieved by technological methods: the use of mineral fertilizers and pest control agents, the introduction of new high-yielding hybrids in crop production, and the expansion of the irrigation land wedge. The average annual growth rate of grain harvesting rose to 3-3.5% per year. By the end of the 20th century, the set of measures that provided a jump in production in the second half of the 1960s and early 1970s was exhausted, and a new round of crisis began, which covered many branches of crop production. The acute problem of the crisis in the country's agriculture at the beginning of the XXI century is compounded by the fact that no matter what new technological breakthroughs may occur in the country's agriculture, they will already be based on a significantly degraded natural base.

A major threat to the future development of agricultural production in India lies in the vulnerability and instability of land-use systems, especially in areas of artificial irrigation, which are the main base for cash farming and food supply to the country's rapidly growing urban population. Too long-term exploitation of natural resources, involvement in agricultural turnover of land and water sources, violation of the ratio of the main types of farmland, too high anthropogenic load in the vicinity of large cities in India cause large-scale degradation of landscapes in literally all climatic zones. Erosion processes are developing rapidly. They cover almost half of the country's territory, including more than 60% of arable land and 95% of pasture and pasture land. In some areas of central India (Deccan Plateau with its famous black cotton regura soils) and the western coast (Western Ghats) these processes have become irreversible.

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The environmental crisis in India also has such an aspect as the reduction of common land - pastures, pastures, hayfields, forest edges, and water banks (their area has decreased by 50% over the years of independence). This forces the poorest part of the rural population to further attack the already insignificant forest lands - plowing clearings, cutting down trees and shrubs, collecting grass and dead leaves. 2/3 of the lands classified as uncultivated but suitable for cultivation are actually areas of degraded forests, semi-deserts, with extremely low potential fertility. The plowing of these marginal lands leads to further deterioration of the country's land fund. As a result of flushing or demolition, each hectare of arable land in India annually loses up to 16.5 tons of the most fertile topsoil. If in the 1970s the total loss of topsoil was about 6 billion tons, by the end of the 1980s it had already reached 12 billion tons. Crop shortfall due to soil erosion is 30-50 million tons annually, which is almost a quarter of the annual grain harvest in the country at the beginning of the XXI century. 6 million hectares. from waterlogging, 7 million rubles. ha-from salinization, which is 1/11 of all cultivated land [India Today, 2005, p. 78]. Due to the shortage of organic fertilizers, most of which are used in the agricultural sector as fuel, and the predominance of mineral fertilizers in agriculture, the content of humus in the soil is constantly decreasing and the lack of trace elements is growing.

WATER RESOURCES

India accounts for only 4% of the world's water potential. The total river flow is estimated at 1,869 cubic meters. km, of which only 690 are suitable for development. The potential of underground renewable water totals 433 cubic kilometers. The total potential of water suitable for irrigation totals 1,123 cubic kilometers [India 2009, p. 933]. By 2025, the projected volume of water resources needs will be 1,050 cubic meters. km, i.e., apparently, the exhaustion of the potential is not far off. Water reserves per capita are rapidly decreasing: from 5277 cubic meters. m in 1955 to 1970 cubic meters. In the late 1990s and 90s of the 20th century, 83% of the water used was irrigation, 4.5% for domestic consumption, 2.7% for industrial consumption, and 1.8% for hydropower. The total hydropower potential of the country is estimated at 600 billion rubles. kWh per year. By the end of the 1990s, about 1/5 of this potential had already been developed.

The development of irrigation potential is a vital issue for India. The best option for the country as a whole in solving the food problem would be to switch completely to irrigation farming. But this option is not feasible due to the geographical unevenness of the distribution of ground and underground water sources. Moreover, in the future, the share of irrigation is expected to decrease to 75% due to the growing needs of other sectors of the economy. Irrigation potential at the beginning of the 1950s was estimated at 22.6 million hectares, and by 2007 - at 102.8 million hectares. Its use at the end of the 10th five-year plan (2002-2007) was expected to reach 87.2 million hectares, or 84.8% [India 2009, pp. 933-934].

Indian rivers are characterized by an extremely uneven flow regime: in the rainy season they are full of water, and in the dry season they turn into streams. The volume of runoff of Indian rivers depends on how much moisture the monsoon rains bring, so even where an artificial irrigation system is established, agriculture is extremely dependent on weather fluctuations: the delay or scarcity of monsoon precipitation can greatly affect crop shortages. The northern states are the richest in water resources, but even here, the withdrawal of water for irrigation leads to the fact that some districts, according to recent studies, have become water-insufficient. The most acute shortage of irrigation water has developed in the south of the country, in particular in the state of Tamil Nadu. The surface runoff of the Kaveri and Pennara rivers is almost completely diverted to irrigation.

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In this regard, projects are already being developed in India to transfer water to areas of complete depletion of some river basins. In the peninsular part of the country, it is planned to transfer Mahanadi waters to the Godavari basin and from it further south, to the basins of the Krishna, Pennara, and Kaveri rivers. There is a project to connect the lower Ganges and Brahmaputra rivers to transfer the Brahmaputra waters to the Gangetic basin during the dry season, which would allow irrigation of more than 22 million hectares in the northern states. But this solution to the water shortage for irrigation needs approval from the Nepalese Government. In the long term, in order to reduce acute water scarcity in the vast expanses of central and western India, the ideal solution would be to combine all the river basins of the country into a single water network. This project has been discussed since the 60s of the XX century, but it is still far from being implemented, both because of the huge investment required, and, not least, because of the need for agreement between the states on the division of waters. Experience shows that these approvals are very tight and are accompanied by lengthy litigation. The country has even approved a special "Water Tribunal" to resolve disputes between states.

A special article in the water crisis is the use of underground water for irrigation. Currently, 75-80% of the value of products from irrigated land comes from farms that use water from artesian wells. Excessive well drilling has already led to near-depletion of renewable groundwater resources in several states. Even the huge underground water reserves of the Ganges basin are seriously threatened. The rapid development of borehole irrigation began in India in the 1970s, at the height of the" green revolution", thanks to the advent of diesel and electric pumps and the introduction of subsidized prices for electricity consumed in agriculture by the government. The number of such pumps increased from 150 thousand in 1960 to 20 million units in 2000, and water intake increased from 20 million cubic meters to 230 million, which is more than 50% of the total potential of underground water [Economic & Political Weekly, 20.12.2008, p. 41]. By 2000, the number of "dry" community development blocks (combining several villages), where groundwater depletion is close to 85%, increased over the same period from 253 to 428. It is predicted that their number will double every 12 years [Tenth Five Year Plan 2002-2007..., p. 515].

The gravity of the situation with the country's groundwater reserves has forced the government to develop a special plan to recharge already used reservoirs using" dug " wells-satellites of artesian wells during the monsoon rains ("Artificial Recharge to Ground Water through dugwells"). Since 2007, the plan has been implemented in 146 districts (1,180 development blocks), where surveys have shown that water consumption covers 100% of its replenishment due to monsoon precipitation seeping into the soil. During the 11th five-year plan (2007-2012), 4.45 million devices will be installed on "dug" wells to facilitate the penetration of precipitation into underground reservoirs. The state will supply 2.72 million of these devices to small and marginal farmers ' farms free of charge [India 2009, p. 943].

FOOD ISSUE

The agricultural sector of the country should ensure food consumption of the growing population of the country. But, obviously, at the moment the natural base of agricultural production is severely undermined. The future food security of the country depends on the prospects of grain harvesting, the main component of the food ration of a significant part of the population. The concept of food security is becoming increasingly important in India's economic development plans due to the growing disparity between the demand for marketable grain and its available resources. This disparity has already caused an acute food crisis in the world.

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in the mid-60s of the XX century, which was mitigated only by the import of grain. The "green Revolution" of the late 1960s and early 1970s only succeeded in turning the acute phase of the crisis into a sluggish one. The disparity between grain production and actual demand for it is constantly fueled by the relentless demographic pressure on the land and is the social essence of the constant crisis in the agricultural sector of India during the entire period of independence. V. G. Rastyannikov, a well-known researcher of the agrarian economy, described the model of commodity production in the country's agriculture as follows: "A stagnant type of changes in the marketability of grain production with the formation of regressive dynamics. This paradox is all the more surprising because the Indian agrosphere has been undergoing a powerful surge of technological transformations during the last third of the twentieth century, caused by the "green revolution"" [Rastyanikov and Deryugina, 2004, p.177]. Statistics for the last 20 years of the last century clearly confirm this characteristic: the growth rate of agricultural production fell in 1989/90 to 2.29% compared to the decade 1979/80-1989/90. When it was on average 3.72%, and the rate of labor productivity growth in the agricultural sector decreased from 3.99% to 1.21%, the grain harvest growth rate also almost halved-from 3.54% to 1.92% [Tenth Five Year Plan 2002 - 2007, p. 514].

Provided that the entire population of the country was already sufficiently provided with at least the main food product - leguminous products, and the crisis in agriculture was about to end, it would not be so difficult to look into the distant future. But the problem of insufficient and even poor nutrition for a very large part of the country's population is still very acute in India. In-kind payment in the form of grain rations is practiced in public works, and schoolchildren receive free breakfasts - all part of the state's policy to combat poverty and destitution.

Over the past 20 years, there has been a tendency to reduce the caloric content of the average Indian's daily diet. The Institute of Nutrition of India, as the minimum possible, defines the caloric content for the rural population at 2400 kcal, for the urban population-at 2100 kcal. The country's planning authorities take these norms into account when calculating the poverty line. A number of researchers believe that in reality, the average caloric content of 3/4 of the total population does not exceed 1800 kcal, and over the past 20 years, the average Indian began to consume 100 kg of grain less [Ajay Prakash]. The fact that these norms are really minimal is confirmed by anthropometric measurements of Indians, according to which they are one of the shortest and thinnest nations in the world. In 2005/06, 46% of children under the age of three had acute growth and weight deficits.

In the villages and cities of India, the reduction in caloric intake, especially noticeable since the 90s of the XX century, was due to a reduction in the share of cereals (for wheat more than for rice): In 1988, the share of calories obtained from grain consumption was 73.3%, in 2002-68%. In absolute terms, this reduction was 9.44 kg instead of the previous 11.5 kg per capita per month. A variety of diets in our time occurs due to an increase in the consumption of meat, fish, eggs - from 2.01 to 2.49 kg per month, fruits and vegetables - from 11.46 to 13.44 kg [Economic & Political Weekly, 14.02.2009, p. 42]. Dividing the increase in consumption of, for example, vegetables, in 1.98 kg for 30 days, we get an increase of 6.6 g per day, for meat and fish, the increase is generally scanty. As a result, there are practically no changes for the better in the diet of Indians. According to the Institute of Nutrition, reducing per capita grain consumption below 11.5 kg per month is fraught with adverse consequences for the reproduction of the population of India.

With a projected decline in per capita cereal consumption in India, annual demand will decrease from 174 kg per year in 1993/94 to 147 kg in 2020. However, the general

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the demand for grain production will grow in the country from 153.4 million tons to 193.5 million tons. t, or 26% of the increase, will arise solely due to the growth of the country's population [Economic & Political Weekly, 11.11.2000, p. 4030]. Of these, an additional 9.5 million tons will be required by Uttar Pradesh's population growth alone. At least 200 million tons of grain per year will be required only for the needs of the population, but grain, its feed grades, is also required for livestock feed. By 2020, it is estimated that 30 to 50 million tons of it may be needed to triple the country's meat and milk production, which is projected due to changes in the structure of the Indian diet [Economic & Political Weekly, 11.11.2000, p. 4033]. The total demand for grain may grow to 230 - 250 million tons. Given that the average grain harvest in the first decade of the twenty - first century did not exceed 195-215 million tons under very high agrosphere stress, today it is difficult to imagine how India can maintain its self-sufficiency in grain in the future without resorting to large-scale borrowing on the world grain market.

The improvement of the productive forces as a panacea for the endless growth of agricultural production does not seem such an indisputable argument when we are dealing with such overpopulated countries as India. The essence of the problem of overpopulation, as we see it, is currently in the constant process of marginalizing the consumption of a significant part of the population and the urgent need to slow down this process in order to maintain the health of people whose lion's share of diseases is caused by poor and inadequate nutrition. Poor health of workers not only leads to low individual labor productivity, but also ultimately undermines the country's chances in global economic competition due to low social labor productivity. The authors of the idea, which has recently become widespread even in India, "a large population is a dividend for the country", seem to ignore precisely the problem of the quality of the labor force and the real needs of the economy, on which the country's place in the global economy depends. The mismatch between the needs of the national economy for workers and their real growth is fraught with huge costs for the state to maintain the life and employment of excess labor resources, which is observed throughout the entire period of independence in India. The social costs of the state in India to subsidize the population's food supply and stimulate the growth of unproductive employment are constantly growing, and it is still difficult to say what limit their growth can be sustained by the country's budget without harming the country. India's most pressing challenge now and in the future is to break the vicious cycle of poverty, overpopulation and a shrinking base of the country's economy.

list of literature

Akimov A.V. Long-term forecast of the population size and prospects of civilizational interaction // East (Oriens). 2009. N 4.

India today. Reference and analytical publication. Moscow, 2005.

Kolontaev A. P. Formirovanie i ispol'zovanie trudovykh resursov v sel'skoi ekonomike [Formation and use of labor resources in the rural economy].
Rastyannikov V. G., Deryugina I. V. Models of agricultural growth in the XX century. Moscow, 2004.

Ajay Prakash. India: Soaring food prices place tens millions at risk // World Socialist Web Site: wsws.org/tools/index.php?pagt=print

Census of India 2001. Provisional Population Totals. Paper N 1.

Economic & Political Weekly. Mumbai. 11.11.2000; 4.02.2004; 20.12.2008; 14.02.2009;

India 2009. A Reference Annual. Ministry of Broadcasting, Gov. of India.

Report on Condition of Livelihood and Work in Unorganized Sector. Gov. of India 2005.

Statistical Abstract. India 2005.

Tenth Five Year Plan 2002 - 2007. Gov. of India, Planning Commission.

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