Among the current problems of the history of international trade, the question of its civilizational features, and in a broader context, the differences between economic systems, is of great interest. The widespread statement about the indisputable progressiveness and optimality of the economic model that developed in Western Europe in the XV-XVIII centuries needs additional consideration and analysis within the framework of civilizational discourse, the most important task of which is to explain the variable nature of historical development, the diversity and uniqueness of human history, the destruction of Eurocentric standards and priorities, and the postulation of the fundamental possibility of a different world order. Against the background of the economic success that the countries of East Asia are currently demonstrating, the traditional thesis about the "advanced" West and the "backward" East needs to be significantly adjusted and makes it relevant to study the problems of traditions and innovations in the economy. The countries of the East, which have long been considered a stronghold of tradition and were opposed to Western dynamics, now provide numerous examples of innovations that are implemented at a high rate of economic development, and in a number of indicators surpass similar indicators of Western countries.

Keywords: Qing Empire, traditions of entrepreneurship in old China, Confucian ethics, world economic relations.

For an adequate understanding of the economic processes that took place in various parts of the world in a given historical period, an integration approach can be of great help, which takes into account the progressive nature of social development in time and at the same time allows us to assess the multidimensionality, complexity, uniqueness of individual cultures and civilizations, and the development of human society in space. Within the framework of the integration approach, the historical process is presented in all the variety of its characteristics, the variability of historical development, the focus on a pluralistic dialogue of cultures and the justification of the prospects for civilizational development.

The scale and pace of economic development of modern China and other East Asian states make us take a fresh look at the problem of the genesis of the market economy and capitalist relations in this region and critically analyze the theoretical views about the absence of endogenous prerequisites for the development of the market economy in the East, which were once formulated by M. Weber and both Western European and domestic researchers. Discussing the reasons for the rapid economic development of Western Europe, M. Weber wrote: "Summing up...

page 34
the above-mentioned features of Western capitalism and the reasons for its emergence, we get the following distinctive features. Only he created a rational organization of labor based on calculation (my italics - A. S.), which had never been seen before." Explaining his statement, he further noted:: "After all, the creators of capitalism were: rational permanent enterprise, rational accounting, rational technology, rational law; but even they are not alone: we must include here a rational way of thinking, rationalization of the way of life, rational economic ethics" (my italics. - A. S.) [Weber, 2001, p. 285, 320].

According to the researchers, M. Weber's Eurocentrism was caused by the very object of research - Western Europe, and in principle he did not deny the existence of a certain system of economic rationality in other regions of the world. "From Weber's theory as a whole," N. N. Zarubina emphasizes, " his comparative sociology of religion and analysis of the economic ethics of world religions do not imply the need for all civilizations to follow the Western path - it simply shows the specifics of Western culture and reveals the most significant differences from it of other, Eastern cultures, the development of which can be quite represented as independent directions of rationalization" [Zarubina, 1998(1), p. 120].

Nevertheless, such a conclusion of an authoritative scientist who has made a great contribution to the study of the genesis of capitalism, against the background of China's current success, makes us once again turn to the study of the historical experience of entrepreneurial activity in this country, focusing on its cultural and civilizational component. First of all, we are talking about the study of economic management methods and patterns of economic behavior of the population, which were determined by ideological, religious and other non-economic factors.

In Russian science, the need to take into account non-economic factors in the assessment of entrepreneurial activity was considered self-evident. According to the researchers, it is possible to talk about the study of trade only when " ... when the evolution of trade is considered in connection with the evolution of other social relations. At the same time, it is impossible to limit oneself to facts of an exclusively economic nature, because trade is influenced by a number of other, non-economic conditions" [Encyclopedia..., 1901, p.548]. Therefore, when discussing trade in China, its nature and the role it played in the formation and development of market relations and capitalism, it is necessary to take into account the full range of conditions of its existence, including stereotypes of economic behavior of the population, business ethics, etc.

Many contemporaries and researchers of Chinese trade in the 19th and early 20th centuries noted that its success was due to the commercial talent of the Chinese and their deep commitment to the traditions that have existed in the business world since time immemorial. "The Chinese race is highly gifted with the ability to trade," wrote the famous Russian diplomat I. Ya. Korostovets. "A Chinese merchant by nature. It is imbued with the spirit of shiftiness, profit and gesheftmakherstvo." In his opinion, it was precisely commercial abilities that were "an important factor in the assimilation and cohesion of the Chinese people and a serious means of influencing neighboring less civilized tribes" [Korostovets, 1898, pp. 217-218].

The" natural inclination " of the Chinese to commerce was largely due to their ideological attitudes, which were characterized by a purely pragmatic approach bordering on utilitarianism. According to the well-known Russian sinologist V. V. Malyavin, the attitude of the Chinese to life and their life-meaning attitudes have no analogues in the West. "For them, life is a natural prototype of trade, exchange value, or, to put it another way, the Chinese do not distinguish between the useful and exchange value of things... For the Chinese, money without life is nothing, but life without money has no value. Moreover, money in Chinese society is the main expression and measure of love and solidarity within the same family, where the highest priority is given to the individual.-

page 35
material interests " [Malyavin, 2005, p. 28-29]. In other words, the way of life and mentality of the Chinese people is characterized by a stable balance of the monetary economy, the labor process and the experience of life as such.

Arguments in favor of such conclusions are found in many historical works devoted to descriptions of Chinese merchants and their activities. G. M. Osokin, describing Chinese merchants in the border Kyakhta-Maimachene-at the end of the XIX century, emphasized that " trade, the thirst for profit completely killed any interest in anything else in the local Chinese... He sees the goal of life only in one profit, and considers everything else completely superfluous, which only the custom of antiquity forces him to fulfill." According to his estimates, "the life of a local Chinaman is for him the only goal to make an extra ruble, save up a small savings and go forever to his homeland, where everyone has their own piece of land, which provides the means of subsistence" [Osokin, 1906, p.36, 42].

Such a life strategy determined the methods of commercial practice and business behavior of the Chinese, influenced relationships with customers and partners, and even the nature of communication and way of thinking. Having lived for many years in China, the English missionary D. McGowan believed that " their mentality and morals are completely different from those of Europeans... Instead of the logic and consistency that the European mind demands, the Chinese mind is constantly marked by a strange way of following some incomprehensible, tortuous paths." Among the negative qualities of the Chinese character, he attributed deceitfulness, as a result of which "you have to weigh every word of your interlocutor in order to decide how much truth there is in it" [McGowan, 2003, pp. 168-169, 170-171]. I. Ya. Korostovets also wrote about the insincerity of the Chinese, which was present "in all spheres of private and official life" [Korostovets, 1898, p. 17].

However, these statements should be accepted with certain reservations. As you know, the attitude of the Chinese towards Europeans was far from friendly, given the history of Western expansion into China, the use of military force, the role of Western politicians and entrepreneurs in the distribution of opium, etc. Noting the existence of "mutual hostility and distrust mixed with disdain" between Chinese and foreigners, I. Ya. Korostovets wrote: "The causes of Sino-European antagonism are quite diverse and are rooted in contrasts - racial and social, in the influence of the Mandarin class and in the credulity and ignorance of the vast mass of the Chinese population. The motives that guide us in our actions are beyond the comprehension of the Chinese, who are not familiar with the Western views and concepts, nor with the principles of Christianity, but the results of these actions are visible to them, as well as the weaknesses and inconsistencies of our character. This data is too much for a Chinese to form an opinion about a European as a strange and unreasonable being. This opinion will not seem exaggerated if we take into account that all the customs, customs and habits of a European, everything he says or does, his very appearance - are very different from everything seen and familiar to the Chinese. The comparison which the Chinaman makes between himself and the foreigner, therefore, leads him to the conclusion that if the latter is a man, he is at any rate a man of an inferior race. This man of the lower race is regarded by the Chinese with disdain and pity, much as we look at an acrobat, wondering at his skill, but not thinking to equate him with ourselves. For Europeans, the Chinese recognizes practical ingenuity and technical superiority, he is ready to use their services, but does not want to imitate them" [Korostovets, 1898, p. 6].

Even in the second half of the nineteenth century. foreigners in China were called nothing but "yang-gui-tzu "("devil"), and, as the Biy merchant A. D. Vasenev wrote in his travel diary, this was done not in order to offend the foreigner, but because "in addition to this name, they (the Chinese. - A. S.) from they have never heard and do not know any other name for a foreigner" [Vasenev, 1890, p. 15-16]. Of course, Chinese merchants, especially those who traded with foreigners, were not so naive in their assessments

page 36
and they built their business and personal relations with them not on myths and prejudices, but on the basis of conjuncture and profit, and defended their business interests very effectively. This, in turn, did not prevent them from maintaining their usual system of doing business and organizing the enterprise.

According to M. Weber, in the 19th century China's material structure (resources, labor, wealth accumulation, centralized management, and the market), as well as the institutional prerequisites for the formation of capitalism, were quite mature, but there was no rational economic mentality and no social forces capable of rationalizing the entire structure of society and creating a new type of motivation inherent in the development of capitalism. capitalist management. He noted that in China " there were no objective limits to the desire for profit, except for the norms established within the family in which the economy was conducted on a communist or communal basis. Despite this, modern capitalism has not developed there" [Weber, 2001, p. 322]. Hence, he concluded that it was necessary to analyze other factors that influenced this process, including the confessional factor.

Analyzing from these positions Protestantism, which defined the spiritual life of Western Europe, and Confucianism, which was the basis of morality in China, M. Weber emphasized that in Protestantism, doing business, striving for profit, etc.were raised to the absolute as the only way to serve God. Protestant ethics rationalized the way of life of believers in general, subordinated them to common norms and focused on common goals. From the Protestant point of view, God created the world by His own will and is able to interfere in earthly affairs at will, change their course and arbitrarily determine the fate of people. The main indicator of "God's grace" and recognition of the "chosen one" here was success in economic activity, constant increase of capital. This position was justified by the concept of predestination, according to which God, who is the demiurge of all things, initially determines the measure of earthly and otherworldly reward for each person. You can find out who is God's chosen one by the actions that a person performs in his earthly life. If a person's efforts are rewarded with earthly goods, then he is chosen by God and predestined to salvation, while those who do not succeed in this world are predestined to eternal torment in the world beyond. At the same time, a person is not given to understand the reasons and criteria for God's definition of good and evil, and therefore it does not matter how a person achieved success in his earthly life. Even if in the eyes of other people he is considered a criminal, in the eyes of God it does not matter, because his vision surpasses any human opinions, which are inherently limited and envious.

Thus, Protestantism freed a person from remorse in the process of real economic practice, defining as a criterion of good the final result, expressed in wealth and prosperity. At the same time, Protestantism condemned leisure activities, and the argument against this was not so much abstract arguments about the benefits of work as such, but purely utilitarian considerations. The time spent on recreation and entertainment is irretrievably lost to labor and profit, and it is the latter that was an indicator of" God's chosen one " and opened the way to salvation. Wealth, according to M. Weber, "is blamed only in so far as it conceals the temptation to indulge in laziness, inactivity and sinful worldly pleasures, and the desire for wealth is only if it is caused by the hope of a carefree and cheerful life" [Weber, 1990, p.191].

The uniqueness of Protestantism lay in the fact that in the process of its spread and establishment in Western Jewish countries, there was a transformation of otherworldly asceticism into this-worldly asceticism, in which activity in the world was considered as a duty imposed on the believer, who was obliged to perform it.

page 37
overcome his imperfections for the glory of God. And since the glorification of God and the reconstruction of an imperfect world in principle have no limits, the professional activity of a Protestant also cannot be complete and takes on the character of a religiously and ethically conditioned endless expansion of production based on rational calculation. Through activities aimed at transforming the world around us, a person received an awareness of his / her chosen status and "salvation", and "...success in this activity, i.e. income, was a visible expression of God's blessing of the believer's works and thereby the God-pleasing nature of his / her economic activity" [Zarubina, 1998(2), p.81].

This attitude to wealth and how it is accumulated has led to the fact that in Western Europe and North America, money was even placed in the same associative row with such fundamental philosophical categories as time and space. Suffice it to recall the popular expression "time is money" by Benjamin Franklin, whom the well-known Polish researcher of bourgeois morality M. Ossowska called "the great mentor of young capitalism in the United States", "the first bourgeois", and considered his ethics a classic model of bourgeois morality [Ossowska, 1987, pp. 234-235].

The economic ethics of Chinese society were based on other approaches that were formed on the basis of the principles of Confucianism and partly Buddhism.

As for Buddhism, it was hardly suitable for forming a capitalist worldview. Being a world-rejecting religion, he developed his own economic and ethical ideas, which were based on the ideal of middle ground - avoiding extremes and excesses. Moderate well-being, lack of attachment to property, a passionate thirst for wealth and the excitement of competitive struggle, as well as avoiding poverty, which forces you to focus all your efforts on food - all this is included in the Buddhist concept of the "middle way" [Zarubina, 1998(1), pp. 97-105].

The former French Consul, Jean-Claude van Gogh, wrote in detail about the peculiarities of Buddhist ideas. Simon, considering European judgments about Buddhism as the national religion of the Chinese as a delusion. "The vast majority of the Chinese people, beginning with Bogdykhan and ending with the simple peasant, really profess Buddhism, "he wrote," but for every Chinese, this religion is, so to speak, a matter of personal discretion, which does not consist in any connection with national institutions. This religion of renunciation and abstinence, which, with its belief in personal salvation or in the gradual absorption of souls into the bliss of non-existence, could never have created the idea of the complete solidarity that is already embodied in the Chinese family and which is destined to be expressed later with even greater completeness and certainty" [Simon, 1886, pp. 65-66].

These features of Buddhism at one time led M. Weber to conclude that the emergence of a capitalist worldview and corresponding economic behavior in the East is impossible. Many modern researchers of Buddhism also emphasize that its theoretical postulates fix an "archaic type of thinking" [Osnovy..., 1994, p. 61, 63], and some believe that Buddhist values generally lack the modernizing elements that are contained in Christianity [Starostina, 1985, p.25-52]. According to V. A. Zarin, "there was no purposeful technical and economic growth policy implemented here, which would indicate the autonomous origin of the capitalist system or contribute to its imitation" [Zarin, 1991, p.223].

As for Confucianism, the situation is more complicated. In Confucian China, the traditions of rational economic management have been developing for centuries, and the literature on economic management appeared even earlier than in Western Europe. A whole series of statements about wealth, enterprise, etc., we find in Confucius himself, his disciples and followers. However, the thinker considered these issues in the context of the formation of the qualities of "noble" in a person.-

page 38
go" or" perfect " husband. In chapter 4 of the Lunyu treatise, part of the famous Quatrains, Confucius stated: "The perfect man takes care of his good potentials, while the little man takes care of the earth... A perfect husband understands his duty, while a lowly man understands [only his] profit... The one who acts [mainly] for the sake of profit causes great dissatisfaction..." [http://www.lingvochina.ru/library/43].

Judging by these and many other statements, the public mood and moral climate of Chinese society were radically different from those of Western Europe, and Chinese entrepreneurs who operated in this atmosphere had to be guided by a different motivation, since the " perfect husband "is a sage, a"scholar-official". The elite of the empire consisted of the "perfect wise" (sheng), who were able to restore harmony and prosperity in the whole world. A step lower were the "worthy men" (xiang), who could be the helpers of the perfectly wise. In addition to serving people, the Chinese traditionally distinguished three other "classes of people": farmers (Nun), artisans (gong) and merchants (shang).

Merchants were the lowest of the "four classes of the people". In ancient times, they were subjected to all sorts of humiliating restrictions - from the ban on driving in wheelchairs to the ban on entering the service. Merchants were always suspected by the court as people who profited from the labor of ordinary people, but still they were not considered completely useless to society, since they contributed to the " circulation of goods in the Middle Kingdom." Gradually, the position of the Chinese merchants and their attitude towards them changed. In the early sixteenth century, the influential Confucian thinker Wang Yangmin said that" the four classes of people " in China "have different knowledge, but a single path." "Service people and farmers thoroughly implement the truth of the heart in their efforts to educate and improve themselves, and useful tools and goods become their property," he wrote. "Artisans and merchants thoroughly implement the truth of their hearts by engaging in useful tools and goods, and efforts to educate and improve themselves become their property." He was echoed by a rich merchant from Shanxi, Wang Xian, who claimed in his instructions that "a merchant and a scholar have different occupations, but the same heart" (Malyavin, 2005, pp. 114-115).

It is obvious that the rise in the status of entrepreneurs was caused not only by their importance in the national economy of the country, but also by the changed role of the economy in Chinese society as a whole, especially in the context of the gradual involvement of the Qing Empire in world economic relations. However, this situation did not have a significant impact on the internal structure of Chinese trade corporations and the organization of their activities, which continued to maintain a completely archaic character. As reported by X. Since the 14th and 15th centuries, all Chinese merchants were divided into three groups (merchants of a regional city, merchants of a provincial city, and merchants of a county city), but "the difference in degrees consisted not only in the difference in capital, but also in rights and advantages" (Trusevich, 1882, p.301). In other words, the activity of Chinese entrepreneurs reproduced the values of a traditional society rather than a modernizing one, which was quite consistent with the age - old Confucian truths, and "an educated Confucian treated economic activity from the position of an official, not an entrepreneur" (emphasis added-A. S.) [Zarubina, 1998(1), p. 108].

After the" opening " of China to Western capital in the mid-19th century. The nature of Chinese entrepreneurship was bound to change, as Western countries brought not only new goods to the country, but also a new vision and goals of economic activity. The involvement of the Qing Empire in international economic relations, which were an element of advanced Western technology, according to A. Toynbee, undermined "the original cultural tradition" and conquered "more and more new spaces for the alien culture, which moves step by step, penetrating through the crack pierced by the wedge of technology" (Toynbee, 1995, pp. 177-178).

page 39
However, changes in the nature of China's economy have been very slow, despite the fact that the most forward-thinking Chinese politicians have recognized the need for change. So, in the book of the famous Chinese publicist and reformer Liang Qichao, dedicated to the" Chinese Bismarck "- Li Hongzhang, it is said that an important element of his policy "across the seas" was such " measures related to trade relations as railways, marine joint-stock companies, spinning mill companies, telegraph, equipment Kaiping coal mines and Mohe gold mines, etc. "[Liang Qichao, 1905, p. 122]. However, in this field, he did not manage to achieve any noticeable success. "Of Li Hongzhang's measures for the development of trade and industry," Liang Qichao wrote, "not one gave favorable results only because the whole thing was hindered by one principle - 'officials observe, participants in the enterprise act'." Another reason for the failures, according to the author, was related to the worldview of the dignitary himself: "He did not understand why in distant Western states they managed to get rid of stagnant views, old habits, where new forms of government, wealth and power came from" [Liang Qichao, 1905, p.126, 134-135].

If even the leading figures of Chinese society could not change their views, this was even more problematic for ordinary citizens. The reason was the conservatism stimulated by Confucianism, which, according to I. Ya. Korostovets, led to "the proud confidence of the Chinese citizen in his superiority, a confidence that prevents him from getting acquainted with everything foreign" [Korostovets, 1898, p. 1]. This conservatism was also characteristic of Chinese entrepreneurs, despite the fact that, according to researchers who have studied entrepreneurship and entrepreneurs, they are the ones who carry an innovative, creative beginning in economic life, are the initiators of "unintentional social inventions" [Kozlova, 1988, p. 42], a pilot group testing new, advanced methods methods of organizing economic life and commercial thinking.

It is necessary to speak about the innovation of the Chinese merchants with certain reservations, since in their activities they relied primarily on the values inherent in traditional society, in which interpersonal ties were the dominant type of sociality, and economic relations regarding production, exchange and distribution were determined by the personal or group interests of their participants. A characteristic feature of this relationship was the close connection between the group and the individual, which for the latter was a decisive factor in self-awareness through participation in this group. In other words, the individual (merchant) carried out his / her activities, focusing on the goals, methods, and ideals inherent in the entire group and formed within the Confucian paradigm, which determined economic development and economic relations from the point of view of state interests and was based primarily on the stability and inviolability of traditions.

For Chinese merchants, following the traditions and trade customs that had developed over the centuries was crucial in organizing their activities. As N. V. Bogoyavlensky, the Russian consul in Urumqi, wrote in his book, "since ancient times, the Chinese have developed many customs that are just as mandatory in the trading environment as we have a written law, and deliberate or conscious non-compliance by a particular merchant with these customs is equivalent in practice to excluding a merchant from the trading community" [Bogoyavlensky, 1906, p. 215]. "Tradition is sacred for a Chinese merchant with little education ," noted I. G. Baranov, an expert on Chinese life, " and he unconditionally follows the old customs. Since customs have their basis in the general way of life of the Chinese population, then, guided by them, the merchant achieves his goals in a favorable way - to increase turnover and profit" [Baranov, 1999, p.68].

The Chinese themselves, when communicating with foreign entrepreneurs, advised them to follow well-established rules in order to successfully operate in China. In particular, the ci-

page 40
The Thai envoy Lu Zhengxiang, who took part in one of the meetings of the Russian Export Chamber in 1911, did not advise Russian merchants to give the name of the company by the name of the owner. Foreigners in China, the envoy stressed, for the benefit of their business should make up the company name from hieroglyphs "with a good meaning", which made it possible to make the company popular and create effective advertising that could attract the attention and trust of customers.

To open a new store, it was necessary, first of all, to choose a successful day according to the Chinese calendar, which was determined by a combination of "lucky stars", as well as the time of action on this day of good or evil spirits. In addition, a combination of the so - called cyclical signs-hieroglyphs used to indicate time-was required on this day: "Heavenly Stumps "(tiangan) and" Green Branches " (dizhi) [Baranov, 1999, p.71]. Customs regulated favorable days for making transactions, the amount of commission, the ritual of communication with the buyer, the principles of commercial advertising, etc.

As for the official regulation of commercial activities, it was very imperfect, and the existing legal provisions were relatively few and vague or ambiguous. "Of course, there are misunderstandings among the Chinese," wrote N. V. Bogoyavlensky, " but in such cases they do not resort to a government court, but are sued by their trade elders, who deal with the case according to custom. Only a person who has lost credit in the commercial world will voluntarily go to court with a Chinese official" [Bogoyavlensky, 1906, p. 215].

Despite the claim of Confucian ideologists that both the official and the merchant "have one heart", in the social structure and in the public consciousness of Chinese society, the official always stood above the merchant, and in real economic practice was endowed with supervisory and control functions in relation to the latter. For example, in Maimachen, China, on the border with Kyakhta, the Russian-Chinese trade was supervised by dzarguchey, who was sent here from Beijing every three years. "His power and duties are equal to the mayor," G. M. Osokin reported, "although the rights, like all Chinese officials in general, are far greater and they are not so limited" [Osokin, 1906, p. 55]. I. Ya. Korostovets defined the relationship between officials and merchants by the well-known term "feeding"in Russia. "Since state salaries are not sufficient for a comfortable existence," he wrote, "officials look at salaries as something secondary, but they consider indirect income - levies and donations legalized by custom and traditions-to be the real reward" [Korostovets, 1898, p.99]. No wonder, according to G. M. Osokin, "... a rare dzarguchey does not take away several tens of thousands of rubles at the end of his three-year service, counting on Russian money" [Osokin, 1906, p.56].

Bribery of officials and its methods, both in the past and in the present, are well known and, as I. Ya. Korostovets ironically wrote, "in this respect, the Chinese have nothing to learn" [Korostovets, 1898, p. 100]. Nevertheless, there were some specifics here as well. Merchant A. D. Vasenev, after delivering a tea caravan from Kobdo to Chuguchak in the autumn of 1882, wrote in his diary that the local governor, not having received the necessary amount of silver from Beijing to pay off the soldiers and local merchants, issued some kind of promissory notes "with his signature and seal attached" and forced the merchants to sell on them products. "They handed over the changed bills to the Chinese Treasury against receipt until a certain date, but the specified period passed, and no payment was made, a new deadline was set, and there was no silver in the parish. Now it even becomes doubtful whether these pieces of paper will be paid for in silver, although ever" [Vasenev, 1883, p. 312].

Unable to resist official arbitrariness on legal grounds, the Chinese merchants were forced to protect their interests and capital in other ways, including denunciations to their superiors, bribes, deception, and other actions that observers and travelers interpreted as illegal.

page 41
vices supposedly inherent in Chinese merchants. However, more attentive researchers drew attention to the fact that the negative side of the activities of Chinese merchants was due to objective reasons, such as the Confucian worldview, institutional, national characteristics, features of ethical ideas, etc. For example, Confucianism, which is characterized by a rational and universal worldly character, lacked the concept of sin in the sense that it was interpreted by the Christian faith. All attempts by Christian missionaries to awaken the Chinese sense of" sinfulness " (in the Western sense) were unsuccessful, since Confucianism accepts the world, and in it the concept of abstract evil is absent, therefore, a person does not sin, but makes a mistake in ritual. By" sin", the Chinese Confucian culture understood the manifestation of disrespect for authorities - parents, ancestors, a higher official, traditions, etc. According to researchers, "in Chinese culture, the expression' I have sinned 'is identical to the Western' excuse me, please ' "(Zarubina, 1998(1), pp. 108-109).

From this point of view, the statements of foreigners about the natural cunning and deceitfulness of the Chinese are of interest. In the descriptions of Chinese merchants, statements about their tendency to deceive are common. Even M. Chulkov, in his famous work on the history of Russian commerce, wrote that Chinese merchants "...represent themselves as an honor and thus extol their prudence, but on the contrary, they mock the stupidity of those who will be deceived by them" [Chulkov, 1785, p. 116]. Kh. Trusevich in the description of the Russian-Chinese trade in the United States, writes: Kyakhte, cited numerous methods of deception on both sides, while emphasizing that "the Chinese, however, have always been superior to the Russians in this respect" [Trusevich, 1882, p. 230]. G. M. Osokin, describing the merchants in Maimachen, wrote: "They are not particularly honest, of course, since they are also very good at selling goods." their wealth is usually obtained not so much by honest as by" clever " selling to a buyer, especially from out-of-towners. It is not without reason that they are known among local residents as the "drawn rascal" " [Osokin, 1906, p.39]. About the ability of Chinese merchants to bargain, as well as to weigh and measure the buyer, I wrote in detail. M. Maisky during his trip to Mongolia [Maisky, 1960, pp. 177-178].

The fact that Chinese merchants considered such methods justified and did not feel remorse at the same time, was reported by the merchant A. D. Vasenev. When he was returning from a business trip with a Chinese caravan in the fall of 1888, merchants informed him that they would pass through the village of Man Wan, where the internal customs office was located, at night to avoid paying the internal duty - Lijing. "In the evening," he wrote in his diary, " I suggested that the companions who had gathered for tea should pass through the dangerous place during the day, but the Ma and She merchants objected to me and insisted that a new official, unknown to them, was posted in this customs house and they were afraid that he would stop the caravan and order them to unpack their packs and examine the goods in detail, which will take a long time." "Especially," I said, laughing, " if the goods are completely different from the ones shown in the ticket." "No, you can't do that in our country," the merchants replied, also laughing, and began to tell what they were subjected to for such crimes: they may lose their goods, which will be taken to the treasury. "Now," they said, " if we are discovered and detained, we only run the risk of paying double duty, and that will be the end of the matter. In addition, there are almost no guards here, the official smokes opium and falls fast asleep before morning, and if the guards notice us, they can make arrangements and let us pass" [Vasenev, 1890, p. 121-122]. It is interesting to note that the Chinese official Wang-lao-ye, who was traveling with A. D. Vasenev, not only did not object to such a violation of the law, but also gave advice on how best to arrange the case.

At the same time, it should be emphasized that most of the negative characteristics applied primarily to small traders. As for large businessmen, on the-

page 42
on the contrary, their contemporaries emphasized their honesty and scrupulousness in making trade transactions. "Chinese merchants are enterprising, hardworking, calculating, accurate and sharp-witted," wrote I. Ya. Korostovets. "Small merchants are quite shameless and often follow the rule 'you won't cheat - you won't sell', but large merchants adhere to more noble principles and show greater solidity" [Korostovets, 1898, p.218]. N. V. Bogoyavlensky also wrote that "one can rely on the word of a Chinese merchant", adding that "centuries-old experience has taught the Chinese that in the trade business honesty is more profitable than deception" [Bogoyavlensky, 1906, p.215].

The institutional environment and confessional and ethical dominants within which Chinese merchants operated not only determined their relations with the authorities and society, but also influenced the internal structure of Chinese trading enterprises, personnel training, ideas about business success, etc.

In the organization of trading companies, a characteristic feature of the Chinese worldview was clearly manifested, which can be entered into the concept of "holism"accepted in modern science. It consists in the fact that a person learns not to put his "I" in the first place and openly declare his interests and desires. This quality, combined with the inherent pragmatism of the Chinese in organizing trade, has led to the priority of the collective beginning. "The Chinese have a special tendency to act together, to cooperate in all forms," wrote Consul N. V. Bogoyavlensky. - I can't say that the Chinese are distinguished by a special development of fraternal, comradely feelings, on the contrary, the Chinese is a big egoist and a very callous person by nature. But the Chinese are extremely prudent and prudent people." All this was reflected in the creation of numerous trading companies that spread their activities and influence to vast regions, which gave the author reason to assert that "in China we have a ready-made model of modern American trusts" [Bogoyavlensky, 1906, pp. 213-214].

It is obvious that such analogies were built on the basis of an analysis of the structure and internal organization of Chinese trading firms, where all employees to some extent were co-owners of the company. According to G. M. Osokin, in the Maimachensk shops, each of the clerks, depending on their service life and abilities, received a percentage of the company's net income for the operating year in addition to their salary (usually very modest). After a certain number of years, the amount of this percentage increased, and the employee turned into a partner who was not only well aware of the state of affairs of the enterprise, but also took part in the distribution of its income in accordance with the size of his share. Thus, employees of the company together with its owner-manager ("silver-owner", in the existing terminology) had the opportunity to take part in the management of companies, although, of course, the degree of this participation was not comparable with the owner's. Employees lived free of charge in shops, and in some companies they were also given free outerwear. In addition, once every three years, employees, primarily family employees, received an annual leave to go home, and depending on their merits, they retained their salary or part of it. The reverse side of the relatively stable position of such "employee-companions" was their unquestioning submission to the owner and the inability to choose an occupation for themselves. "Sometimes the occupation," wrote G. M. Osokin, "that such an employee should perform is far from pretty for the latter, for example, cleaning, capping goods, cleaning the shop, and in some cases cleaning the yard and guarding the commodity barns at night" [Osokin, 1906, pp. 40-42]. That is, the employee's income did not depend on the nature of the work and its productivity, and the assessment of his work was accumulated in the final result of the work of the entire enterprise. Such an organization of Chinese trading enterprises was characterized by stability and stability, although the author had the impression that " the life of the Chinese population seemed to be frozen on one point. As it was fifty years ago, so it remains to this day "[Osokin, 1906, p. 57].

page 43
Preparations for commercial and industrial activities were also conducted in a special way in China. There were no special schools for training merchants. Traditionally, it was considered that knowledge of accounts, trade rules, and accounting was more important for practicing trade than having "inner respect", which, in accordance with the teachings of Confucius, allowed one to be free from passions, the vanity of the world, and required constant nurturing of the moral will. In the almanacs intended for merchants, special attention was paid to mastering the rules of behavior that taught restraint and self-control. The apprentice in the shop was required to "not look around, not run around waving his arms, and not look like a fool." Other requirements included: always stand straight, not leaning on the wall; you could not greedily devour food, you were supposed to sleep lying on your side with your knees bent, etc. [Malyavin, 2005, p. 135].

It is easy to see that the requirements for future merchants generally coincided with the traditional set of Confucian virtues. In the classic almanac for the merchant class, Wu Zhongfu named humanity, justice, ritual, wisdom, and sincerity as the most important qualities of a merchant. Other manuals mentioned obedience, memory, frugality, honesty, etc.

Thus, the main emphasis in the training of merchants was placed on the observance of moral norms; they, according to the authors, formed the basis of commercial success. The result of this training was a specific type of business person, who in many ways embodied the ideal of the Confucian "noble husband". "Trading should be carried in your heart and not let your thoughts wander randomly," said the manual compiled by Wang Bingyuan. - Even if you are haunted by worries and worries, you need to banish them from your heart... If your mind is occupied with other things, you will not be able to work successfully... "[Malyavin, 2005, p. 139].

Despite such a seemingly indeterminate, from the European point of view, nature of training merchants, contemporaries noted rationality and order in the direct conduct of business: "Trade books are carefully kept, which, according to Chinese custom, are considered proof of what is written in them, if they are properly maintained. A more or less large-scale trade is conducted primarily on credit, and if in one case or another a special payment period is not established, then according to custom, which is equivalent to the law for a Chinese merchant, payment is made before one of the four annual Chinese holidays... Before the New Year, all accounts are supposed to be cleared, and this is quite strictly observed" [Bogoyavlensky, 1906, pp. 214-215].

Of course, doing business in China, in comparison with Western European practice, had its own specifics. "Debt documents, as they exist in our country, have not received the right of citizenship from the Chinese," N. V. Bogoyavlensky reported," All calculations are based on trade books, and sometimes trade letters. There are no bills at all. Recently, with the development of relations with foreigners, receipts are beginning to come into use, but only in relations with foreigners. Among the Chinese, this is not instilled, and they are extremely reluctant to issue receipts to foreigners. A Chinese looks at the matter in such a way that if they believe him, then let them fully believe him, otherwise he will not even make a deal" [Bogoyavlensky, 1906, p.215].

Summing up some results of the consideration of cultural and civilizational features of business life in Qing China, it should be noted that its theory and practice were directed and fully corresponded to the fundamental canons of Confucian teaching, the purpose of which was to put trade at the service of established public institutions. However, the emphasis on social peace and harmony in the context of the active economic expansion of the West and the involvement of the Qing Empire in the orbit of world economic relations called into question the stability of the economic and political structure of Chinese society, which, in the terminology of A. J. Toynbee, had to find an adequate "answer" to the proposed "challenge".

page 44
History has shown that during the period under review, China could not give such a "response", which was a source of serious economic and socio-political upheavals for it at the beginning of the XX century. Nevertheless, the link between economics and morality, tradition and innovation, formulated by Confucian and Buddhist ideals, has become not only distinctive, but also one of the most vital features of Chinese civilization that has survived to this day. As noted in the works of modern Chinese scientists, in China traditions are not perceived as something obsolete, conservative, interfering with the establishment of liberal orders. "Traditions," emphasizes the Chinese researcher E. Tan, "necessarily represent a continuation into the 'present' of things and phenomena of the 'past', thus for the present and future they can have an epochal limitation and backwardness, and in the face of new needs they can change " [Tan, 1994, p. 142].

list of literature

Baranov I. G. Beliefs and customs of the Chinese, Moscow: Muravey-Gaid, 1999.
Bogoyavlenskii N. V. Zapadniy Zastennyy Kitay: ego passtvoe, nastoyashchee sostoyanie i polozhenie v nem russkikh poddannykh [Western Customs China: its Past, Present State and Position of Russian subjects in It].
Large encyclopedic dictionary. In 2 volumes, vol. 2. Moscow: Sovetskaya entsiklopediya, 1991.

Vasenev A. Diary kept on the way from Lanzhou-fu and to Xian-fu and Han-zhong-fu and back (July 28-October 4, 1888) / / Notes of VSORGO on general Geography, Vol. 1. Issue 1: Works of Russian trade people in Mongolia and China. Irkutsk: K. I. Vitkovskaya Publ., 1890.

Vasenev A. Ot Kobdo do Chuguchak (rut kupecheskogo karavana) [From Kobdo to Chuguchak (the route of the merchant caravan)]. Izvestiya IRGO, Vol. XIX, Issue 4, St. Petersburg, 1883.

Weber M. Izbrannye sozdaniya [Selected works].

M. Weber History of the farm. Gorod / Translated from German: KANON-press-C; Kuchkovo pole, 2001.

Zarin V. A. West and East in the world history of the XIV-XIX centuries. (Western concepts of social development and formation of the world market), Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1991.

Zarubina N. N. Sotsial'no-kul'turnye osnovy khozyaistva i predprinimatel'stva [Socio-cultural foundations of the economy and entrepreneurship].
Zarubina N. N. Sotsiokul'turnye faktory khozyaistvennogo razvitiya: M. Veber i sovremennye teorii modernizatsii [Socio-cultural factors of economic development: M. Weber and Modern Modernization Theories].
Kozlova N. N. Sotsial'no-istoricheskaya antropologiya [Socio-historical anthropology]. Moscow: Klyuch-S, 1988.

Korostovets I. The Chinese and their civilization. 2nd ed. St. Petersburg: Publishing House of the Askarkhanov warehouse, 1898.

Liang Qichao. Li Hongzhang or the political history of China over the past 40 years / Trans. from kit. SPb.: Komississar voen.- tutorial. Moscow, 1905.

Maisky I. M. Mongolia on the eve of the Revolution. 2nd ed., reprint Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1960.

McGowan D. Kitaytsy u svoi doma [Chinese people at home]. "The Middle Empire" of the XIX century through the eyes of eyewitnesses. Smolensk: Rusich Publ., 2003.

Malyavin V. V. China managed. Old Good Management, Moscow: Europe Publ., 2005.

Rudoy V. I., Ostrovskaya E. P., Ostrovsky A. B. Osnovy buddiiskogo mirovozreniya (India, Kitay) [Fundamentals of Buddhist Worldview (India, China)].

Osokin G. M. On the border of Mongolia. Ocherki i materialy k etnografii Yugo-zapadnogo Zabaikal'ya [Essays and materials on the ethnography of the South-Western Transbaikalia].
Ossovskaya M. The Knight and the Bourgeois: a study on the history of morality / Translated from Polish. Moscow: Progress, 1987.

Simon J. The middle kingdom. Osnovy kitayskoi tsivilizatsii [Fundamentals of Chinese Civilization], translated from French by L. F. Panteleev, St. Petersburg, 1886.

Starostina Yu. P. Modern Buddhism and problems of socio-economic development in South and South-East Asia, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1985.

Startsev A.V. Russian trade in Mongolia (the second half of the XIX-beginning of the XX century). Barnaul: Altaisk Publishing house. univ., 2003.

Tan E. Kitayskaya traditsionnaya kul'tura i modernizatsiya [Chinese traditional culture and Modernization]. 1994. N 7.

Toynbee A. J. Civilizatsiya pered sudom istorii [Civilization before the Court of History].

Encyclopedia of F. A. Brockhaus and I. A. Efron. T. 66. SPb., 1901.

Trusevich Kh. Embassy and trade relations of Russia with China (up to the XIX century). Moscow: T. Malinsky Type, 1882.

Chulkov M. Historical description of Russian Commerce, vol. III. Book I. M.: Universitetskaya tip., 1785.

http://www.lingvochina.ru/library/43.

page 45

Permanent link to this publication: