In the period from the fourth to the sixth centuries, representatives of Jainism, Buddhism and Brahmin Hinduism competed in the Tamil south of India for the right of religious and ideological domination in the region. Hinduism, unlike the other two faiths — foreign and foreign for Tamils, coexisted harmoniously with the local religious and cultural complex. This was largely due to a kind of reformation of orthodox Brahmin Hinduism, which is associated with the current of early Tamil Bhakti. It is represented by two powerful religious and literary traditions - the Nayanars (Shaivites) and the Alvars (Vishnuites). One of the most famous Nayanar poets is Sambandar (7th century), whose hymns dedicated to the praise of the god Shiva, who is perceived as the universal Absolute in a particular form, are included in the Devaram collection (the main part of the sacred Tamil Shaivite canon "Tirumurei". Based on the analysis of the life of the poet-saint and his hymns, it can be argued that, according to tradition, he performed a special mission associated with the displacement of "alien" religions - Jainism and Buddhism - from the Tamil land and the establishment of Brahmin Hinduism in the form of Shaivite Bhakti. Sambandar's pilgrimages, creative work, and all his activities were aimed at actively "promoting" Shaivite bhakti (this is also true of other Nayanar poets to varying degrees). As a result, Tamil royal dynasties were converted to this religion, and by the X-XII centuries. it took the form of a state ideology, which led to the political, economic and cultural flourishing of the Tamil south in the Middle Ages and defined its vivid identity in the future historical perspective.

Keywords: India, Hinduism, Tamil Bhakti, Shaivism, Nayanars, Sambandar.

By the middle of the 1st millennium AD, the religious and political situation in southern India was very difficult. The three famous Tamil kingdoms that had existed in this area since the mid-1st millennium BC lost their former power: Chera on the west coast of South India, Chola in the east, along the banks of the Kaveri River, and Pandya in the south. During the heyday of the three kingdoms, the ancient Tamils had a rich and distinctive culture, as evidenced by their famous poetic works, which formed a great literary tradition of the" Sanga era " in classical Tamil, where elements of local beliefs and cults are reflected. Starting from the second half of the 1st thous. The religious teachings of Northern India - Brahmin Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism-gradually began to penetrate the south of India. Representatives of each of these religions sought to establish themselves firmly among the local population, actively spreading their religious ideas and at the same time fighting for the right of religious and ideological supremacy in the region. An important task for representatives of northern religions was to enlist the support of local royal dynasties in order to influence political life in South Indian states "from above".

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The period of inter-religious struggle in the history of Tamils, which is usually called "dark", dates back to the IV-VI centuries. A new Tamil dynasty, the Pallavas, became stronger in the sixth century. Their state with its capital in the city of Kanchipuram flourished from the VI to IX centuries (see: [Alaev, 2011, pp. 57-61; Bychikhina and Dubyansky, 1987, pp. 34-35]).

During the" dark " period, the influence of Buddhism and Jainism in the Tamil south was particularly strong. These teachings were popular among low-caste people, since Buddhism and Jainism rejected the caste hierarchy that Brahmin Hinduism proclaimed. Various sections of the population of Tamil cities were attracted to the rationalistic and intellectual teachings of Buddhists and Jains, and preachers of Buddhism and especially Jainism converted royal dynasties. It is known that in 470 AD a Jain society was organized in the city of Madurai, the capital of the Pandya kingdom, and many Pandya and Pallava kings became Jains (see [Bychikhina and Dubyansky, 1987, p. 47]).

However, Buddhist and Jain preachers failed to fully engage Tamils with the ideas of their respective religions. The mentality of the Tamil people, formed in the traditions of local cults, was alien to the general rationalistic spirit of Jainism and Buddhism, which preached the ideals of asceticism, a skeptical attitude to life and condemned the singing of the beauty of earthly existence, as well as any manifestation of emotionality inherent in Tamils by nature. Buddhism and Jainism in general were foreign and foreign-language phenomena for the south of India. Despite the fact that Buddhists and Jains mastered the Tamil language to successfully promote their ideas and created well-known literary works in it (for example, the Buddhist poem "Manimehaley", the Jain poem "Jivakasindamani"), their canonical texts were written in Sanskrit and Prakrit, alien to the local population. Jains, taking advantage of the patronage of the authorities, went too far in spreading their teachings, harassing people for performing their usual rituals and insulting their shrines (see: [Bychikhina and Dubyansky, 1987, p. 47]). It is quite obvious that the Tamils began to see Jainism and Buddhism as a threat to the destruction of their native culture and language, which were and are the most important factor in the existence of their national community.

Along with Jainism and Buddhism, the south of India was familiar with Brahmanic Hinduism. Despite the fact that this religion also came from the north, its representatives better took into account the local situation - the mentality of Tamils, their emotionality, rich cultural past, commitment to local cults, which led to the harmonious coexistence of Hinduism and the local religious and cultural complex, which gave rise to their peculiar synthesis.

Of course, for the gradual consolidation of the position of Brahmin Hinduism, whose sacred texts and rituals were Sanskrit, there must have been certain social and political reasons in the south of India. Thus, the researcher of the history of southern India B. Stein suggested that the union of Brahmins with Tamil landowning communities-carriers of folk culture, whose role in the political and social structure of Tamil society in the early Middle Ages was very significant [Stein, 1980, p. 4].

In the Tamil south, the pre-Pallava period saw a decline in the importance of cities as cultural centers compared to ancient times.1 During the decline of the three kingdoms, of course, large cities continued to exist, but the role of a kind of centers of Tamil culture was increasingly played by agricultural settlements in areas most favorable for agriculture. We do not know the reasons for this, but B. Stein says that often large cities in the period before the Pallavas and at the beginning of their rule became zones of influence of Jains and Buddhists, who with the help of the Jains and Buddhists were able to control them.-

1 According to the common point of view among researchers of history, the naturalization of the economy is a common feature of the turn of antiquity and the Middle Ages. For complex socio-historical processes of the transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages in India, see [Medvedev, 1990; Alaev, 2011].

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The Pehoms enlisted the support of the kings and forcibly forced the Tamil folk religious culture out of the cities.

At the same time, land-owning settlements that preserved folk cults became a kind of social support for the Brahmins. The Brahmin corporations were located next to and actively interacted with the landowning communities (Vellals) that had a very high status in Tamil society. According to B. Stein, the "union" of Brahmins and Tamil landowners was "voluntary" and "mutually beneficial" [Stein, 1980, p. 6, 73]. Vellalas provided the Brahmins primarily with food products, brought them monetary gifts. In turn, through the Brahmins, landowners gained access to the" high " Sanskrit culture, which at this time continued to enjoy authority throughout India. The" union " with the Brahmins increased the status and authority of land-owning corporations in the complex structure of South Indian society. It is quite possible that, as B, Stein writes, the Vellals, recognizing the special education, piety and relentless adherence to the laws of the Brahmins, subordinated their social institutions, such as the village assembly (ig), to the Brahmin ones, such as the Brahmin assembly(mahasabha), and donated a significant portion of their wealth to Brahmin corporations (Stein, 1980, p.82).

According to B. Stein, land-owning groups in southern India needed a common ideology that could consolidate them. During the pre-Pallava period, the Kalabhra tribes, which were very strong and mainly believed to have practiced Jainism and Buddhism, may have posed a threat to land-owning communities [Stein, 1980, p. 83].2 In order to be strong in the face of a real or possible common enemy, local landowning groups united under a common ideology, which, according to B. Stein, the Brahmins were able to provide them with [Stein, 1980, p. 83-84]. Subsequently, the ideology of Hinduism reached the state level-it was adopted by the Pallava and Pandya dynasties, who realized that the ideological orientation towards Hinduism best suited the tasks of strengthening and consolidating their empires.

At the same time, it cannot be ignored that B. Stein's idea of a" union "of Brahmin corporations and local vellala landowners is questioned by some researchers, in particular L. B. Alaev, who rightly argues that there are no sufficient grounds for unambiguous formulation of such an idea and too much remains unclear in the circumstances of the proposed "union" [Alaev, 2011, pp. 35-37] 3. I don't have the opportunity to discuss this issue in more detail, but somehow the Brahmin corporations in southern India gained the support of influential segments of the local population, and largely due to their productive interaction, a kind of synthesis of two religious cultures - North Indian and indigenous Tamil-took place. In this context, the bhakti movement was born in the south of India.

Brahmanic Hinduism, which by this time had become firmly established among the Tamils, was no longer characterized by proximity to the Vedic religion and strict orthodoxy of traditions. This became inevitable, because otherwise Hinduism was threatened with a crisis - people did not accept complex rituals that they did not understand and the constant presence of intermediaries between God and believers. Of course, there was an enrichment of Brahmin Hinduism due to the assimilation of local cults, but it was the cardinal transformation of this religion that allowed it to gain indisputable popularity in the Tamil south, to fit compactly into the Tamil religious and cultural context, and as a result, two other teachings - Buddhism and Jainism - were practically pushed out of the Tamil land.

2 It is believed that the invasion of the Kalabhras, whose origin is still a matter of debate, is associated with the decline of the three Tamil kingdoms of the "Sanga era" (Bychikhina and Dubyansky, 1987, p.34).

3 Thus, L. B. Alaev writes that B. Stein was guided by an analogy with the situation in the north, where the Rajputs gave land to Brahmin corporations so that the ts recognized their status as kshatriyas, and the Vellals remained shudras in the eyes of the Brahmins [Alaev, 2011, pp. 35-36].

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The transformation of Hinduism in question was made possible by its openness to new ideas. They were later formed into a phenomenon called bhakti (participation, devotion, service [to God] - from Skt. from the root bhaj "to share", "to be involved"). Bhakti ideas gave rise to a powerful religious movement that swept the Tamil south during the sixth and twelfth centuries. It was born within the framework of Hinduism, and its essence consisted in the fact that the basis of human communication with God was emotional love for him. This was central to the ritual performed by the bhaktas to God. There was no need for complex procedures of intellectual comprehension of God, developed external rituals, and obligatory ritual intermediaries between god and man.

It can be said that the origins of Tamil bhakti are the cults of local deities, primarily Murugan, the Puranic tradition (where mythology comes from) and the ideas of Sanskrit religious and philosophical sources about God as an Absolute, but presented in a specific form. At the same time, it is obvious that the form of these cults was formed based on the aboriginal tradition. The display of intense emotion, ecstasy, and music, dance, and singing by Tamil bhaktas distinguish their tradition from the Bhaktiyoga Bhagavad Gita with its control of feelings and emotions. It should not be forgotten that in the cults of the bhaktas, elements of the Brahmanical ritual play an important role. All of this made up a unique religious and cultural synthesis, which coincided with the socio-political conditions favorable for its formation into an independent tradition of Tamil Bhakti.

The Tamil Bhakti movement is associated with the activities of legendary saint poets. As they traveled the Tamil land, they composed and sang hymns of love and devotion to God, who they perceived as the Absolute, but in a concrete form. Bhakti in southern India resulted in two powerful Tamil religious traditions-the Vishnuites of the Alvars (from tam. "to be immersed", alvar "those who are immersed [in the love of Vishnu]" 4 and the Shaivite Nayanars (from the Skt. paua "strive, love, honor", "lead"; pauapa r - " those who strive (lead) [to Shiva]"). These traditions were based on the cults of the Hindu gods Vishnu and Shiva, respectively. Both the Alvar and Nayanar cults gave rise to literary traditions based on ancient Tamil poetry and later formed the basis of the philosophical systems of Tamil Vishnuism and Shaivism. Their destinies were different: Vishnuism later became widespread in the north, and in the process of developing its theology and philosophy, it turned to Sanskrit (for example, Ramanuja (XI century) — a great Indian philosopher whose work had a huge impact on the development of Vishnuism in India, relied on the Tamil poetic canon of the Alvars, but did not use it as a source of knowledge). at the same time, he wrote in Sanskrit). Shaivism appealed much more to the Tamil-speaking audience, forming the philosophical system of Saiva-Siddhanta. Although not as popular as Ramanuja's Vishnuism, it operated in the Tamil language sphere and geographically in southern India.

The poetic tradition of the Tamil Shaivites was fixed in the complex of texts "Tirumurei "(tam. "sacred order"), which became the sacred canon of the Nayanars. It is believed that an important role in the process of canonization and systematization of their work was played by the poet Nambi Andar Nambi (X or XI century). He is credited with compiling the first seven of the twelve parts of the Tirumurei (collection of Devaram), which included hymns by three prominent poets-Sambandar, Appar and Sundarar. The final part of the "Tirumurei" was the collection of the lives of 63 Nayanar saints (27 of them poets) "Periyapurana", the author of which was Sekkizhar (XII century).

The main genre of Nayanar poetry is a religious hymn, which is designated by the term padigam, which most likely comes from the Sanskrit word "padya"

4 There is reason to believe that the name of Alvara was pronounced with the retroflex alvar, which means "rulers"in Tamil.

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(stanza, poem). The structure of padigam goes back to some Vedic hymns. Usually, a padigam is a poem consisting of 10 stanzas, which contain the praise of Shiva, who is staying in a certain temple in a certain place, and the final 11th stanza. It usually names the poet and speaks about the benefit that the listener or performer of the hymn receives from communicating with this poetry.

A special role of "propagandist" of Shaivite bhakti in the Tamil south is assigned to the poet-Nayanar Sambandar (presumably 7th century), whose name is a shortened version of Tirunyanasambandar ("one who is connected [with God] through [divine] knowledge"). His devotional hymns (384 in total) occupy the first three parts of Devaram, the core of the Shaivite Tamil canon Tirumurei.

As the researcher F. Gros rightly notes, the perception of Sambandar's work, as well as other Nayanar poets, can only occur through the prism of Sekkizhar's understanding of their legendary lives in the Periyapuran (XII century) [Gros, 1984, p. xliii], which also cannot be considered in isolation from the cultural and historical context.

Sambandar was descended from the Kavuniyar brahmin family in the city of Sirkaji. Legends emphasize a number of important features of his life. First of all, his special divine mission is to defeat "hostile" religious teachings and establish Shaivite bhakti in the Tamil south. From the point of view of myth, this task was set before him by Shiva and Parvati, who gave the saint in early childhood the knowledge of divine truth and a wonderful poetic talent. Sambandar's father prayed for the fulfillment of this mission even before the poet was born. Here it is important to quote from the Periyapurana about the circumstances of his birth, where Sekkizhar, as if fulfilling an ideological order, directly speaks about the saint's mission related to the establishment of Hinduism (Shaivism) in Tamil land.

On an exceptionally auspicious day,
When the star Adirei shone in the sky,
In a good time, when the Sun and the planets
Possessed great and good power,
So that the pride of hostile religions
Was destroyed
Both Saivism and Vedantism would flourish
And were the first among other religions,
...
So that the immaculate and rich Tamil culture
Triumphed over foreign cultures,
So that in all melodies and songs
the Theme of knowing the Truth
It occupied the main place
...
So that the teachings that increase the number of rebirths
are Alien to religion
Evil-spreading Jainism and others
have been defeated,
Venerable Son of God,
Multiplying perfect bliss
Mobile and immobile creatures,
He was reincarnated in Sirkaji (1920-1924; 22-26)
[Periya Puranam, 1985, p. 148-149].

Being endowed with a divine mission to reform Hinduism, Sambandar "had the right" to violate its outdated attitudes from early childhood. So, hagiography

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The story goes that at the age of three, the saint's father wanted to punish him for drinking supposedly "unclean" milk taken from unknown people, which was considered an impurity for a brahmana. It was at this moment that Sambandar sang his first hymn, showing a genius poetic gift. As a result, the father was able to believe that Shiva himself and his divine consort Parvati appeared before the child, who gave the poet the milk of sacred knowledge from her breast. After this event, which had the meaning of initiation, Sambandar, despite such a young age, goes on a pilgrimage, singing hymns to Shiva and gathering bhaktas around him. All sorts of miracles happen to Sambandar (miraculous visions, healing the sick, raising the dead, etc.), he is honored by another famous poet-Nayanar - Appar, and many people follow him, not doubting his divine mission. Sekkizhar describes in detail the events in each specific place of pilgrimage of the poet, and also indicates the specific hymn sung by Sambandar in this place. In accordance with his legendary mission, the poet was particularly famous for his active work aimed at ousting Jainism and Buddhism from the Tamil land. One of the most striking episodes of his life was the conversion to Shaivism of a king from the Pandya dynasty.

According to the Sekkizhar narrative, where the legend abounds in many detailed details, the queen of the Pandya dynasty, Mangeiyarkkarasi, desired Sambandar to come to Madurai, because she, being a devotee of Shiva, suffered greatly because her husband, the Pandyan king, left Shaivism and converted to Jainism, and the Shaivites in the state were oppressed in every possible way. The Jain monks who managed to gain the king's support exerted a strong influence on him and his policies. They set out to completely destroy Shaivism in the state. After learning about the purpose of Sambandar's arrival, the Jains began to incite the king against him. With the king's knowledge, they set fire to the building where the poet was staying with the bhaktas. As soon as the fire began to engulf the building and the frightened bhaktas reported this to Sambandar, Sambandar sang a hymn (III-51) 5, where he appealed to Shiva to stop the fire in the building and send an unbearable heat on the one who was responsible for the arson of the evil caused to the bhaktas. At the same time, the king was struck by a terrible illness. His entire body was burning with unbearable heat. The doctors were unable to ease the sufferings of the patient. The Jains gathered near the king's bed tried to help the king with their own methods, but also without success. The queen and the minister gave the king to understand that his illness might be retribution for the evil done to Sambandar and the bhaktas. With the king's consent, they sent for Sambandar. The Jains, feeling angry and jealous towards Sambandar, began to threaten the poet. The king suggested that both the Jains and Sambandar prove the truth of their religions, respectively, by trying to heal him. Jain monks said they would treat the left side of the king's body. They chanted their mantras and touched the king's body with peacock feathers. However, the pain in the unfortunate man's body only increased. Then Sambandar, having sung padigam (II-66), anointed the right side of the king's body with ashes, and at the same time the heat disappeared in it and healing came. The king then angrily ordered the Jains to leave the palace. Sambandar also healed the left side of the king's body.

However, the Jains did not want to admit defeat. They came to the king again and said that they wanted to enter into a new contest with Sambandar. The conditions were such that each of the parties had to write the principles of their religion on palm leaves and throw these leaves into the fire. The religion of the one whose leaf does not burn in the flames will be recognized as true. The padigams sung by the poet were written on palm leaves by the bhaktas of his entourage. Sambandar asked for these manuscripts and took one sheet from them. The selected padigam (I-49) was dedicated to the praise of Shiva in the city of Nallaru. To the chanting of another padigam (III-87), Sambandar placed a leaf in the center of the flame. And a miracle happened - the fire did not touch the sacred leaf! The Jains also laid out the principles of their religion on a palm leaf and threw it into the fire, but their leaf immediately burned. Seeing what had happened, the ignorant Jains still didn't give up. They demanded a new test. The condition was set as follows: the leaves will be lowered into the waters of the Vaigey River, and the one whose

5 Hereafter, the numbering of the padigam hymns is given according to the edition: Tevaram. Hymnes sivaites du pays tamoul / Edition ctablic par T.V. Gopal Iyer, sous la direction dc F. Gros. Vol. I. Nanacambandar. Publications dc l'Institut Francais d'indologic No 68, 1. Pondichery. 1984-in sequence: collection number-padigama number stanza number.

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the leaf will not drown, but will swim upstream and wash up to the shore, will be recognized as a winner, and its faith will be true. The king's minister Kulachchireyar, angered by the foolish persistence of the Jains, demanded that the losers of the dispute be punished. The Jains, furious, replied that the loser would be executed - impaled by the king himself. Arriving at the riverbank, the Jains wrote their main mantra "asti, nasti" on a palm leaf and threw it into the water. The leaf was immediately swept away by the current. Sambandar also wrote padigam (III-54) on a palm leaf and also dipped the leaf into the water. One of padigam's phrases was vendanum onkuka (III-54-1), which means " Long live the king!". As soon as these words were spoken, the king, who was hunchbacked (he was called Kunpandiyan "hunchbacked Pandiyan"), lost the hump on his back. Minister Kulachchireyar rode his horse along the riverbank, following the palm leaf of Sambandar. The leaf continued to swim against the current without stopping. He only came ashore at Tiruvedaham, and then only after Sambandar had sung padigam (III-32). By order of the king who converted to Saivism, the Jains who persisted in their ignorance were impaled on a stake.

The above retelling of an episode from the poet's life well reflects the situation of conversion to the Brahmin religion of the royal dynasties, while it is impossible not to pay attention to the many details that are carefully recorded, strengthening the impression of the authenticity of the story in the presence of miracles in it.

The saint's life, which was accompanied by miracles, ended just as wonderfully. When the poet turned 16, his parents decided that he needed to get married. According to legend, during the wedding ceremony (in the town of Tirunallurpperumanam) Shiva appeared in the form of a huge pillar of light and granted the saint, his young wife, and the wedding guests the grace of union with himself.

It can be noted that Sambandar's biography reflects the popular myth in the Shaivite puranas about Skanda, the son of Shiva, who defeated the powerful asura Taraka. Sambandar, like Skanda, was firstly a child (the"son" of Shiva and Parvati), and secondly, he performed an initially predetermined divine mission, which consisted in defeating religions that were obvious carriers of evil for the Shaivites, like Asura Taraka for the entire universe in myth. The life of Sambandar reflects a universal mythologeme-the idea of the struggle of light and dark forces, order and chaos.

All of Sambandar's work is aimed at creating a certain ideal of Brahmin Hinduism, a picture of the world ruled by Shiva. This ideal was established in the minds of the adepts of God through the poetry of the saint. Along with the iconographic descriptions of Shiva and Parvati, which are constantly moving from hymn to hymn, the poet praises the absolute goodness of every place where God resides, describing the landscape and its inhabitants. The place is full of abundance, prosperity and peace, and its inhabitants lead a happy and serene life. When Sambandar speaks of the bhaktas and their ritual, he refers mainly to the brahmin servants in the temples: "temples... where the feet of [God] are praised every day by the brahmans who recite the Vedas and Vedangas" (I-6-1), " the temple... where the experts of the true [spiritual] path worship, supporting the three fires [sacred] by pouring ghee into them" (I-6-2), "the experts of the Vedas, the owners of the sacred cord, worship" (I-6-7), " the temple... where are the worshippers of the four Vedas who are always sacrificing, the srutis who are well-versed" (I-6-4), "who speak the language that recites the Vedas and mantras" (I-6-8), "where the Vedas are recited by many Brahmans from time immemorial" (I-38-6), etc.

The poet emphasizes the tradition of the Brahmans, their strict observance of the ancient laws of ritual: "Brahmans who do not deviate from the [prescribed] law" (I-41-5).

But bhaktas can be not only brahmans, but also people of various social groups, including the so-called low ones, such as tribal hunters...where dark-skinned hunters fold their hands in prayer " (I-43-5)). Another group of people is mentioned among the bhaktas, and they seem to be wandering ascetics-sannyasins ( or sadhus) - people who have given up worldly ties and won over sensual attachments. It should be said at once that Sambandar has Sannyasins, even though he is not a Sannyasin.

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they perform tapas (asceticism, tam. tavam), nowhere do they show the extreme forms of external asceticism that characterize the opponents of Shaivism - Buddhists and Jains-in the hymns. The asceticism of sannyasins is rather "internal". The lifestyle of such sannyasins is highly appreciated by the poet. Sambandar says of them: "learned in the four Vedas, full of tapas "(I-6-2)," benevolent, garlanded, meditating [on Shiva], freed from the snares of the senses "(I-7-8)," victorious over the senses" (I-16-8). In chanting the sannyasin way of life, the poet also chants the ideal of family among the bhaktas. Thus, in the hymns, one can find references to the family: "[a place] famous for the traditional work of bhakta families..." (I-2-3), "... where the streets are full of houses, [where] families live, and where the golden feet of [Shiva] are sung daily " (I-6-6)..

As the Sambandar hymns show, among bhaktas, the status of a woman is never lower than that of a man; on the contrary, the syntax of the sentences in the hymns suggests that when it comes to praising Shiva, women sometimes take the first place among the devotional bhaktas. For example,"...where do prayers take place when people praise [God], starting with the brilliant-browed women" (I-1-9), "...where women with bracelets on their hands praise [God] together with their spouses "(I-7-1). Sambandar speaks of women singing sacred chants ("the daily chanting of the four Vedas by a multitude of beautiful women "(I-41-3)) and dancing during a religious festival.

References to the festival and its descriptions are found in the poet's hymns quite often-musicians blow shells and beat drums, ring bells, women sing and dance to music, people crowd in temples and streets, bhaktas are full of joy and inspiration:

"O Puhalur, noisy one, when the sound of the drums becomes equal to the roar of the ocean, where the bhaktas, crowded together, perceive the sounds of the festivities in enthusiasm and joy!" (I-2-6),"...where the drumbeats and festivities do not end "(I-6-5),"...where young women dance in the market streets filled with gold and precious stones, their bodies decorated with flowers "(I-7-7)," where the sound of big drums and the sound of bells together with the sound of conch shells never stops "(I-7-9), " ... where crowds of people are everywhere, [those who came] to the festival, and the owners of curls decorated with flowers "(I-8-5), "...where worthy dancers perform a dance to the sound of a drum, many women [dancing to] the sounds of the festival" (I-12-7).

Sambandar mentions chariots used to carry the statue of Shiva through the streets ("...where the chariot festival does not stop " (I-84-3)). The poet says that kings come to the temple complex (kudal), who, like other bhaktas, take part in the festival ("...where kings come to kudal covered with jewels" (I-7-9)). In this case, mention is made - and here we are talking about kings or other nobles - of rich and generous donors, "whose hands hold gold to give [it as a gift] to women when they sing immortal verses at the gates of many temples" (I-8-6).

Sambandar's worship of Shiva by bhaktas is not limited to performing an external ritual. Ritual, according to the texts of the hymns, occupies an important place in the religious practice of the bhaktas. But the main thing for them is the feeling of love for God. Love (nacei, katal) is the basis of the relationship between Shiva and his devotees, which is basically what defines "bhakti". As the hymns suggest, bhaktas love Shiva:

"...where the loving ones worship with folded hands "(I-8-1), "...coming by the way of love, taking shining saffron..." (I-12-1), "Our Beloved" (about Shiva) (I-18-8),"...where the [bhaktas] are in love" (I-43-6),"...where bhaktas worship with love in their hearts "(I-44-11), etc.

The picture of the world in Sambandar's hymns is full of joy and complete harmony. Perhaps the only thing that violates this harmony and provides it with a complete contrast is the descriptions of religious and ideological opponents of Shaivism-Jains and Buddhists. The reflection of the conflict that existed on religious and socio-ideological grounds is somehow present in the texts of the poet's hymns that have come down to us. As a rule, Jains and Buddhists are mentioned in each hymn, and these statements occupy a fixed position in the text (10th or 9th stanza of padi-

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din). The most important thing that underlies the negative characterization that Sambandar gives to Buddhists and Jains is the latter's distortion of the true spiritual teaching, rejection of Shiva, and all kinds of condemnation of the true faith ("...when Buddhists and Jains who do not stand on the right path and instruct accordingly "(I-1-10), " Shiva which Buddhists and Jains do not know" (I-12-10). The poet says that they have "no love" - the main thing that makes up the life of bhaktas ("what is the meaning of the speeches of wandering Buddhists and Jains who have no love, who scold those who are not like them ..." (I-3-10)).

Sambandar gives extremely simple and general definitions of bhaktas and their "enemies" in the hymns, for example, "righteous people" and "bad people" (I-84-10). He openly calls on the bhaktas not to be influenced by Jains and Buddhists, and the hymns are strongly preachy: "See that what [Jains and Buddhists] say is not true..." (I-5-9), "do not listen to Jains' speeches... "(I-10-10)"accept the idea that the speeches made by Buddhists and Jains who are deprived of the thought of God in a clouded consciousness have no meaning "(I-15-10).

In a series of stanzas, Sambandar gives brief descriptions of the appearance and way of life of Jains and Buddhists. Of course, these random descriptions can't make an "encyclopedia of everyday life" of medieval Buddhists and Jains in southern India, but they can still give some insight into their clothing, food, activities, and constantly used items. As a rule, the descriptions of "enemies" show irony and mockery.

It is said that Buddhists and Jains lead a wandering lifestyle ("wandering Buddhists and Jains "(I-13-10), (I-17-10)). Buddhist clothing (chivara) is ochre or bright red and tied ("... wearing bright red clothing on the body" (I-5-9),"...chiwara concealing the chest "(I-10-10), "... covered with chiwara concealing the body from the interfering wind " (I-13-10),"...where the [Buddhists] who have covered their bodies with ochre-colored clothes made of many pieces wander" (I-17-10, I-39-10, I-40-10), "ochre-colored clothes tied up" (I-82-10), and Jains do not have clothes on their waists ("without clothes on the waist" (I-5-9)," tearing clothes "(I-42-10), and they" wear mats as clothing " (III-366-3). Both Buddhists and Jains are presented as dirty and pathetic ragamuffins, and the slovenliness and unsightliness of their appearance are strongly emphasized, corresponding to the inner "dirt" and depravity (I-14-10) of their souls: "... Buddhists and crowds of Jains with mud-stained bodies "(I-9-9), " ... spin around standing up in the heat, so that the mud creeps and sweat comes out "(I-10-10), "...lowly Jains and [Buddhists wearing] ochre-colored clothes half-stained with earth" (I-39-10), "false-hearted... covered in an abundance of ink-nut dust, wearing old ochre-colored clothes... "(I-43-10), "a vehicle with dirt smeared on its body" (I-83-10).

In connection with Buddhists, the bowls in which they collect alms are often mentioned ("cup holders "(I-5-9)," Buddhists with bowls in their hands "(I-16-10)," Buddhists with bowls "(I-42-10)," owners of small bowls" (I-82-10), "those who are accustomed to eating from the cup" (I-83-10), "false cup holders speak evil" (I-88-10)). In connection with Jains, it is said that they eat with their hands standing up ("Jains who eat standing up "(I-38-10), "those who eat with their hands standing on their feet" (I-41-10), plucking the hair on their head ("pulling out the hair on their head" (I-17-10), (III-366-3), wear" panicles " of peacock feathers ("in the shade of panicles of tufts of feathers" (I-86-10)). Sambandar emphasizes the meaninglessness of the religious practices of "enemies", for example, he says :" All illusion is pulling out hair or growing it out... they [Jains and Buddhists] are devoid of good" (I-111-10). The types of scanty food of Buddhists and Jains are mentioned, for example, we meet the phrase "Buddhists and Jains eating dried ginger with areca nuts" (I-6-9). Or it is said of the "impure" food they eat: "the destructive Jains who gather stranded fish in the salt marshes by the sea "(III-305-10).

Sambandar often mentions that Buddhists and Jains perform tapas, asceticism (tam. tavam), but this tapas, unlike the "inner" tapas of the Shaivite bhaktas, is "false" ("...meaningless liars, Buddhists and Jains, among whom there are many who perform tapas " (I-2-10), "Shiva, [before whom] those who perform tapas stand in awe... Jains" (I-7-10), " do not listen to malicious speeches about false tapas... low Jains... " (I-39-10).

"Enemies", along with their mentioned negative characteristics, are referred to as "out of caste" (1-7-10). This suggests that

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Sambandar and other Shaivite Bhaktas were reproved for such actions, which may indicate that the early Bhakti movement did not reject the Varna-caste system. In some cases, the social origin of a bhakta could be ignored, and the removal of social divisions in the attitude of bhaktas towards each other on the basis of a common love for God was sometimes even declared, but the very existence of varnas and castes was not denied. The bhaktas appear to have been opposed to ostentatiously violating any kind of Brahmin " order." Even in the case of Saivite sannyasins who perform taias by "renouncing the five senses," Sambandar does not say what he says about Buddhists and Jains ("out of caste" (I-7-10)), although logically this characterization might fit the former. I repeat that in Sambandar, true tapas and renunciation of worldly ties is not "external", but "internal", in other words, bhakti, and the external order should not be violated. The poet-saint does not distinguish between a sannyasin (hermit) and a grihastha (layman) - as far as their bhakti is concerned.

Sambandar accuses the Jains of not following the Brahmin ritual, not reading the sacred texts of Hinduism, not being able to speak correctly either Tamil or Sanskrit, and at the same time distorting both languages. And the poet calls the language of" enemies "Prakrit " corrupted":

"Jain monks who roam... like elephants and take food standing up, harassing pious people, mutilating the beautiful Sanskrit in the agamas and the texts of mantras, speaking loudly in the corrupt language of Prakrit "(III-39-2); " these blind fools with names like Chandusena, Hindusena, Dharmasena, dark Kandussna and Kanakasena, who wander like monkeys and they know neither Tamil nor Sanskrit very well" (III-39-4) of the Jains... who disrespect other religions and wander around slandering the Vedas and sacrifices" (III-108-1); "great sinners who despise the Vedic ritual" (III-108-3).

In Sambandar hymns, techniques of speech influence on the audience play an important role, for example, the use of verb forms in the imperative mood, etc. When analyzing stanzas as verbal events according to the method of speech message functions presented by R. Jacobson6, it can be noted that the factor of the audience perceiving the hymn, the listener, is very important, i.e. the stanzas often emphasize the conative function (setting on the addressee, the desire to cause a certain state in him) and the phatic function (setting on contact, attracting attention). addressee's attention). Here is a typical example of such a preachy stanza:

"The benefit of ending karma [will be found] if you think [about it]! Think of the path that leads to Validayam, the towering one, removing the fetters that weigh down those who come into the world - the temple where the mighty One, holding in His hand weapons of fire, the red One, wearing jewelry, the tenderly loving Lord, dwells with the goddess, when [He is] constantly praised by those who have no suffering! "(I-3-3).

Other verses of the poet, reflecting the mass feeling of the bhaktas, can sometimes take on the character of a kind of "communal manifesto":

"Our thought knows nothing but the feet of our Beloved, who dwells in Nindriyur, surrounded by rice fields, [Shiva], inaccessible to the knowledge of the God who swallowed up the universe, and the god on the flower, when they argued who is [supreme]! "(I-18-8).

There are a number of stanzas where the addressee (emotive function) is especially vividly presented as a carrier of a sense of community, brotherhood with other worshippers of Shiva. A typical example is hymn I-12, where the statement reflects the situation of a joint pilgrimage to a sacred place:

"Let us reach Mudugundram, where worthy dancers [and] many women [dance to] the sounds of the festival are dancing to the sound of the drum - the temple where the Lord of the Vedas resides, sitting on a great young bull, crowned with a moon in his hair, and having a red sacred body!" (I-12-7).

6 For the method of analysis in question, see [Jakobson, 1960; Jakobson, 1981; in Russian: Jakobson, 1975].

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The speech structures of the above stanzas make them a good propaganda tool, corresponding to the mission that tradition has assigned to the poet.

It is equally important to note that the hymns were distinguished by elements of a rich poetic language borrowed from the ancient tradition of the Sanga era, and were sung by the Sambandar with musical accompaniment, so that they were perhaps better perceived by a wide audience of bhaktas, and their text was fixed in the collective memory. All this had an impact on the formation of mass religious and cultural and social consciousness of the Tamils of the early Middle Ages.

In the final stanzas of each padigama hymn, which may have been added later, Sambandar constantly identifies with Tamils and the Brahmin family, praises the Tamil language and cultural achievements, which largely echoes the later text of the poet's life in Sekkizhar's Periyapurana, which emphasizes the connection of Shaivite bhakti with the Tamil " folk spirit".

As a result of the pilgrimage activities of Nayanar poets, and above all Sambandar, the brightest representative of the tradition, a powerful branch of Hinduism-Tamil Bhakti - flourished in southern India. Nayanars visited large temple complexes in large cities (such as Madurai), but mostly they traveled to small agricultural settlements (most of which are located in the Kaveri River Delta), where local Shiva temples were located. At that time, there were already some kind of Shaivite centers - madams and adinams, where communities of Bhaktas lived and agamas and other sacred texts of the Shaivites were studied. These centers hosted pilgrims, where they received free accommodation for the night and food from the common kitchen. In the lives of the poets, it is mentioned that they themselves often stayed in madams during their pilgrimages.

Saint routes became increasingly popular. The centers visited by saint poets soon became famous for their work. These cities attracted a huge number of pilgrims and developed rapidly.

Renewed with Bhakti ideas, Hinduism became an important foundation for the powerful cultural rise of the Tamil states. It is known that the first person who managed to stabilize the state and political situation in the Tamil south was the Pallava king Mahendravarman I (VII century). The state religions during his reign were Jainism and Buddhism until the time when the holy poet-Shaivite Appar converted the king to Hinduism (previously Jain), after which the Jains and Buddhists themselves began to be persecuted by the authorities. In general, the Pallava dynasty, whose origin was not connected with the Tamil south, focused on the northern culture, whose language was Sanskrit. By making Hinduism the state religion, Mahendravarman I gave all possible support to the arts and any cultural activities. He was responsible for the construction of the first Hindu stone temples in the Tamil south (Peterson, 1991, p.9) .7
The Pallava kings who came to power after Mahendravarman I, as well as the Chola kings who became established in the tenth century, were great patrons of the Tamil bhakta communities. The Cholas mainly patronized Shaivism and provided state support for its institutions and ritual practices (Peterson, 1991, p. 13) .8 Thus, during their rule, the agricultural area in the Kaveri Delta, the "birthplace" of Tamil Shaiva Bhakti, which had once been ruled by the Cholas in the "Sanga era", once again became the political center of Tamil country, and the Shaivite temples and centers in Thiruvarur and Chidambaram in the Kaveri Delta replaced Kanchipuram, the Pallava capital as centers of political and religious power. By-

7 Information on this topic is described in detail in the book: [Mahalingam, 1969].

8 For more information on this issue, see Mahalingam and Nilakanta Sastri, 1955.

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The lithi karma of the Tamil region during this period coincided with the religious and cultural map "mapped out" by the holy bhaktas during their pilgrimages.

The Nayanars ' creativity appealed to the mass sense of patriotism and national pride among Tamils, and the cultivation of a pure Tamil language and culture. In particular, based on the text of the Periyapurana by Sekkizhar, we can assume that in this historical period (by the X-X centuries) there was a transformation of religion into something similar to the state ideology. This was a time of political, economic and cultural flourishing of the Tamil south in the Middle Ages and defined its vibrant identity in the future historical perspective.

list of literature

Alaev L. B. Southern India. Kommunalno-politicheskiy stroi VI-XIII vekov [Community-political system of the VI-XIII centuries]. Moscow: IV RAS, 2011.

Bychikhina L. V., Dubyansky A.M. Tamil Literature, Moscow, 1987.
Medvedev E. M. Ocherki istorii Indii do XIII veka [Essays on the History of India up to the 13th century]. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1990.

Gros F. Introduction. Towards Reading the Tevaram // Tevaram. Hymnes sivaites du pays tamoul / Edition etablie par T.V. Gopal Iyer, sous la direction de F. Gros. Vol. I. Nanacambandar. Publications dc l'Institut Francais d'indologic No 68, 1. Pondichery, 1984.

Jakobson R. Linguistics and Poetics // Style in Language / Ed. by T.A. Scbcok. Cambridge, Mass., 1960. Или: Jakobson R. Selected Writings. Vol. III. The Hague Paris-New York. 1981. In Russian: Yakobson P. Linguistics and poetics / Translated from English by I. A. Melchuk / / Structuralism: "for" and "against". Moscow: Progress, 1975.

Mahalingam T.V. Kanchipuram in Early South Indian History. N.Y., 1969.

Mahalingam T.V., Nilakanta Sastri K.A. The Colas. Madras, 1955.

Periya Puranam / Ed. N. Mahalingam, Sri Ramakrishna Math. Mylaporc. Madras, 1985.

Peterson Indira V. Poems to Siva: The Hymns of the Tamil Saints. Delhi. 1991.

Stein B. Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India. Delhi. 1980.

Tevaram. Hymnes sivaites du pays tamoul / Edition etablie par T.V. Gopal Iyer, sous la direction dc F. Gros. Vol. I. Nanacambandar. Publications dc l'Institut Francais d'indologic No 68, 1. Pondichcry, 1984.

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