In the first half of 2005, the Department of Theoretical Problems in the History of the East held a series of seminars on the following topics: "Non-Orthodox confessions in pre-revolutionary Russia", "Collective authorities and their role in the structure of the ancient and early medieval Indian state", "The Sacred in the traditional East".

In the report "Non-Orthodox confessions in pre-revolutionary Russia", which was read at the seminar on January 24, Dmitry Arapov (MSU) spoke about the attitude in Russia for several centuries to various faiths-Islam, Buddhism, Catholicism, Protestantism, etc.D. In his opinion, full state control over all religious institutions on the territory of Russia was the main principle of confessional policy. Arapov paid much attention to Eastern religions, in particular Islam, which is one of the traditional religions in Russia. In general, Islam and its religious institutions were never officially banned in medieval Russia, but conversion to Orthodoxy was still welcome. This also applied to people who belonged to other faiths. Several hundred surnames of Turkic origin can be traced in the Russian nobility - for example, the Yusupovs and Urusovs, who played a huge role in Russian history. Thus, a number of prominent Turkic-speaking families that served Russia were able to preserve the right to worship Islam. In addition, for two centuries (XV-XVII) south of Moscow, there was a vassal Muslim khanate - the Kasimov Kingdom, where service Tatars lived.

Speaking about the history of Islam in Russia, the speaker described in detail the situation that developed in the XVIII and XIX centuries. Under Peter I, attitudes toward Islam were controversial. Then, for example, the Koran was translated into Russian by P. Postnikov (1716), but the legislation of the first Russian emperors and empresses was still aimed at restricting Islam. Elizaveta Petrovna was more supportive of Buddhism. So, in 1741, a decree was issued encouraging this religion. But, despite the conflicting feelings that the Empress felt towards Islam, political interests prevailed (this refers to the case when in 1755 for the first time a Muslim Kutl-Mohammed Tevkelev became a Russian general).

Russian rulers, pursuing their policy, emphasized the primacy of Orthodoxy over other religions in Russia, as a result, at the beginning of the XVIII century, the attitude towards Catholics remained cool, towards Jews and Muslims - bad (at the same time, the German settlement can be considered a kind of stronghold of Lutheranism under Peter I). Drawing attention to this fact, D. Y. Arapov also noted that one of the associates of the Russian tsar, General P. Gordon, was a Catholic by religion. By the end of the 18th century, the situation changed somewhat : the partition of Poland and the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774 led to the need for a policy of religious tolerance, which indirectly allowed the Orthodox population living in the Catholic Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Muslim Crimea to be protected. Under Catherine II and Paul I, there was a tendency to unite all religions (especially Christian ones), which was provoked by the revolutionary events in Europe, when the concepts of "Jacobin" and "French revolution" became a symbol of disorder and anarchy.

In the 19th century, the largest number of decrees concerning the life of Muslims in Russia occurred during the reign of Nicholas I , when preparations were underway to create a department for the Sunni and Shiite communities of Transcaucasia. A number of decrees related to the events related to the Caucasian War, as well as the tasks of establishing relations with the Muslims of Dagestan and Adygea, which were constantly in conflict with each other. By the beginning of the 20th century, Russia had developed a fairly complete system of Muslim religious institutions, and control over the life of Muslims continued to be exercised by the Department of Spiritual Affairs of Foreign Confessions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Interestingly, unlike other government departments, this department was very demanding about the religion of its employees - only Orthodox officials could serve there.

In conclusion, A. L. Ryabinin (IB RAS) stressed that the topic of non-Orthodox confessions in Russia is a multi-faceted one and that it should be discussed in a number of seminars that the sector plans to hold in the future.

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D. N. Lelyukhin's report "Collective authorities and their role in the structure of the ancient and early medieval Indian state" was held on April 18. It was devoted to the problem of the socio-political structure of society and the identification of related features of Indian statehood in antiquity and the early Middle Ages. The main source was 14 so-called gift certificates on copper tablets of the Gupta period: 11 of them are dated 432-544, the date of one letter of the Budhagupta period has not been preserved, and two Dharmaditya letters are quite confidently dated to the end of the first half of the VI century AD.

The speaker noted that the political history of India, especially in the classical era, was a kaleidoscope of successive dynasties and kingdoms, and very little is known about many of them, sometimes only the names of the rulers preserved in inscriptions. The community and various types of community-based organizations (bodies of a large or territorial community, corporations or urban communities, corporate councils, etc.) were the most important structural basis for a number of specific large Indian states, providing largely local governance, performing fiscal and some other state functions. The speaker noted that the defining role of the community and other collective organizations within the ancient and early medieval state in India allows us to take a different look at the process of forming the administration of such states and the process of forming the state in general.

According to D. N. Lelyukhin, at present it is quite obvious that a number of phenomena of Indian culture, in particular history, are not reducible to the names that are most often applied to them, considering, for example, dharmashastras as "collections of laws". Most of the terms and concepts that describe "state realities" (the translation of their Sanskrit "analogues" is fixed in the main dictionaries) have long been in need of a new interpretation or serious content correction. It should be taken into account that such translations were based on sociological concepts that prevailed in the XIX-early XX centuries. In conclusion, D. N. Lelyukhin noted that the facts about the break between the creation of tablets were not specifically specified in historiography. For example, in Nepal, there were no such breaks. In the case of data capture, the fact that the central authority was moved was important.

The discussion that emerged during the seminar mainly focused on the topic of sources that the speaker relied on. When asked by E. S. Kulpin (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) where the tablets were kept, the speaker explained that they were kept in families, in the royal archives. As for genealogy in India, it was not compiled in ordinary families. Often genealogies were falsified, so it is difficult to judge their authenticity. The practice of compiling genealogies appeared in the late Middle Ages.

A. L. Ryabinin explained that there was another type of sign, for example, about the purchase of land. They were kept in temples. In southern India, information about the conclusion of transactions was carved on the walls of religious buildings, although as such temple archives do not exist. Land prices varied depending on the region. If the land was taken away from the owner, this fact was not recorded. Also, the boundaries of empty lands were not fixed, which, for example, were divided according to the line of mangroves (in reality, territorial division begins only after the arrival of the British in India).

In conclusion, A. L. Ryabinin expressed the opinion that the problem of the socio-political structure of society continues to be relevant, and this topic can be constantly developed, each time finding new facts that can present the material under study in a new light.

The seminar, which took place on June 6, was devoted to the topic "Sacred in the traditional East", which aroused great interest among the audience. The subject collection with the same name served as a reason for discussion. At the seminar, brief presentations were made on the directions chosen for the collection. A. L. Ryabinin noted that it is very difficult to discuss the subject of the sacred only from the standpoint of the divine principle - a definition that is often found in the literature, but, unfortunately, does not provide an exhaustive understanding of the problem. When studying Eastern societies, he stressed, it is important to keep in mind such a concept as sacred.

I. M. Smilyanskaya's report "Sacred power in the East", prepared for the seminar, pointed out that the concept of "sacred" as an object of research was introduced into scientific circulation at the beginning of the XX century by E. Durkheim. Sacralization of power, or political theory-

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logy is a research topic that has given rise to a trend that is developing within the framework of historical anthropology: It has been developed in Russian science for the last 10-15 years, and in Western medieval studies for several decades. The foundation of this direction was laid by the works of E. Kantorovich and M. Blok. In Russian science, this topic was studied by B. A. Uspensky ("The Tsar and the Patriarch"), and by M. A. Boitsov, M. Yu. Paramonova, and others.

The topic is not new to Russian Oriental studies, but it has hardly been studied in the historical and anthropological aspect. It has been discussed mainly in connection with studies of the theocratic form of government (here we should mention the classic works of V. V. Barthold "Theocratic Idea and secular Power in the Muslim state "and" Caliph and Sultan") or in the study of political ideology (in particular, the category of de in imperial China by A. S. Martynov and the Shiite imamate in Islam by P. A. Gryaznevich and S. M. Prozorov). In recent years, the topic has attracted special attention of orientalists G. F. Bandilenko and V. V. Orlov.

The concept of" sacralization of the ruler", the report noted, is usually used in Russian literature as a synonym for" deification of the ruler", which, I think, is not quite accurate. Indeed, the abstract concept of power seems to be alien to the traditional culture of the East, it is personified in the personality of the monarch, but the term "deification" does not adequately convey the essence of the phenomenon in relation to the Far Eastern cosmocentric religions, in which the transcendent principle does not have an anthropomorphic property. The concept of "sacred", i.e. sacred, but also tabooed, as well as "sacralization", i.e. giving the features of the sacred/taboo (for example, the ban on pronouncing the true name of the ruler, which existed in some cultures), is associated with special features of medieval (traditional) consciousness, which gave reality a symbolic meaning and assumed that any reality has its counterpart in the form of an otherworldly higher reality.

In the course of studying the problems of the sacralization of power, developed in Western and domestic medieval studies, several main themes were crystallized. Among them are the definition of the form of sacralization (for example, giving the ruler the functions of an intermediary between God and the subject population, recognizing miraculous properties received from above, etc.), the sacred duties of the monarch (for example, protecting the faith), manifestations of sacralization (the ritual of chrismation, insignia, rhetorical formulas such as "by the grace of God", etc.). etc.), the evolution of the institution of sacralization of power. In the latter case, we are talking about the fact that the period from the 13th to the 15th centuries is usually considered as the peak of sacralization, with a subsequent change in the ratio of secularization and sacralization processes.

According to I. M. Smilyanskaya, an orientalist who tries to approach the topic in historical and comparative terms is forced to state deep differences in the forms of sacralization of power in different cultures - in anthropocentric (primarily Abrahamic) religions and in cosmocentric religious representations of the Far East and Southeast Asia. However, even in one civilization we encounter differences: for example, in Islam, Sunnis proceed from the recognition of the special spiritual status of the ruler, because "God has no partners", and his government is based on Tradition, while Shiites believe in a direct connection between the imams and the Lord. Cardinal differences in orientation towards earthly or otherworldly existence give rise to different ideas among adherents of anthropocentric and cosmocentric religions about the sacred duties of the ruler (for example, in Islam-to lead the subjects on the path of Salvation, and in Confucianism and Taoism-prosperity and harmonious existence of nature and society). While the institution of sacralization of power is very important in the East, there is also a great variety of forms of its manifestation - through sacred actions (taking the oath), objects (for example, in Islam - possession of a shirt and a hair from the beard of Muhammad), sacred space (throne, palace, capital), etc.

The report goes on to say that the amplitude of the sacralization of power in the East varies between dynastic charisma, i.e. the transfer of special properties granted from above and allowing you to subordinate your subjects to your will and control the activities of your subjects (these ideas were the basis for the right of the Genghisids to occupy the throne in the the deity itself (the Dalai Lama in Tibet) or the Transcendent / Absolute (Burma, Siam). In this case, the idea of the mediating role of the ruler between the Lord or Heaven and the people prevails (in the metaphorical consciousness of the Middle Ages).

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This was expressed in the formulas: sultan - "Shadow of God on earth" or emperor-Son of Heaven, holder of the mandate of Heaven), but sometimes the role of the ruler was thought of in the concept of" deputy " of higher powers. At the theological level, and even more so in the common consciousness, there is sometimes a sacralization of lower-level power holders (the distribution of the creative power of te among officials by the Chinese emperor).

Despite all the differences in the institution of sacralization of power in the West and East, what is common is that it is one of the most important institutions for legitimizing power. The process of secularization of power was accompanied by a reverse movement towards sacralization. In addition, in European and Asian cultures, there was a common archetype, which was expressed in the ideas about the irrational connection of the ruler's physical health with fertility, the absence of natural disasters and the well-being of the subject population (apparently, this led to the requirement that the pretender to the throne should have no physical disabilities). These are the most general ideas about the sacralization of power in the traditional East, which were outlined in the report of I. M. Smilyanskaya.

E. V. Tyulina (IB RAS) gave a report on the topic "Principles of the image of the sacred in medieval sculpture (based on architectural treatises of the Puranas)". In her opinion, anthropomorphic images became sacred if their proportions were correct, all the rites were observed and all the favorable signs were present. In treatises, sculpture could be described with varying degrees of convention and using different characteristics. In addition, it was very important that there was a system of identifying geometric and anthropomorphic forms. They coexisted and complemented each other.

According to E. V. Tyulina, any image could be reduced to a diagram ("dissolved in it") - a mandala in which the universe was embodied. It is important that the image is perceived in an indissoluble unity with the system of the cosmic world order, since this is precisely the sacredness of the image. When asked by D. N. Lelyukhin about the extent to which the image rules were implemented in practice, the speaker replied that when creating Buddhist sculptures, the canon was followed more than when creating Hindu ones. At the same time, it was also important in what order the temple was created: 1) first the temple, and then the sculptures; 2) the temple and sculptures were created simultaneously. In the texts devoted to the rules for creating sculptures, you can find many similar points, although over time the canon of the image still underwent changes, as, for example, in the case of the image of the Buddha.

M. B. Meitarchiyan (IB RAS) made a presentation on "Flowers and plants in Zoroastrianism", exploring the role of flora in the world of the sacred. According to her, flowers and trees played a significant role in many cultures of the world, including one of the oldest religions - Zoroastrianism. It is in Zoroastrianism, as in no other religion, that ideas about the divinity of plants and respect for them are vividly reflected in sacred texts, in the liturgy, in rites and rituals, and in everyday life. The patron saint of plants in Zoroastrianism is Amurdad, the Avestan Amertat ("Immortality") - one of the deities of Amesha-Spenta (i.e.,"Immortal Saints"). In the Ghats, sacred hymns attributed to Zarathustra himself, Amertat represents one of the good qualities of Ahuramazda. Pahlavi texts refer to plants in various mythological contexts. The Bundahishna states that each flower belongs to its own amahraspand, and provides a list of flowers corresponding to the deities to whom the days of the month are dedicated, as well as a classification of plants. The head of plants is hom.

M. B. Meitarchian noted that the ethnographic material and folklore of the peoples where Zoroastrianism was widespread in ancient times also provide rich data on the symbolism of plants. Thus, among the Armenians there is a flower havrot-mavrot, in the name of which Dumezil saw a connection with the Zoroastrian Haurvatat and Ameretat. This flower is used in a popular ritual during the Ascension festival, and if two people are in love, the Armenians say: "Havroth has found his mavroth."

Plants such as rue, leeks, etc., suitable for food, could also be used to exorcise evil spirits. For example, the blessed ones, walking around the bazaar with an incense burner where rue smouldered, were able to expel dark forces. The same plant could correspond to several characters, or, conversely, several types of flowers could correspond to one character. The more plants associated with the image, the more important the deity to which the given plant (or data) belonged became. Thus, M. B. Meitarchiyan has shown using various examples,

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what an important role plants played in Zoroastrianism and how this was reflected in the concept of the sacred.

N. I. Fomina (IB RAS) in her report addressed the topic "Ancestral cults on the example of India and China". This cult among the numerous forms of sacred cults in the traditional East occupied one of the main places. It probably has its roots in the oldest pre-religious beliefs associated with panpsychism (the belief in the universal animateness of nature). In China and India, among the innumerable spirits, ancestral spirits were especially distinguished, who were honored during wedding and funeral rites. In India, the spirits of the dead were pitars - deified deceased ancestors, in China gui and di - spirits of deified ancestors.

Communication with the ancestors was carried out in the course of rituals, where the main point was considered to be the offering of gifts. This was due to the fact that rituals were the original sacred intermediaries that determined and regulated the connection between Heaven and Earth. In addition, the cult of ancestors was justified in religious and philosophical teachings, where the main norms of morality were the performance of rituals of worship of the forces of nature, veneration of gods and ancestors. In the Indian understanding, the purpose of the ritual was to provide a personal otherworldly life and the possibility of improving one's status during rebirth. In China, the cult of ancestors has taken a sacred position in society, and at the same time it has spread to living older relatives.

A. L. Ryabinin, concluding the seminar, noted that the concepts of sacred power and sacredness in the East require careful study and a more diverse interpretation, since understanding the situation in the East depends largely on how clearly the terminology is used, for example, in a situation with mutual influence and interpenetration of the principles of secular and religious power.

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