Ed. by Trân Kỳ Phuong & Bruce M. Lockhart.

Singapore: NUS Press, 2011. XX, 460 p., ill.

ISBN 978-9971-69-459-3 (paperback)*

Among the peoples of Central Vietnam, the Cham occupy a special place. In the 1st millennium AD, they created a distinctive culture based on the synthesis of their own Austronesian, borrowed Indian and partly Chinese traditions. Their country of Champa has been a constant rival of the more northern Vietese states for fifteen hundred years and a trading partner of other kingdoms in Southeast Asia, China, India, and the Middle East. But many features of Cham culture, art, and history remain unknown to this day.

In 2004, the Institute of Asian Studies of the National University of Singapore organized the international symposium "New scholarship on Champa". Sixteen reports of its participants are published in a peer-reviewed compendium 1.

The collection opens with a short introduction written by Chan Ki Phuong (Vietnam) and B. Lockhart (Singapore). It is followed by an overview historiographical article by B. Lockhart, "Colonial and Postcolonial interpretations of Champa".

I. Glaver (Great Britain) and Nguyen Kim Dung (Vietnam) in their article "Excavations at Gokam, Quang Nam, 2000-2003: Linyi and the emergence of the Cham Kingdoms" describe the data of the archaeological study of the Gokam monument (Gò Câm), located at 108°15 '15" east longitude and 15°48 ' 53 " north latitude, 3.5 km east of the walled ancient Cham city of Chakisu, next to the main channel of the Thubon River in Quang Nam Province. The Thubon Valley is home to the world - famous monuments of Cham architecture-the Mishon and Dongziong temple complexes. Linyi is the name of a kingdom that emerged in the south of the Chinese province of Jinan in the Xianglin district at the end of the second century as a result of an uprising led by a certain Ou Lian, or Qu Kui (in Vietnamese, Khulien; for details, see: [Complete Collection..., 2010, p. 233-234, approx. 57]). The question of localization of Ligni remains open. There is no doubt that it was located south of the Ngang Pass (aka Annam Gate), but did it cover the Thubon Valley? It is separated from the Hue City area in Thu Thien Province by the Haiwan Pass, or Cloud Pass. To the north of Haiwan are two more modern provinces: Quang Binh and Quang Chi. Therefore, I. Glaver and Nguyen Kim Dung do not claim that the Gok monument reliably refers to Linyi.

A variety of ceramics, roof tiles, crossbow arrowheads, bronze nail and dagger guard, iron tools, glass breakers and glass coils, jewelry were found in Gokam. A burnt-out wooden building measuring at least 13x7.8 m was identified (p. 74-75, figs. 20-21). Among the most important finds are the impressions of two ancient Chinese seals of the Han era and an ancient Chinese coin of the same time of the Wuzhu type (p. 71, fig. 15; 73, fig. 19). The first seal bears the inscription Huangshen shizhe zhang "seal of the messenger of the Yellow God" (the shen character and parts of the shi and zhe characters have not been preserved, but the type of this seal is well known and the reconstruction is quite reliable) (p. 69). The print of the second print is harder to reconstruct. Dr. Yuen Kwok-wah of the Institute of History and Philology of the Chinese University of Taipei (Taiwan) read the gong character and suggested that there is also a fan or pi sign (p. 76).

Gokama ceramics are quite diverse. Many egg-shaped jugs were found, ancient Chinese glazed and unglazed bowls and jugs of the Han era, local pots of the Shahuin culture or its heirs, characterized by a low firing temperature. Interesting are the findings of potsherds of so-called Indo-Roman, or" rouletted " pottery (rouletted ware, p. 63, fig. 6b), which is considered an indicator of contacts with India. I. Glaver and Nguyen Kim Dung came to the conclusion that the role of Chinese influence in the formation of the first Cham polities was underestimated, even if the area of Chak'iu and Gokam was not included in Linyi. They emphasize that there is an important

* Chams of Vietnam: History, society and art/ Ed. Jang Ki-phuong and B. M. Lockhart. Singapore: National University of Singapore Publishing House, 2011. XX, 460 p., ill.

1 See also the review by A. Griffiths: [Griffiths, 2012, p. 363-366].

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discrepancy between archaeological and written information about ancient settlements: As in the case of Roman Britain, there may be known settlements that are not found in written sources, and the cities named and described by them may be completely absent from archaeological data (pp. 77-78). If we take this idea to its logical conclusion, then no archaeological data can refute the localization of Linyi, made on the basis of written Chinese and Vietnamese sources.

Mariko Yamagata (Japan) in her article "Chakiyou in the nth-W centuries AD: the formation of Linya from the point of view of archeology" briefly describes the main results of the archaeological study of the Chakiyou monument (Trà Kiêu), presumably identified with the city of Dianchong, which in Chinese sources is called the capital of the Linya kingdom. Cakieu is located on the southern bank of a small tributary of the Thubon River, 28 km south of the modern city of Da Nang and 20 km inland from the seaside port of Hoi An, as well as 14 km northeast of the Mishon Temple complex. Chakieu is surrounded by ramparts in the shape of a rectangle, which extend for one and a half km from east to west and about 550 m from north to south (p. 84, FIG. 3).

In 1927-1928, the French archaeologist J.-I. Clay excavated the foundations of buildings, altar bases, stone lingams and yoni, and various sculptures. Although he attributed them to the Chinese invasion of Linyi in the mid-fifth century, these finds are now dated to the ninth and eleventh centuries (p. 83). Excavations at Cakieu were continued by the National University of Hanoi in 1990. Since 1993, the Vietnamese Institute of Archaeology and the British I. Glaver expedition participated in them, which in 1996 was joined by Japanese researchers led by Yamagata. A joint international expedition excavated three large sites: the north-eastern foot of Byutyau Hill, Gozuse in a rice field, and a site called Hoantyau, located 100 m south of the foundations of the temples excavated by Clay and designated by him as "point A".

Pit on Byutyau size 13.5 sq. m. m opened two layers. In Hoan Tiau, there are three layers: lower, middle, and upper. Data from the upper Hoan Tiau layer generally coincide with the findings from the first cultural layer in the Byut Tiau pit. No traces of settlements older than the lower layer of Hoan Tiau have been found on the territory of Cakieu. In the Thubon Valley, before the first settlement in Chak'i'u, there was a Shahu'in culture, which is characterized by pitcher burials. The foundations of buildings were also found in Hoan Tiau, the total area of excavations is 54 sq. m. These buildings belong to the II-III centuries.

Yamagata distinguishes four types of column bases: large brick bases with a diameter of 100-120 cm, small brick bases with a diameter of 30-75 cm, pebble bases with a diameter of 75-90 cm, and stone bases with a diameter of about 100 cm. The stratigraphic distribution of Hoan Tiau artefacts is as follows: the lower layer is dominated by egg-shaped pitchers together with roof tiles with fabric prints on the concave side and cord prints on the curved side. Then bricks were already used. The middle layer of Hoan Tiau is dominated by pots, lids and bowls with cord impressions on the surface and the same tiles as in the lower layer. A stamped diamond-shaped ornament of the ancient Han Chinese style appears. The upper layer of Hoan Tiau is dominated by tiles with fluted lines, the roof overhang tile (eave tile) is decorated in the form of human faces (p. 97, FIG. 11). The third group of column bases belongs to the lower layer, a little later the fourth, and the first two groups-from the upper layer.

Absolute dating of Hoan Tiau layers is based on comparing them with materials from the Shahuin culture, data from the Gokam monument (see the article by Glaver and Nguyen Kim Dung), and stamped ceramics from the Han Dynasty of China. Bronze mirrors from the Western Han period (Binyeon and Gozua monuments in the Thubon Valley) have been found in Shahuin burial jars dating from the middle of the first century BC to the beginning of the first century AD. Since the Shahuin culture did not know egg-shaped jars and roof tiles, Yamagata believes that Shahuin preceded Chakiyou and these monuments did not exist at the same time . 91). The discovery of Chinese-origin or prototype objects in Gokama and Han-style ceramics, as well as roof tiles depicting human faces, allowed Yamagata to assert that the oldest layer of Hoan Tiau dates back to the first half of the second century, the middle layer - to the second half of the same century, and the upper layer - to the third century (p.96). Since the origin of Linyi in Chinese sources dates back to 192 AD, Chakie can be considered material evidence of that era.

W. A. Southworth (Great Britain) in his article "River Settlements and Coastal Trade: towards a special model of early state development in Champa" analyzes the applicability of B. Bronson's model of river exchange (see Zakharov, 2006, pp. 73-75) to the history of Champa. He concludes that it well describes the emergence of riverine kingdoms in Central China.

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In Vietnam, especially during the transition from the late Shahuin culture to the Early Champa culture in the first century B.C. to the second century A.D. But unlike the Musi and Batanghari River valleys in Sumatra, for which the B. Bronson model was developed, the river valleys of Central Vietnam cannot be considered equal in their capabilities; in any case, The Thubon Valley has advantages over neighboring areas due to its size and position on the sea route from Guangdong. The centers of the Champa kingdoms were not located at the mouths of rivers, but upstream, as is exemplified by Chakieu in the Thubon Valley. This is similar to the position of Palembang, the center of Srivijaya on the Musi River. W. Southworth emphasizes the importance of land communications in Champa's life and the growing population coupled with increased administrative control in the late 9th and early 10th centuries, when the Dongziong Buddhist monastery complex flourished between the Thubon and Tamka rivers (Tat Kỳ) (p.114).

Momoki Shiro (Japan) in his article "Mandala 2 Champa from Chinese sources"concludes that the" Indianization " of Champa was combined with China-oriented diplomacy in the fifth and early eighth centuries and with symbiosis with the diasporas of Muslims and Chinese from the end of the ninth century. Since Chinese and Vietnamese sources from the Song and Yuan eras report more than ten polities that made up the Champa mandala, he suggests that it was "a federation of river polities scattered throughout present-day Central Vietnam" and "one must discard the ordinary image of Champa from four or five large districts: Indrapura in the north, Amaravati, Vijaya, Kauthara and Pandurangi " (p. 131). Since Zhao Zhugua in Zhu Fan Zhi (1225) includes the territories north of the Haiwang Pass as part of Champa, we must also abandon the myth of the "irreversible expansion of Daiwet to the south": it became so only from the XV century (p. 131).

J. Wade (Singapore) in his article "Chapter on Champa in the Song Huiyao Jigao "analyzes information about Champa in this huge collection of texts from the Song Era, the name of which translates as" A consolidated draft version of the "Collection of the most important Information about the Song Dynasty "" (for the history of the monument, see: [Kucera, 2002, p. 183]). Wade made a rough translation of the information about Champa in Song Huiyao into English [Wade, 2005], and even earlier he translated the chapter about Champa from the Ming Shi dynastic history ("Stories of Mines") [Wade, 2003]. While the classic Champa stories written by J. Maspero, R. C. Majumdar, and J. Sedesom in the first half of the XX century, based on the data of "Sun Shi" This text, in turn, is based on data from the Song Huiyao, which contains incomparably more names, titles, product names, and descriptions of Cham history events than the Song Shi. Therefore, it is necessary to refer to it for a more detailed reconstruction of the history of Champa in the X-XII centuries.

In the source, Champa is called Zhancheng. J. Wade notes the rice-growing nature of Champa, the presence of many faiths in it, including Islam, and compiles detailed tables of the rulers and ambassadors of Zhancheng according to the Song Huiyao and lists of international trade items produced in the country itself or resold in its markets. J. Wade pays attention to Zhancheng's international relations with the Song Dynasty in China, Daikowiet/Red River Delta Dive Tour, Cambodia, San Photsi (Srivijaya), Ma-i and Butuan (Philippines), and the Middle East. He thinks that Zhancheng's messengers with names containing the syllables pu or li could have been Arabs or Persians, such as Pu He-san = Abu Hasan or Li Bo-zhu = Ali Bashir (?) (p. 155 159) 3.

J. K. Whitmore (USA), in his article "The Last Great King of classical Southeast Asia: "Tye Bong Nga"4 and Champa in the XIV century," examines the political structure and political history of Champa in the XIV century (pp. 168-203). Like Momoki Shiro, he uses the term "mandala". Vijaya Thye Bong Nga, the ruler of the Cham kingdom, undertook the expansion of this mandala in the 14th century. J. Whitmore revives the approach of J. Maspero, who considered the reign of Che Bong Nga to be the apogee of Champa's history, in contrast to J. Sedes, for whom these were the "last rays of the setting sun" (Maspero, 1928; Coedès, 1968, p. 237; Berzin, 1982, pp. 57-62).

Mandala 2 (skt. "circle") is a generic term proposed by W. O. Waltsrs for loose, unstable state formations in Southeast Asia that consisted of diverse" networks of loyalty " that included rulers of various levels (for details, see [Zakharov, 2006, pp. 79-83]). According to A. Griffiths, in the sources the toponym satra never occurs with the word "mandala", so the terminology of Momoki Shiro is unsuccessful [Griffiths, 2012, p.364].

3 See M. Y. Ulyanov's commentary on Zhao Zhugua's statement about the country of Sanfoqi in Zhu Fan Zhi: "There are many people named' Bu 'in the country" (Ulyanov, 1996, p. 147, note 6).

4 The name of the ruler is known only from Vietnamese and Chinese sources, so J. R. R. Tolkien wrote that the name of the ruler is unknown. Whitmore puts it in quotation marks.

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J. Whitmore is based on K. Taylor's statement that Champa is a "cultural and political space of the archipelago type" (Taylor, 1992, p. 153). "Nagara 5 Champa formed a mandala, i.e. a number of autonomous regions that were aware of their mutual identity, different from other such mandalas" (p. 169-170). The researcher thinks that inside the country there was a balance between two sectors of the economy: external-trade and internal agricultural (p. 177). This is different from the usual scientific juxtaposition of agricultural and commercial states of Southeast Asia.

The autonomous regions of Champa each sprang up in a river valley. The basic model of such an area, according to Chiang Ki-Phuong, includes five elements: a sacred mountain, a sacred river, a port city at the mouth of the river, a royal fortress - the political center of the region, and a separate religious center [TrâN Kỳ Phuong, 2004, p. 3]. J. Whitmore adds a sixth element-access from the upper reaches of the river through mountains on the plateau (p. 172).

The main task of the Champa kings was to protect the kingdom from neighboring mandalas-the Angkor Empire to the west and Daivet to the north-and from autonomous regions that could claim hegemony over all of Champa. Poetically, this was called "holding an umbrella over the kingdom" to protect the country from the scorching sun (p. 178). This reconstruction is made by J. R. R. Tolkien. Whitmore suggests using a single inscription from Ponagar in Khanh Hoa province in 854 [Majumdar, 1927(1), p. 161; 1927 (2), p. 72, 73].

J. Whitmore draws attention to two main versions of Tye Bong Ng's death: according to the Chinese Ming Shi ("History of the Ming Dynasty"), Champa's ruler A-da-a-jae (possibly the title Rajadhiraja, or "king of kings") died in the arms of his minister, who took the throne in 1390-1391; according to Vietnamese sources, Thye Bong Nga died during the invasion of Daiwet in late 1389 or early 1389. at the beginning of 1390 (R. 195-196; see also: [Berzin, 1982, pp. 61-62]). From the context, we can assume that the historian is inclined to the Vietnamese version.

In 1471, Vijaya was defeated and conquered by Le Thanh Tong, king of Daiviet. The reasons for this defeat are J. R. R. Tolkien. Whitmore sees not a weakening of the Champa kingdoms, but a structural transformation and a corresponding strengthening of Daivet: the transition to a Chinese bureaucratic model of government, agricultural development and population growth in the Red River basin, Confucianism and superior military power thanks to the use of firearms made it possible to defeat Champa, which turned out to be conservative in the specific circumstances of the XV century (p.198).

E. Dayam (New Zealand), in his article "The significance of ceramic data for determining contacts between Vijaya and other Southeast Asian Polities in the 14th and 15th centuries," identifies the production of Binh Dinh pottery kilns in other parts of the region, including the rest of Vietnam, the Philippines, and Kalimantan, as well as shipwrecks in the Gulf of Thailand and the Gulf of Malaya (Indonesian) archipelago. Five monuments with pottery kilns were investigated in Binh Dinh: Goshan, Truongkyu, Kaime, Gohoi, and Goke (Gò Sành, Truòng Cùu, Cây Me, Gò Hòi, Gò Ke). The products of these furnaces were mainly used in everyday life, but export items could serve as heirlooms and serve symbolic functions. The Vijaya pottery trade flourished in the 14th and 15th centuries, and its decline was caused by the defeat of this kingdom by Daivet in 1471. But for about two decades, dishes from Bindin stoves were still in trade.

D. Wong Tze Ken (Malaysia) describes the political history of relations between the Nguyen dynasty and the Cham kingdom of Pandurangi based on the Vietnamese chronicles in the article "Relations between Champa and Vietnam in the XVII-XVIII centuries".

Trân Quôc Vuong (Vietnam), in his essay "Viet-Cham cultural Contacts", argues that the Cham culture had a significant influence on the culture of the Viet, or Kinh, in such areas as song, dance, music, architecture and sculpture. Female Cham deities have infiltrated the Vietese pantheon.

Tran Ki Phuong (Vietnam), in his article "The fundamental relationship between Hindu temple sculpture and Architecture: a new approach to Champa Art", based on a comprehensive analysis of architecture, sculpture and inscriptions, identifies two stages in the evolution of Cham temples during the VII-IX centuries (pp. 277-299). At the first stage (VII-the first half of the VIII century), temples were built with an open sanctuary, a tiled or grass roof over which rested on columns and

Nagara 5 (Skt.) - "city"; in Austronesian languages (Cham, Old Javanese) can mean "kingdom" and "state".

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wooden rafters. The pedestals for columns and statues at this time were decorated with narrative reliefs. Since the middle of the VIII century. the brick walls of the temples are enlarged and a cantilevered roof appears, obscuring the interior space. This leads to the impoverishment of the decorations of the pedestals inside the temples, the sculptural ornament is transferred to the outer sides of the religious building. But the construction of wooden and tiled churches continued until the XVIII century.

J. Guy (USA) in his article "Pan-Asian Buddhism and the Bodhisattva cult in Champa" emphasizes that despite the dominance of the state cult of Shiva in Champa, Mahayana Buddhism also flourished. He publishes several recently discovered statues of Avalokiteshvara Padmapani and Vajrapani of the 9th-10th centuries (p. 217, figs. 14-16). However, J. Guy admits several inaccuracies. First, he erroneously claims that the Chinese pilgrim Fa Hsien and the Kashmiri prince and Buddhist preacher Gunawarman lived for some time in Srivijaya, although the former visited the country of Epoti, the latter visited the country of Shepo in the early fifth century, and Srivijaya-Shilifoshi originated in the seventh century (p. 301). Secondly, he interprets the Wokang inscription as Buddhist (p.305), although J. Filliozat showed in 1969 that it is rather Hindu (Filliozat, 1969, p. 113, 115). Third, J. Guy confuses the name of the king who was the first to leave the surviving inscriptions in Mishon: he writes Bhadreshvara instead of Bhadravarman and mistakenly attributes to Bhadravarman the title "king of Champa", which is not found in his inscriptions (p.313) [Zakharov, 2011, p. 16-24].

Yoshimoto Yasuko (Japan) in his article "Studying the Cham calendar in south-Central Vietnam" describes the Sakavi Cham chronology, which combines the lunisolar and lunar cycles to determine days, weeks, months and years and is used by the Chams of Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan provinces to determine favorable days for weddings and other holidays. This chronology is kept differently by groups of chams such as Balamon and Bani; the discrepancy in the definition of the beginning of the year is two months and creates insoluble difficulties in determining the favorable day for the wedding ceremony of the bride from one group and the groom from another. Sakavi cham is not used in everyday life. The highest priests of the village have the right to determine the calendar date for Sakavi cham at the cham-bani. Among the Cham-Balamon, it is established by the high priest of Binh Thuan Province and three persons of unclear status in the priestly hierarchy in Ninh Thuan Province (p. 333).

Thanh Phan (Vietnam) in his article "Kut (cemeteries) of the Cham in Ninh Thuan Province" describes the ideas about the afterlife and burial practices of one of the Cham groups in Ninh Thuan province - the ahir or balamon Cham. They use cremation, unlike the Muslim chams. The funeral rite contains elements of Hinduism and traditional ancestral worship. A characteristic feature of the Cham ahir cemeteries is the row of tombstones that extend along the east-west axis (patau kut).

In the article by Zh. Diflota (France)" Western expansion of Cham influence in Indochina from the point of view of historical linguistics " identified borrowings from the Cham language in two groups of the Mon-Khmer language family: Katuic and Bahnaric (Katuic, Bahnaric).

Article M. Vickery (USA-Thailand) "Revision of the History of Champa" is an abridged (and more carefully edited) version of the published on-line work [Vickery, 2005]. The researcher believes that the usual identification of the kingdom of Linyi and Champa, known from Chinese and Vietnamese sources, is incorrect. The rulers of Linya bear the title phan, which reflects the Mon-Khmer title ponh, while the Cham belong to the Austronesian language family. According to R. Stein, the early center of Linyi was located in the Kusu / Badon area north of the historical center of Champa in the Thubon Valley (Stein, 1947, pp. 317-318). Only since the seventh century did Linyi and Champa merge into a single entity, when one of the Champas spread to the former territory of Linyi (p. 378). Since the middle of the eighth century, the name Ligny has disappeared. It is replaced by Huanwang and Zhancheng, the latter meaning "cham / Champa city". About him, the Song Huiyao jigao says: "... under previous dynasties, this country rarely came into contact with China" (translated by J. Wade, p. 375). This, according to M. Vickery, means that during the Song Dynasty, Zhancheng was not associated with Linyi. The Chinese pilgrims Xuanzang and I Ching wrote about Zhanbo, trying to convey the phonetic name Champa (p. 375).

M. Vickery believes that the unified kingdom of Champa never existed, there were several competing polities (p. 378). Zhanbo and Huanwang - different kingdoms (p. 380). From 774 to 854, Champa inscriptions are known only in the south - in Phanrang and the Ponagar temple complex in Nha Trang. They belong to the kingdom of Panduranga (r. 381-382). Since the end of the 9th century, epigraphy in the Thubon Valley has been resumed, but now the center of it is located in Dong Zong, and not in Mishon. It is ruled by its own dynasty (p. 383). Its representatives managed to spread their influence in the territories of

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the current provinces of Quang Chi and Quang Binh. In the XI century, the importance of Nha Trang and Pandurangi increased, and the XI-XI centuries were the time of the rise of Vijaya in the province of Binh Dinh.

In general, the monograph turned out to be very informative. Color illustrations, lots of diagrams and maps make the presentation clear and convincing. This book is essential for anyone interested in the history, archaeology, linguistics, and ethnography of Champa and Southeast Asia in general.

list of literature

Bsrzin E. O. Yugo-Vostochnaya Aziya v XIII-IV vekakh [South-East Asia in the XIII-IV centuries]. east lit. Nauka Publishing House, 1982.

Zakharov A. Political organization of the island societies of Southeast Asia in the early middle ages (V-VIII centuries): constructivist option. M.: Eastern University, 2006.

Zakharov A. O. Inscriptions of Bhadravarman I, King of Champa: translation and commentary. 2011. № 2.

Coachman SI. Historiography of the history of Ancient China// Historiography of the history of the Ancient East: Iran, Central Asia, India, China. Training manual / Edited by V. I. Kuzishchin, St. Petersburg: Alstsya Publ., 2002.

Complete collection of historical notes of Daivet (Daivet shy ki toan thy): In 8 vols. Vol. 2. External Annals. Chapters III-V / Translated from hanvst, comments, preface and adj. by K. Yu. Leonov, A.V. Nikitin and A. L. Fsdorin; introduction by A. L. Fsdorin. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura Publ., 2010 (Monuments of Oriental Writing. SHXX, 2).

Ulyanov M. Yu. Zhao Zhugua. "Zhu Fan Zhi" (1225) (report on the Srivijaya state), introduction, translated from Chinese and commentary. // East (Oriens). 1996. № 6.

Coedès G. The Indianized Slates of Southeast Asia / Ed. by W.F. Vclla, translated by S. Brown Cowing. Honolulu, Hawaii: East-West Center Press, 1968.

Filliozat J. L'Inseription dite "de Vo-canh" // Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient. T. 55. 1969.

Griffiths A. Review of: The Cham of Vietnam: History, Society and Art / Ed. by Trân Kỳ Phirong & Bruce M. Lockhart. Singapore: NUS Press, 2011. XX, 460 p. // Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land en Volkenkunde. Vol. 166. No. 2-3.2012.

Majumdar R.C. Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East. Vol. I: Champa. Books I-II. Lahore: Punjab Sanskrit Books Depot, 1927(1).

Majumdar R.C. Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East. Vol. 1: Champa. Book III: The Inscriptions of Champa. Lahore: Punjab Sanskrit Books Depot, 1927(2).

Maspcro G. Le royaume de Champa. Paris-Bruxellcs: Lcs éditions G. van Oest, 1928.

Stein R. Le Lin-yi, sa localisation, sa contribution a la formation du Champa et ses liens avec la Chine // Han-Hiue Bulletin du Centre d'études Sinologiques de Pékin. T. II. 1947.

Taylor K.W. The Early Kingdoms // The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia: Vol. I: From Early Times to c. 1500 / Ed. by N. Tarling. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

Trân Kỳ Phuong. Vestiges of Champa Civilization. Hanoi: Thê Giói, 2004.

Vickcry M. "Champa Revised" // Asia Research Institute Working Paper Series. No. 37, March 2005. www. ari.nus.cdu.sg/pub/wps.htm

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Wade G. "Champa in the Song hui-yao: A Draft Translation" // Asia Research Institute Working Paper Series, No. 53, December 2005. www.ari.nus.cdu.sg/pub/wps.htm

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