The article examines one of the aspects of the extremely relevant problem of Taiwanese identity for modern Taiwan, which not only determines the internal political development of the island, but is also directly related to the so - called Taiwan issue-the relationship between the two shores of the Taiwan Strait. According to most researchers, the Taiwanese identity on the island was formed in spite of the Kuomintang government's policy of instilling "Chinese identity" on the island after 1949. However, in my opinion, this policy, on the contrary, can be considered one of the factors contributing to the rapid growth of Taiwanese identity among the island's population after the beginning of liberalization of its socio-political life from the end of 1970's.

Key words: Taiwanese identity, Taiwanese identity, Taiwan's Sinicization, Kuomintang Party ideology.

The concept of Taiwanese identity (Taiwanese identity)1 is now frequently encountered in discussions related to the socio-political life of the island. The Chinese government denies that the island's inhabitants have a unique, different identity from the Chinese. However, the close attention of the Taiwanese and Western scientific community to this problem, which is extremely poorly studied in Russian historiography, indicates its relevance, primarily with regard to the so - called Taiwan issue-relations between the two shores of the Taiwan Strait.

Taiwanese identity refers to Taiwanese people's perception of themselves as a separate community, which is limited to the territory of the island of Taiwan and nearby groups of islands (Penghu, Mazu, Kinmen, etc.) under the jurisdiction of the Republic of China (KR). According to the latest statistics, more than 57.5% of respondents consider themselves Taiwanese, 36.1% - "both Taiwanese and Chinese" and only 3.6% - only Chinese2. This situation is all the more remarkable because, before 1987, Taiwan was under martial law imposed in 1948 by the Government of the Kyrgyz Republic, led by the Kuomintang Party (KMT), which, after its evacuation to the island in 1949 as a result of a crushing defeat in the Civil War with the CCP in mainland China, began to pursue an active policy of instilling "Chinese identity" among Taiwanese.

1 For more details on the interpretation of this concept, see [Kaimova, 2013].

2 Taiwan minzhong taiwanren / zhonggoren rentun qiushi fengbu (1992-2013. 06) [] = Distribution of Taiwanese / Chinese identity of the population of Taiwan (1992-2013. 06) / / Website of the Election Research Center of Zhengzhi State University, Taipei. Access mode: http://esc.nccu.edu.tw/course/news.php?Sn=166# (accessed: 4.04.2014).

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The formation of a special Taiwanese identity on the island is due to a complex of factors. First of all, it is necessary to mention the 50 years (1895-1945) of Taiwan's existence as a colony of the Japanese Empire. This period is of indisputable importance for the formation of objective cultural differences between the inhabitants of the two shores of the Taiwan Strait. However, as far as the formation of ideas about Taiwanese identity - the self-identification of the island's inhabitants as Taiwanese (according to the formula "we are Taiwanese because we are not Chinese") - is concerned, the events after the transfer of Taiwan to the sovereignty of the Kyrgyz Republic in 1945 as a result of Japan's defeat in World War II played a key role. This includes such well-known events as the "February 28 incident" of 1947,3 the diplomatic crisis of the Republic of China in the 1970s, 4 the development of the democratic movement since the late 1970s, which subsequently adopted many of the ideas of the Taiwan Independence Movement operating outside the island, 5 etc. The existence of the idea of Taiwanese identity at the present stage is also due to the actions of such political figures as Li Denghui 6 and Chen Shui-bian7, aimed at Taiwanization (bentihua), and in the latter case, even "decitaization" (quzhunggohua) of all spheres of the island's socio-political life, and inextricably linked to the political situation in the Asia-Pacific region and the peculiarities of relations between the two shores of the Taiwan Strait characteristic of the period of their presidency.8
This article aims to examine another factor that has had a significant impact on the formation of the idea of Taiwanese identity and its subsequent dissemination among the broad circles of Taiwanese society, which is not given as much attention as the above-mentioned events in Taiwanese history. We are talking about the already mentioned policy of the Government of the Kyrgyz Republic on the Sinicization of the island's population.

3 An armed uprising of "indigenous" Taiwanese people demanding the granting of autonomy to Taiwan, during the suppression of which, according to the most common data, about 30 thousand people from among the natives of the island were killed. This event serves as one of the key links in the collective historical memory of the" indigenous " Taiwanese, the mention of which was strictly prohibited during the period of martial law on the island.

4 In 1971, amid the deterioration of Soviet-Chinese relations and the establishment of contacts between the PRC and the United States, the Kyrgyz Republic was expelled from the organization by a regular vote of the UN General Assembly. Her seat on the Security Council was transferred to the Chinese Government as representing all of China in the international arena. By 1975, the number of countries that recognized the Kuomintang regime had fallen from 66 to 26. Finally, the biggest shock to the Kyrgyz Republic was the US decision to break off diplomatic relations with the Kyrgyz Republic and recognize the PRC from January 1, 1979.

5 Dates back to the late 1940s. Due to the Kuomintang policy of severe suppression of the idea of creating an independent state on the island under the name "Republic of Taiwan" until the 1980s, it operated exclusively outside the island (mainly in Japan and the United States). It is the members of the Movement who are the main theorists of the idea of Taiwanese identity and related concepts of "Taiwanese nation", "Taiwanese state", etc.

6 The first President of the Kyrgyz Republic (1988-2000) from among the natives of the island, who represented the Kuomintang Party. He is called the father of Taiwanese democracy. In 1984, he became Vice-President of the Kyrgyz Republic under President Jiang Jingguo. After the latter's death in 1988, according to the Constitution, he automatically assumed the post of head of state. In 1990, he was re-elected to this position by the National Assembly, initiated a number of constitutional reforms, as a result of which, in 1996, he became the first President of the Kyrgyz Republic to take office as a result of direct general elections.

7 President of the Kyrgyz Republic in 2000-2008, whose election to this post as a candidate of the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP, Minjindang, founded on September 28, 1986 by leaders of the so-called non-partisan parties, who, under the current ban on the formation of new political parties, participated in local government elections in the Kyrgyz Republic as independent candidates), put an end to a continuous fifty-year management of the island by the Kuomintang Party. The main program of the DPP is the creation of an independent democratic state in Taiwan with a name and symbols that do not belong to either the PRC or the Kyrgyz Republic.

8 For more information about the corresponding period, see [Golovachev, 2007].

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The Kuomintang government - in - exile, in order to achieve its main goal of "counter-offensive to the mainland," required the complete subjugation of the population of Taiwan, which for the previous 50 years had been a colony of Japan and most of its inhabitants, despite maintaining a "spiritual" connection with the land of their ancestors in the form of using their language and traditions, had never been there and they could not separate the anti-Japanese 9 and anti-communist sentiments of the newly arrived administration 10. The Kuomintang needed international recognition of its authority as the only legitimate one in China. Party and State leader Chiang Kai-shek and his associates saw themselves as the exclusive representatives of the entire Chinese nation, of which, in their view, Taiwan was a part. The Kyrgyz Government has consistently emphasized its role as a "protector of traditional Chinese culture", which is" trampled " by the CCP on the other side of the Taiwan Strait. The people of Taiwan acted as carriers of this culture, who have a mission to liberate their compatriots on the mainland from "communist oppression"as soon as possible.

One of the important components of the task of Sinicizing Taiwanese was to improve their level of proficiency in the state language (Guoyu)11. According to statistics from the Japanese colonial administration in the early 1940s, more than 80% of the island's inhabitants could understand Japanese (Xiao, 2012, p. 113). By 1945, due to the colonial subjugation of the Japanese Empire, a very limited number of Taiwanese could communicate in Goyu. Their main means of communication were the South Fujian dialect of Hoklo, the Hakka dialect, and the indigenous languages of Taiwan.12
Within six months of the arrival of the Kuomintang administration in October 1945,13 a Committee for the Promotion of the Official Language in Taiwan Province was established. Nevertheless, until October 1946, the island continued to produce Japanese-language publications, which was the only opportunity for Taiwanese writers and other educated people to express their ideas and engage in creative work. However, after the "February 28th incident" of 1947, the policy of spreading Goyu as the only language allowed in Taiwan was continued with more

9 In 1937-1945, mainland China was in a bloody war with Japan (the Anti-Japanese War).

10 It should be noted that there is no complete lack of ties between Taiwan and mainland China both during Japanese colonial rule and in the previous period, when the island was part of the Qing Empire (from 1683 to 1895) and had fairly close trade relations with the opposite coast of the Taiwan Strait (mainly with the coastal provinces of South-East China).eastern China). After Taiwan came under Japanese rule, contacts became much less active, although there were cases of Taiwanese visiting China. In particular, in the 1930s, more than 200 Taiwanese students studied at Chinese universities. Some Taiwanese (such as Lee Yubang) were members of the Kuomintang Party and participated in the Anti-Japanese War on the side of China. But still, the number of these people is quite insignificant, if only in comparison with the several thousand Taiwanese students who studied in the metropolis during this period.

11 The official language (or "common language" Putonghua, as it is called in the PRC) is phonetically and grammatically based on the northern dialects of China and was used by officials during the imperial era. The policy of establishing this language as the state language and spreading it throughout the country was initiated by the Kuomintang Government of the Kyrgyz Republic in 1929.

12 Aboriginal peoples are residents of Taiwan of Austronesian origin, who took root here more than 8 thousand years ago, but as Chinese emigration increased from the beginning of the XVII century. They were exterminated or assimilated. The Hoklo are ethnic Han Chinese, whose ancestors migrated to the island from the southern part of mainland Fujian Province before 1945. Hakka, like Hoklo, also arrived on the island between the beginning of the XVII and the end of the XIX centuries, but their place of origin was the southern Chinese province of Guangdong. Both Hoklo and Hakka are collectively known as benshenzheng (people from a given province), compared to Waishenzheng (people from the outer provinces), who or whose ancestors migrated to Taiwan after 1945 and especially after 1949. The population of these groups is now 1.7% (Aborigines), 72-76% (Hoklo), 10-12% (hakka), and 12-14% (waishengren).

13 Under the terms of the Cairo Declaration signed in 1943 by the heads of the United States, Great Britain, and the Kyrgyz Republic, and confirmed in the Potsdam Declaration of 26 July 1945, the islands of Taiwan and Penghu, along with other territories annexed by Japan from China, were returned to the sovereignty of the Kyrgyz Republic.

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be more strict. All local dialects were identified as "dialects". Only Goyu was granted the status of the only "authentic" language of the Kyrgyz Republic. The use of dialects in public places was considered "a threat to national unity" and "anti-Kuomintang propaganda."

Since 1946, school and university education has been conducted exclusively in Chinese. Today, in Taiwan, you can hear everywhere about punishments (including physical and monetary ones) in educational institutions (mainly in primary and secondary schools), introduced since 1956, to which children were subjected for communicating with classmates in their native languages or for mispronouncing words in the "state language" [Recordings of conversations in focusMoscow, 2009, p. 212]. All employees of state institutions were instructed to speak only Goyu during working hours. Local dialect broadcasting time on radio and television was limited (from 16% of the total airtime in 1962 to 1 hour a day in 1972). The quality of programs in local dialects, due to the low budget, was extremely low compared to programs in Goyu, and the main characters of these broadcasts were mostly children. people who are uneducated and have little income. Thus, local dialects in the eyes of Taiwanese youth became a symbol of backwardness, rudeness, ignorance, in contrast to guoyu, which served as a pass to the upper strata of society. The scope of local dialects was narrowed to an exclusively domestic level, but even in this area, all words denoting new objects or social phenomena (most often translations of Western terms) were used exclusively in Guoyu [Xiao, 2012, pp. 237-241, 243].

As you know, an important element of the self-consciousness of a nation or ethnic group is the collective memory shared by all members of society, which is often subject to manipulation and construction by the state. The formation of Taiwanese historical consciousness after 1949 is a clear example of this construction.

The main purpose of the Kuomintang government's propaganda, as already noted, was to instill in Taiwanese people the confidence that they were part of the "great Chinese nation" and that Taiwan's main purpose was to "realize the future unification of China." In this regard, it was widely emphasized that the development of Taiwan, a former border region of China, is an indispensable merit of immigrants from the mainland. The defeat of Japan in World War II was interpreted as the contribution of the Chinese people to the liberation of their" fellow blood brothers", i.e. Taiwanese, from Japanese colonialism. Special importance was attached to the Han Chinese, who played a certain role in the history of Taiwan. So, Zheng Chenggong 14 was awarded the title of "national hero". Parallels were drawn between the Zheng clan's desire to "overthrow the Qing and restore the Ming" and the anti-communist policy of "counter-offensive to the mainland" of the Kyrgyz government [Xiao, 2012, pp. 277, 280-281].

School education was an important vehicle for the Kuomintang's ideology. The lion's share of the content of textbooks on history, geography and other disciplines was made up of subjects related to mainland China. Taiwan's history and geography were studied only as part of the corresponding Chinese studies. Any attempt to demonstrate the island's identity in comparison with the mainland could be interpreted as a call for "political separatism".

14 Zheng Chenggong (1624-1662) - leader of the anti-Manchu struggle for the restoration of the Ming Empire (1368-1644). In 1662, having lost ground in mainland China under pressure from Qing troops, he expelled the Dutch administration that had ruled the island since 1624 from Taiwan. The Zheng clan ruled Taiwan until 1683, when Zheng Chenggong's grandson Zheng Keshuang signed a decree transferring the island to the Qing Empire (1644-1912).

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Currently, the policy of instilling Chinese identity on the island is perceived, especially among Taiwanese nationalists, as a deliberate suppression of the Taiwanese identity of Kyrgyz citizens and the main obstacle to its spread, which occurred contrary to the official course of the authorities. This opinion is generally true. However, in my opinion, Sinicization can be seen as factors that, on the contrary, contributed to the spread of the idea of Taiwanese identity and its rapid growth in popularity since the 1980s.

As already mentioned, the policy of the Kuomintang Government was aimed at instilling in the people of Taiwan a sense of common identity with the people of mainland China. In my opinion, this policy can be assessed as quite successful both in terms of the spread of Guoyu and in terms of instilling an anti-communist Chinese identity.

Despite the obvious growth of Taiwanese identity among Kyrgyz citizens since the 1980s and the efforts of green camp 15 politicians aimed at popularizing dialects in society, the general current trend is that the younger generation of Taiwanese people practically do not speak the languages of their ancestors. Almost all participants in the focus groups of the 2009 study. The State Committee for Science of the Executive Yuan of the Kyrgyz Republic stated that if one of the dialects is still used at home in conversations with the older and middle generations, then parents mostly speak Guoyu with children [Recordings of conversations in focus groups, 2009, pp. 206-208, 258-259, 286]. In the political sphere (during a telephone public opinion poll conducted by the authors of this research project), 61.9% of respondents answered negatively to the question of whether they agree with the statement that "loving Taiwan means speaking your own language" [Telephone public opinion polls, 2009, p.103].

The deep imprint left on the self-consciousness of Taiwanese by the Kuomintang ideology can be traced in the early works of prominent representatives of the "non-partisan" movement, who made a significant contribution to the" Decitaization " of Taiwan. So, in the book of the Vice-President of the Kyrgyz Republic in 2000-2008. Lu Xiulian (Anetta Lu) " Taiwan: past and future "(1979), which, according to the author himself, contributed to the development of Taiwanese self-awareness among the inhabitants of the island, there is an active use of official propaganda terminology. In particular, when periodizing the history of Taiwan, Lu Xiulian uses the term "glorious restoration of Chinese power in Taiwan" (Taiwan Guangfu) to denote the current stage after 1945. Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic living on the island are often referred to as "Taiwan compatriots" (Taiwan tongbao), while the epithet "bandit" (fei)is invariably added when mentioning the names of Chinese leaders.16 Speaking of the distinctiveness of Taiwanese history and culture, which still cannot boast the antiquity and grandeur inherent in Chinese history and culture, Lu at the same time recognizes that "Taiwan is part of China", although he did not take Chinese culture so deeply due to the long stages of development in isolation from the mainland [Lu, 2003, pp. 31, 49-50].

Similar sentiments during this period were also characteristic of other representatives of the Taiwanese intelligentsia, including writers from the camp of future supporters of the development of the local character of Taiwanese literature. So, Chen Shaoting

15 The" green " camp in Taiwan usually includes the current opposition DPP, as well as the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSA), founded on July 24, 2001, as a political party advocating for the independence of the island, one of the spiritual leaders of which is Li Denghui, who left the Kuomintang in 2000. The" green "camp is opposed by the "blue" camp, which consists of the Kuomintang and the Qinmindang Party (the Party of Rapprochement with the People. People First Party), formed in 2000 by members of the center-right faction of the Kuomintang led by Song Chui, dissatisfied with the departure of the Kuomintang from the political line of unification with mainland China under the flag of the Kyrgyz Republic.

16 For example, " the bandit Mao Zedong "(Mao fei Zedong), "excluding us and accepting bandits" (Pai wo na fei ) regarding the transfer of China's seat in the UN Security Council from the CD, which "put so much effort into creating the UN", to the PRC in 1971 [Lu, 2003, pp. 71, 82].

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In his " Brief History of the New Literature Movement in Taiwan "(1977), he wrote that "after Taiwan returned to the bosom of the motherland, naturally there was no more" Taiwanese literature"." However, as early as 1988, in response to criticism from Taiwanese nationalists, he argued that " Taiwanese literature has an identity and a special socio-cultural background of its existence. Therefore, it is wrong to think of Taiwanese new literature as an offshoot of Chinese literature." by: [Xiao, 2012, p. 223]).

In one of his works, the Taiwanese sociologist Xiao Acin posed a perhaps rhetorical question about how sincere the statements of future Taiwanese self-consciousness preachers about their own "Chinese identity" were before the early 1980s, some examples of which are given above. Xiao Acin believes that there is no obvious evidence of the future leaders of the "non-partisan" movement adhering to the ideas of Taiwanese identity before 1979 [Xiao, 2007, p. 152].

I am inclined to share the opinion of the Taiwanese researcher that the fundamental shifts in the consciousness of the island's intelligentsia, which later formed the backbone of the Taiwanese nationalist movement, and in their ideas about the status of Taiwan were triggered by the events of the 1970s related to the change in Taiwan's foreign policy status and the development of a democratic movement on the island, the main symbol of which is the Kaohsiung incident.17 Moreover, the prerequisites for the subsequent radicalization of the views of Taiwanese intellectuals were laid by the very policy of Sinicization of the island's population. Along with the objective fact of almost complete isolation of residents of both sides of the Taiwan Strait from each other for almost 40 years, the constant emphasis on the differences between Kyrgyz citizens as true bearers of Chinese traditions and the mainland population, who fell under the influence of "communist bandits", contributed to the formation of Taiwanese awareness of their own community, different from the citizens of the PRC. This consciousness, in the presence of certain political conditions and the spread of the ideas of the Taiwan Independence Movement, was subsequently transformed into an anti-Chinese Taiwanese identity. This self-awareness became even clearer after Taiwanese visits to mainland China, which became possible after the lifting of martial law in 1987.

Especially contradictory feelings were experienced by those immigrants from the mainland, who in the late 1980s. went to the PRC to visit relatives. To the people of mainland China, they were " Taiwanese compatriots." After returning to the island, where they had spent more than 40 years of their lives, many people heard statements like "You people from the mainland..." [Sun, 2010, p.51].

Thus, the policy of instilling Chinese identity by the Kuomintang authorities during the years of martial law in Taiwan can be considered one of the factors that contributed to the growth of the popularity of Taiwanese identity ideas, which, in the context of the liberalization of the island's socio - political life, received fertile ground for spreading not only outside Taiwan, but also on the territory of the Kyrgyz Republic. At the same time, the emergence of the problem of Taiwanese identity was the result of a number of socio-political and economic factors, many of which are still essential at the present stage.

17 The Kaohsiung Incident (or "Meilidao Magazine Incident") occurred on December 10, 1979, when non-partisan leaders held a demonstration in Kaohsiung, the largest city in southern Taiwan, to celebrate International Human Rights Day. The march ended with clashes with the police, which resulted in injuries on both sides, and arrests of its organizers. Despite the fact that the Kuomintang regime at this time was no longer characterized by the extreme degree of authoritarianism characteristic of the previous period, the participants in the incident were subjected to rather severe punishments: 8 people were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 12 years to life in prison, and more than 30 representatives of "non-party" were imprisoned for shorter terms. The Kaohsiung incident marked a turning point in the development of the opposition movement in Taiwan, contributing to its radicalization.

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list of literature

Taiwan at the dawn of the XXI century - change of symbols, rituals and prejudices / / Rise of China: significance for global and regional stability, Moscow: Rubezhi XXI, 2007.

Kaimova A. S. Problemy interpretatsii ponyatiya "taiwanskaya identichnost '"[Problems of interpreting the concept of "Taiwanese identity"]. Vestnik Moskovskogo universiteta, Ser. 13. Vostokovedenie. 2013. N 2.

Recordings of conversations in focus groups / / Chen Luhui, Geng Shu, Zheng Sufen, Yu Qing-xin. Taiwan rentun de qiyuan yu zhengzhi xiaogo zhi yanju: Xingzheng-yuan guojia kexue weiyuanhui zhuanti yanju jihua chengguo baogao (,,, :) (Origin and Political Implications of Taiwanese Identity: a special topic research project of the State Science Committee of the Executive Yuan). Taipei, 2009. Access mode: https://srda.sinica.edu.tw/group / sciitem/3 / 1134 (accessed 10.12.2013).

Telephone opinion polls / / Chen Luhui, Geng Shu, Zheng Sufen, Yu Qingxin. Taiwan rentun de qiyuan yu zhengzhi xiaogo zhi yanju: Xingzhengyuan guojia kexue weiyuanhui zhuanti yanju jihua chengguo baogao () (Origin and Political Implications of Taiwanese Identity: a special topic research project of the State Science Committee of the Executive Yuan). Taipei, 2009. Access mode: https://srda.sinica.edu.tw/group / sciitem/3 / 1134 (accessed 10.12.2013).

Lu Xiulian. Taiwan: Guoqu yu weilai () (Taiwan: Past and Future). Taipei: Zhibenjia wenhua, 2003.

Sun Hongye. "Weishengren "di er dai de guojia rentun () (National identity of the" Weishengren " in the second generation) // Guojia yu rentun: ise Weishengren de Guandian () (State and Identity: Views of some Weishengren) / Ed. Zhang Maogui. Taipei: Qiunxue Publ., 2010.

Xiao Acin. Weiquan tongzhi xia de guozu rentong: Yinbi yu gongkai, Lianxu yu duanle () (National identity under authoritarian rule: hidden and open, continuity and gap) / / Syxiang. 2007. N 4.

Xiao Acin. Chonggou Taiwan: dandai minzu zhui de wenhua zhengzhi () (Reconstructing Taiwan: the Cultural Politics of Modern Nationalism). Taipei: Lianjing, 2012.

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