On April 12, 2010, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted the regular annual conference "Southeast Asia in 2009: Current Development Issues", organized by the Center for Research in Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania, dedicated to a wide range of regional problems-current political, geopolitical, socio - economic processes, cultural, historical and ethnographic issues. regional and country-level issues.

The conference was attended by employees of the Center and other departments of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, scientists from a number of academic institutions, teachers and postgraduates of higher educational institutions in Moscow, and employees of practical organizations.

Opening the conference, Deputy Chairman of the Board of Directors. E. V. Molodyakova, Director of the Institute, positively assessed the experience of holding annual conferences (since 1998), which make it possible to recreate a detailed "chronicle" of the region's development in the first decade of the XXI century. She noted the publication of annual collections based on the reports and reports of conference participants. According to E. V. Molodyakova, one of the important results of the conferences is a successful combination of scientific and practical experience. Southeast Asia today is a region that occupies an increasingly prominent place in the Asia-Pacific region. Apparently, the processes of global development will largely depend on this region. E. V. Molodyakova recommended that the conference participants pay special attention to the idea of Greater East Asia, a single Eastern community. This idea is not new, but today it is filled with new content. Regional security issues and the study of approaches and concepts on security issues in the regional and broader general context also require serious attention.

The conference program included three blocks of questions: main reports; presentations on regional problems of economy, politics, geopolitics, history; country problems. The main presentations were made by the Head of the Center for Southeast Asian, Australian and Oceanic Studies D. V. Mosyakov, S. A. Bylinyak (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences), A. P. Muranova (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences), A. A. Rogozhin (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences).

In his report "Soft Power in China's Policy in Southeast Asia", Dmitry Mosyakov stressed that China, as part of its expanding expansion in Asia, is increasingly taking the initiative in pursuing a soft power policy from the United States. The ASEAN countries today are undoubtedly the first and foremost targets of Chinese expansion. This is due to a number of factors: a) the blurring of the borders between Southern and Southwestern China and the northern regions of Southeast Asia (Myanmar, Laos), as a result of which the latter serve as a continuation of Southern and Southwestern China; b) China needs Southeast Asia, since this region is developing the most intense and first for the Chinese battle for dominance and dominance: on the one hand, the United States and Japan are acting, and on the other - China; c) control over the Southeast Asian countries is also necessary for China from the point of view of global politics, the prospects of access through Myanmar to the Indian Ocean, which will expand its military and strategic capabilities, strengthen its claims to world leadership; d) China, according to all sociological data, has According to surveys in Southeast Asian countries, a positive resource in the eyes of public opinion is greater than that of any of the great powers. In South-East Asia, Chinese influence is also spreading more intensively because the region's countries are now home to about 30 million ethnic Chinese, who play a key role in the economies of almost all Southeast Asian countries.

Popularizing the political system of the People's Republic of China cannot arouse enthusiasm among the elites of the most influential ASEAN countries. Therefore, Chinese propaganda is an attractive policy.-

The Russian ideology is based on the idea of the "golden age" of imperial China, the emphasis on common Asian values and hidden anti-Westernism. The ideology of successful pan-Asianism is being introduced, and the Chinese informally emphasize that they are not Americans, culturally alien to the region, but are the same as residents of Southeast Asian countries. It is increasingly difficult for the Western-oriented elites of the ASEAN countries to resist such a gradually developing and becoming more effective "soft power", as social and political layers that are sympathetic or even oriented towards the Chinese model of development are formed behind their backs under the influence of the Chinese example. The process of Sinicization is currently at the very beginning of its development. If it continues to gain strength, after a while it will be possible to conclude that, despite the resistance of pro-Western elites, the circle will close, and Southeast Asia, after more than a long period of Western modernization, will return to a new round of traditional ideas about China as a role model and the undisputed leader of the historical Greater Eastern Europe. Asia.

S. A. Bylinyak's speech was devoted to the impact of the global financial and economic crisis on the countries of South-East and East Asia. The crisis in question originated in the United States in the form of a financial crisis and quickly spread to developed financial markets. However, it had little impact on under-developed emerging financial markets, which include most of the markets in SEEA countries.

Foreign trade has become the "carrier" of the crisis phenomena in SEVA. As production, employment, and incomes fell in the centers of the world economy, demand for products exported by the Southeast Asian countries declined. The impact of the crisis on them began to be noticeable by the end of 2008 But the region's countries were severely affected in 2009 In some of them, GDP declined. Countries with open economies that are deeply integrated into the global economy, especially Asian NIS, have felt the crisis the most. Having considered the causes of the crisis, the speaker came to the conclusion that it is necessary to radically restructure international economic, especially financial, relations. First of all, this concerns the highly swollen global financial sector. If these changes do not occur, similar crises will recur.

The topic of A. P. Muranova's report is tax incentives for private businesses in the Southeast Asian countries. Noting that in the region, as in the rest of the world, tax privileges for private investment are an integral part of tax systems, A. P. Muranova said that tax incentives are implemented in two forms.

The first is the reduction of nominal statutory corporate income tax rates. The process of reducing the tax burden on private businesses occurs primarily under the direct influence of the tax policies and practices of industrial states and the steady global trend of lowering corporate tax rates that developed in the world in the "zero" years of this century. The average global corporate tax rate decreased from 32.9% in 1999 to 25.1% in 2009, while in the European Union it decreased from 34.12% to 23.22%, respectively. An important role is also played by the desire of the ruling circles of the Southeast Asian countries, which are increasingly integrating into the world economy, to maintain the competitiveness and attractiveness of their economies for investors, especially foreign ones, in the context of globalization. The most significant changes are in Vietnam (the income tax rate was reduced from 35% in 1999 to 25% in 2009), Singapore (from 25% to 18%, respectively), and the Philippines (from 35% in 2006 to 30% in 2009).

The second form of tax incentives for private businesses in the region is special fiscal benefits. Their set is diverse and includes: tax holidays, i.e. full exemption from corporate tax during the period established by law; reduced income tax rates, investment tax discounts, accelerated depreciation of fixed assets, carrying losses forward, i.e. their compensation at the expense of profits received in subsequent years: exemption from payment of import duties when importing goods and raw materials; exemption from indirect taxes (VAT, excise taxes, stamp duties). The degree of fiscal privilege saturation is determined by the overall level of socio-economic development, the economic strategy and policies of the governments of the region. In the underdeveloped part of the country - Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar - the range of benefits is not wide. In fast-growing Singapore and Malaysia, tax incentives are numerous, form an important part of the tax system, and provide an additional boost to dynamic investment processes.

It should be noted that the first form of tax incentive applies to all private investors and therefore does not discriminate, while the second form is provided only to individual projects and investors and therefore, in essence, discriminates against others. In this regard, the system of special tax benefits is evaluated ambiguously and is often criticized.

A. A. Rogozhin, in his report "Russian Interests in Southeast Asia", expressed concern that over the past 20 years, Russian foreign policy has noticeably reduced attention to this region in contrast to the "East Asia/ASEAN+3"format actively promoted by China, the United States and Japan. This format, according to the speaker, does not meet the interests of Russia, for which it is important, while supporting the ASEAN concept of a specific regional community, to maintain its special place in Southeast Asia, ignoring the foreign policy configuration, where China, the United States and Japan initially have much stronger positions. Therefore, it is advisable for Russia's foreign policy to maintain two significantly different sub-regional policies in East Asia. At the same time, the" Asean " direction should be given clearer features that take into account the sub-regional specifics of the Southeast Asian countries. The speaker specified the key political and economic interests of Russia in the region, as well as the actual and hypothetical possibilities of ensuring them in the short and long term.

M. V. Matyukhin's report "Foreign expansion of Southeast Asian oil and gas companies" analyzed a new direction in the strategy for ensuring national and regional energy security of the region's states, which is based on the exit of national oil and gas companies of the Southeast Asian countries beyond national borders and even the region. If earlier this phenomenon was typical only for specialized companies in Malaysia and Thailand, then in 2009 - 2010, Indonesian, Vietnamese and Singapore companies began to conduct operations for oil and gas exploration and production abroad. The speaker highlighted the internal and external factors that contribute to the foreign expansion of oil and gas companies in the Southeast Asian countries, believing that the main thing is a significant expansion of their technological and financial capabilities. He reminded that the region's oil and gas companies can now act both as solid partners and as serious competitors of the Russian oil and gas business, not only in Southeast Asia, but also in any country in the world.

The second set of questions was opened with a presentation by M. G. Osipova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) on integration trends in financial relations in East and South-East Asia. It was noted that until recently, the process of financial integration was slow to develop due to the existence of a number of disintegrating factors after the global economic crisis that broke out in the center of the world economic system. The SEEA countries have taken serious steps to promote financial integration in the first place. M. G. Osipova focused on analyzing the prospects for financial integration in the SEEA region, whose role in shaping the global financial system is difficult to overestimate.

The report by S. E. Pale (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) examines the stages of China's penetration into the South Pacific region (which includes, in addition to Australia and New Zealand, 13 independent island countries and 13 dependent territories), and the relationship between the South Pacific states and China. It was concluded that in the future, the PRC will continue to make efforts to achieve its main political goals in the region. If the renminbi rate continues to rise against the Australian dollar, China will try to prevent the implementation of the Australian government's plan to transfer Oceanic economies to the Australian dollar by 2015 (similar to the transition of European countries to the euro).

The report "The Doctrine of Greater East Asia" by A. A. Kirichenko (IB RAS) describes the history of the formation of the Japanese ideological concept of "Greater East Asia". It is emphasized that with the growth of Japan's militaristic expansionist orientation towards neighboring Asian countries, the doctrine of "Shared Prosperity of Southeast Asia" appeared, which openly called for pan-Asianism - "Asia for Asians". In the Triple Pact signed on September 27, 1940, Germany and Italy recognized Japan's leading position in establishing a "new order" in Greater East Asia. This was a serious threat to the US and the UK. After rebuilding its economy after its defeat in World War II, Japan began to show interest in Southeast Asia. At the governmental level, programs were adopted to provide assistance to many Southeast Asian countries in the field of culture, education, etc.-

education, economics. Japanese leaders have come to the conclusion that much more can be achieved through peaceful cooperation with countries that have been forced into the "zone of shared prosperity" by force. At present, Japan is committed to peaceful cooperation in various fields. This is largely due to the fact that it transfers many production facilities to the Southeast Asian countries, supporting it with solid funding. Residents of Southeast Asian countries, despite strict immigration laws, are increasingly choosing Japan as their place of residence and work.

N. B. Lebedeva's presentation "India-Myanmar-China Triangle (problems and compromises of interaction)" gave a comparative analysis of the policy of India and China in relation to Myanmar, including within the framework of the Chinese strategy "Threads of Pearls" in the Indo-Pacific zone and the Indian "Orientation to the East". areas where the interests of China and India collide or, conversely, there are attempts to cooperate in multilateral structures are also highlighted. The development of relations with both India and China is in the pragmatic interests of Myanmar in various areas (political, economic, and military-strategic). However, Myanmar's other goal is also obvious - on the one hand, to balance the growing pressure of China through cooperation with India, and on the other - to neutralize the negativism and criticism of the US and the EU, and sometimes ASEAN, towards the Myanmar regime, its human rights violations, etc.

L. V. Arunova (IB RAS) noted in her speech that the rapid change in the global economic situation in the last post-crisis period in SEVA could not but lead to a transformation of the integration mechanism in the region. Today, ASEAN has a multi-million-strong population and a combined GDP of almost $ 1.5 trillion. It is the center of integration processes in the Asia - Pacific region with an economic growth rate exceeding the global average (6.9% in East Asia, 5.4% in Southeast Asia). Throughout the entire history of ASEAN (founded in 1967), up to now, there have been 16 formal and 4 informal summits. ASEAN meetings have been held annually since 2001, and it is hoped that their holding will contribute to strengthening integration processes in Southeast Asia, as well as give a new impetus to cooperation between the countries of the region.

V. A. Tyurin (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) made a report on "Colonial models and their impact on the formation of independent Southeast Asian States". The report examined the features of the development of related countries - Indonesia (Dutch India) and Malaysia (British Malaya) - during the colonial era. The author focuses on the peculiarities of socio-economic and ethno-confessional character, as well as on the structure of colonies and the political activities of the colonial authorities. All this has had a very serious, if not decisive, impact on the fate of Indonesia and Malaysia, first of all, on the nature of achieving independence and the formation of political systems in already independent States.

E. P. Zakaznikova (IB RAS) believes that the cooperation of Australia and New Zealand with ASEAN is, despite the existing differences between them, the most important factor of integration in the Asia-Pacific region. It is carried out in close and multifaceted cooperation in the trade, economic, humanitarian and security spheres. The process of cooperation between the two sub-regions has gone through several stages of development, changing in accordance with the domestic and global political and economic situation. The strengthening of integration processes in the region was facilitated by the active role of Russia, which seeks to balance the situation in the region by strengthening ties with Australia and ASEAN.

A. Drugov (Institute of Political Science of the Russian Academy of Sciences) noted in his report that in Indonesia, President S. B. Yudhoyono, who was elected by direct vote in 2009, does not have a sufficiently strong position in parliament, where his own Democrat Party has only a little more than 20% of seats, and the coalitions being created are unstable. Hence, in particular, the lack of determination of the executive authorities in their approach to some pressing problems of the country, including in countering the manifestations of Islamist extremism on the ground. It cannot be ruled out that the activation of Islamists, which traditionally opposes this process, will lead to decisive actions. In foreign policy, the Government of S. B. Yudhoyono seeks to restore the country's leading position within ASEAN and its role in the international arena, which was partly lost as a result of the 1997-1998 crisis. Take on a more lively character relative to-

This is caused by a latent mutual desire to resist the growing influence of China.

The report by G. V. Suchkov (IB RAS) is dedicated to the Golkar party after the 2009 elections. For several decades, Golkar was one of the pillars of the "New Order" regime. After President Suharto was forced to step down from the political scene in May 1998, Indonesia entered an era of massive transformation. The state's party space has been significantly transformed. Nevertheless, Golkar continues to take an active part in the development of Indonesian policy. In an eventful 2009, the party took part in both the parliamentary campaign and the battle for the head of state's seat and performed poorly. There was no doubt that Golkar was waiting for a change of leadership. Four candidates were running for the chairman's seat, and Aburizal Bakri, an influential entrepreneur with a controversial reputation, won. The question of which direction Bakri will lead the party cannot yet be answered concretely. However, it is clear that all political developments in Indonesia over the next few years need to be viewed through the lens of the 2014 targets. an election in which Golkar will be among the most visible participants, trying to sit on two chairs at once, on the one hand, flirting with President Yudhoyono and trying to bargain for important government posts, on the other - moving in the direction of consolidating the opposition forces under their own banners.

In the report of V. P. Nikolaev (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences) "Indonesian reaction to the "White Paper" on the Defense of Australia in 2009", it was noted that the concept of national security, outlined in the document of the Labor government of K. Rada, caused a mixed reaction both within the country, where it was criticized by conservative politicians, and in neighboring countries. The Chinese expressed particular dissatisfaction with the fact that the document named China as a state that could pose a threat to the Asia-Pacific region in the future. Indonesia's response was generally positive. Indonesian Defense Minister Y. Sudarsono stated that the Australian plan to strengthen the defense capability does not cause concern to Indonesia. He supported Australia's plan to acquire 12 submarines, 8 frigates and 100 F-15 aircraft. At the same time, the minister did not agree with the conclusion of the Australians about the potential threat to security in the Asia-Pacific Region from China. The director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, R. Sukma, explained the favorable Indonesian assessment of the White Paper by saying that the document for the first time gives a positive characterization of Indonesia as a strong partner of Australia. He also positively assessed the Indonesian-Australian relations and joint efforts to counter international terrorism. According to Sukma, the White Paper provides a solid foundation for Indonesia and Australia to work together on regional security.

L. F. Pakhomova (IB RAS) focused on the negative and positive results of modernization carried out in Indonesia, which can be taken into account when developing a modernization option for the economy and society in Russia. Both countries have a number of common problems, as evidenced by their positions in the global market. In particular, according to the WEF Global Competitiveness Survey, among 133 countries in 2009 - 2010, Indonesia is ranked 56th, while Russia is only 63rd. The failures and very modest results of the incomplete reform of the Indonesian economy were largely due to the agricultural and raw materials orientation of industries with backward technology and very low innovation activity. Both countries face urgent tasks of accelerating and deepening modernization, as well as transferring the national economy from the format of an agricultural and raw material economy to the format of innovative development. Modernization can be effective if it is implemented not only in the leading sectors of the economy, but also in the political, institutional and managerial spheres.

V. F. Urlyapov (Institute of Foreign Policy of the Russian Academy of Sciences) reviewed new trends in Malaysia's foreign policy since its accession in April 2009. Najib Razak as the new Prime Minister. The country's foreign policy continued to undergo adjustments initiated under the former Badawi Government. Rhetorical attacks against the State of Israel and international Zionist circles, as well as regular statements about unconditional solidarity with the people of Palestine, were removed from the lexicon of Malaysian diplomacy, and the position on Iran's nuclear program became more balanced. Additional steps have been taken to strengthen broad cooperation with the United States, including in the areas of defense and security. Statements about the need for a radical reform of the global monetary and financial system have almost completely disappeared.

the system. A characteristic feature of regional diplomacy was the emphasis on bilateral contacts without involving such regional cooperation structures as ASEAN. Efforts are also being made to address acute problems with Indonesia and Singapore. In late 2009, Najib Razak visited the southern provinces of Thailand and called on the local Malay Muslim population to cooperate with the Bangkok authorities to overcome the long-standing political crisis. Malaysian diplomacy managed to make a breakthrough in resolving the territorial-border dispute with Brunei in March 2009. Despite numerous difficulties caused by the internal political situation in the Philippines, Malaysia continued to conduct a mediation mission to resolve the problem of the southern Philippine provinces.

A. A. Simonyi (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences) spoke about the internal political situation in Myanmar in the run-up to the general parliamentary elections. The 2010 elections should formally end 22 years of military rule and transfer power to a civilian government. However, in fact, the main goal of holding elections, according to the speaker, is to legitimize the ruling, still military elite and prepare the ground for its security and well-being in the future. The ruling military junta has done everything possible to remove its main rival, the National League for Democracy (NLD), from the political arena. The 2008 Constitution and the Law on Registration of Political Parties, adopted on 8 March 2010, contain a number of anti-democratic provisions that discriminate against the opposition, in particular the NLD leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. In protest, the party refused to participate in the elections. In conclusion, the speaker noted that the most unexpected turns in the election campaign process are possible - from the cancellation of elections to a military coup after the elections.

L. N. Morev (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) gave a brief overview of the socio-economic situation in Laos in 2009, focusing on the actions of the authorities to overcome the threats caused by the global financial and economic crisis. The main part of the speech was devoted to the issue of Chinese and Vietnamese expansion in order to gain favorable positions in the Lao economy.

G. F. Murasheva (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) focused on the most significant events of Vietnam's foreign policy in 2009, paying special attention to Vietnam-Japan relations. In particular, she presented a comparative analysis of the strategic partnership agreements that Vietnam concluded with Japan and China in June 2008 and 2009, respectively, as a result of visits to these countries by Nong Duc Man, General Secretary of the CPV Central Committee. The format of strategic partnership in relations between the two countries involves a wide range of areas of cooperation-from trade and economic, technological, cultural, education and training to military and security issues-and in each case has its own specifics. G. Murasheva noted that the economic aspect prevails in the Vietnam-Japan strategic partnership (countries in 2008). We have signed a special Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA). Vietnam and Japan are also linked by their participation in joint regional projects aimed at economic integration in the ASEAN area. As for the Vietnam-China strategic partnership, which also has a significant trade and economic component, it is primarily distinguished by its ideological component: cooperation, contacts and constant exchange of experience between the ruling parties-the CPC and the CPV (a hotline has been established between them for the first time). connections).

A. A. Sokolov (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences), having analyzed the most significant events of cultural life in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in 2009, focused on literature. He noted that in 2009, the circulation of fiction has significantly increased, the range of translated books has expanded, and the world's bestsellers are practically "not late" for Vietnamese readers. Nevertheless, domestic critics were unanimous in their opinion that 2009 was marked by a lack of bright and memorable literary works, and the quantitative growth of published books still outstrips their qualitative merits. And yet there were achievements. In poetry , these are collections of poems by Nguyen Thi Anh Phuong, Le Van Ngan, Pham Phu Hai, in prose - short stories by The Duc and Nguyen Hiep, novels by Nguyen Mota and Bui Ngoc Tan. An important event in the country's literary life was the Second International Conference of Vietnamese Literature Translators, which was held in January 2010 and attracted a record number of participants.

Yu. O. Levtonova's report (IB RAS) was devoted to the 2010 election campaign in the Philippines. It was predicted that there will be a complete renewal of the political elite from top to bottom - from the election of the president of the country, both houses of Congress to local power, starting with the provincial and ending with the grassroots municipal level (a total of 17 thousand elected officials will be replaced). In the center of political expectations of Filipinos is the election of a new president (instead of the unpopular G. M. Arroyo, who was in power for the last 9 years). From a long list of candidates for the top post, by the end of 2009, two of the most promising candidates came to the finish line - Senator Benigno (Noinoy) Aquino 3rd, as well as Congressman and big businessman Manny Vilar. The first is the son of the national hero of the Philippines Benigno Aquino and Corazon Aquino, whose name is associated with the collapse of the authoritarian regime and the beginning of the process of redemocratization (1986). The second is a native of the Manila slums, "self made man", one of the richest representatives of the business elite. According to preliminary electoral polls from 26.04.2010, B. Aquino was in the lead (his rating was 37% in March, 38% in April). M. Vilar's rating has fallen from 28% in March to 26% in April. Neither B. Aquino nor his rival had clearly formulated electoral programs aimed at implementing modernizing reforms that were vital for society. B. Aquino, if he wins, as noted by Philippine political scientists, intends to take only a step towards reform. M. Vilar, despite belonging to big business, resorted to populist rhetoric. A characteristic feature of political life is the unprecedented strengthening of traditionalism, which manifests itself in the revival of paternalism, client relations, and the aggravation of intra-elite struggles and inter-clan strife.

In the May 10, 2010 election, Aquino 3rd won the expected victory with 40.2% of the vote. The unpredictability of the political process in the Philippines is reflected in the unexpected castling of candidates for the post of head of state. In second place, pushing aside M. Vilar, came the populist J. R. R. Tolkien. Estrada (25.5% of the votes), M. Vilar - on the 3rd place (about 14% of the votes). The 2010 election is an important political milestone, but it is too early to draw conclusions about the possible prospects for the future development of the Philippines.

E. A. Fomicheva (IB RAS) in her speech "Thailand: the problem of succession to the throne and the fate of the monarchy" focused on issues that are becoming particularly relevant in connection with the political crisis that has been shaking Thailand for almost six years. Against the background of ongoing street demonstrations, occasionally accompanied by riots, questions are increasingly being raised about the country's political prospects, including the fate of the monarchy. The future seems very uncertain due to the advanced years of the reigning King Bhumibol Adulyadej, whose high state status was partly the result of his personal activities. In his presentation, the author examines the evolution of the concept of royal power. Recently, attention has been drawn to such a monarchical institution as the Privy Council under the King. There is a growing influence of the Privy Council and especially its chairman, General Prem Tinsulanon, on the political situation in the country. The question of the heir to the throne is of great interest. At the same time, attention is drawn to the great role of the king's personal decision on this issue. The current heir to the throne is Prince Vachiralongkon, while his sister Princess Maha Chakri Sirinthon is second in line to the throne. The role that the Privy Council can play in the process of transferring the throne is emphasized.

The topic of E. M. Gurevich's speech was Singapore in 2009. This year, the country celebrated the 50th anniversary of the People's Action Party in power. For half a century of its virtually monopolistic leadership, a mixed or" selective " political system has developed, formally of the Western parliamentary type, but, in fact, a rigid authoritarian system of power, the core of which is the MHP. But it was this form of political structure that created the optimal conditions for Singapore to become one of the most successful countries in the world, which eventually managed to make a giant leap from the "third world to the first". However, the rapidly changing world brings new challenges and threats. As the most globalized economy in the world, Singapore is extremely vulnerable and dependent on external factors. The global financial and economic crisis that began in 2008 had a significant impact on the country's economy, primarily affecting the manufacturing sector, especially its export sectors, and putting a number of issues on the agenda that need to be addressed immediately.

The main problem is the recovery and acceleration of economic growth and the reduction of the growing unemployment rate in the context of the crisis. Increasing social differentiation can lead to a social explosion and political destabilization in the country. Problems

Young people also require special attention from Singapore's leadership. The desire of many of the most educated and professionally trained young Singaporeans to leave the country on occasion casts doubt on what is considered to be one of the greatest achievements of the HDP policy - the integration of society and the formation of a "Singapore identity". It is likely that an artificially created and therefore not yet sufficiently strong "Singapore identity" can become a potential obstacle to the long-term "survival" of Singapore. Globalization can increase this danger. Another problem is the emergence of various religious organizations that spread their beliefs through the Internet, including radical ones. This can lead to increased interethnic relations and threaten the security of predominantly "Chinese" Singapore, located in the center of the Islamic world of Southeast Asia. Finally, the issue of relations between the ruling MHP and the opposition and society as a whole remains relevant and acute. The HDP is under growing pressure from a more educated and emancipated electorate, which is demanding more political choices. Of course, this is only part of the problems that the city-state leaders will have to solve. Therefore, for Singapore, which has already entered the era of post-industrial development, the question of its "survival" as a sovereign state is just as important as at the initial stage of its independent development.

In the message of E. M. Astafieva (IB RAS) " Electronic government. Singapore's experience" the main stages of forming an e-government system were considered. The plan for its creation has been implemented in Singapore since 1980.The consolidation of computing resources was carried out in the form of a common data processing center and a network of public services. Currently, the fourth stage is being implemented, during which it is planned to popularize the possibilities of electronic services among the population, improve coordination of the activities of public administration structures. Currently, about 1.6 thousand types of electronic services are provided in Singapore. The report also considered the tasks and goals of introducing this system, which, according to the author, is fraught with further expansion of control over the activities of citizens in all spheres of life.

N. S. Skorobogatykh (IB RAS) traced the main causes and consequences of the appearance of one of the small parties in the political arena of the Australian Union (AU), the creation of which was a response to the attempts of the country's leadership to "fit" Australia into the processes of globalization and reflected the negative reaction of ordinary voters to this process. Pauline Lee Hanson and her One Nation Party (PON), which unexpectedly won elections in the late 1990s, demanded a reduction in immigration, which led to the "Asianization of Australia"; the abolition of discriminatory policies that divided society in the field of support for Aboriginals and multiculturalism; the rejection of economic rationalism and globalization; and the revival local industry, supporting small businesses in the Australian outback. This turn of events has alarmed both Asian communities in the AU and Southeast Asian Governments, who have seen the PON as evidence of a rise in xenophobic attitudes and racism in Australia. Although PON has retired from big politics, some of the provisions of her program are reflected in the domestic politics of Australia at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries.

L. G. Stefanchuk (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) considered the problem of Maori-the indigenous population of New Zealand belonging to the Polynesian family of peoples. She identified the key points of its evolution. The first stage covers the end of the XIX - beginning of the XX century, when the extinction of the Maori stopped. The first stage is associated with urbanization, which has had a huge impact on the demographic and socio-professional composition of the Maori population. Particularly important changes occurred in the mid-1970s, which marked the beginning of the spiritual revival of the Maori language and culture, and the restoration or compensation of their rights associated with the establishment of the Waitangi Tribunal. Currently, Maori make up 14% of the country's total population. They created their own political party, which won five seats in the next parliamentary elections, and successfully fights for de facto equality between Maori and Anglo-Zealanders.

The conference reports and presentations analyzed the most pressing problems for Southeast Asian countries (at the regional and country levels). With the establishment of the Center for Southeast Asian, Australian and Oceanic Studies, the scope of presentations has expanded. Much attention was paid to geopolitical changes in the region, as well as " hot " topics - the prolonged crisis in Thailand, preparations for the elections in Myanmar, and the 2010 elections in the Philippines. The results of the conference are not only of scientific interest, but can also be used by practical organizations related to the implementation of the Russian Federation's policy in the region.

Permanent link to this publication: