On April 23, 2014, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted the next annual inter-institute scientific conference organized by the Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania, "Southeast Asia and the South: Current Development Problems". Employees of the Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania, academic institutes and higher educational institutions of Moscow, representatives of practical organizations took part in its work.

The conference included two blocks of questions: section 1 - key problems of regional development; section 2-trends and prospects of socio-economic and political development of individual countries in the region.

Dmitry Mosyakov, Head of the Center for Southeast Asia, Australia and Oceania, delivered the main report "Strengthening contradictions in the South China Sea region". He noted that the situation in the South China Sea (SCM) has recently changed significantly: 1) China has given permission to the police authorities of Hainan Province to inspect any vessels in the waters of the South China Sea. 2) The Philippine government appealed to the UN International Court of Justice on the Law of the Sea, insisting that the territorial dispute with the PRC be considered by the International Court of Justice. Both of these decisions radically change the configuration of the existing conflict, increasing the threat of its aggravation. This, in particular, was stated by ASEAN Secretary-General Surin. The Philippines ' appeal to the UN raises the conflict from a regional to an international level, and the initiative of the PRC threatens the right of free passage of ships through the waters of the South China Sea. There are different opinions about the prospects for the development of the situation in the South China Sea. But one thing is clear: peace in this region is becoming increasingly fragile. If Chinese border guards stop at least one ship in the South China Sea, a conflict can break out with the most unpredictable consequences. It is known that the United States and other Western countries have repeatedly stated that they will protect the right of free passage through the waters of the South China Sea by all possible means. And although Washington declares its neutrality, it is quite possible to talk about the involvement of Americans in the existing conflict. The stakes of the confrontation are extremely high. Through the Strait of Malacca to the South China Sea passes 10 times more oil than through Suez and 16 times more than through the Panama Canal. A third of this trade goes through these waters, not only to Japan, India and the Russian Far East, but also to the west coast of the United States.

N. B. Lebedeva (IV RAS) drew attention to the ambiguous assessment of the new definition of "Indo-Pacific region" in the proposed American concept of the 2011 "turn" to Asia and the main motives and consequences of the unification of the two oceans. The main emphasis was placed on the maritime aspects of the courses of India and China, new initiatives and mechanisms for their implementation were shown. For Delhi, these include strengthening the Navy and strategic ties with the United States, Japan and other countries, forming the India + Japan + China triangle in the Gulf of Aden, flexible steps in the South China Sea, moving to maritime security issues in ARSIO (which was not previously the case), building new bases, etc. silk Road", establishes control in different points of the World Ocean, expands the field of sea maneuvers and strengthens the Navy in order to prevent a possible naval blockade, dangerous for the rapid economic recovery.

A. A. Rogozhin (IMEMO RAS) in the report " The role of ASEAN in the Regional Integrated Economic Partnership (RCEP) - Leader or partner?" He emphasized the specifics of the integration process in Southeast Asia and East Asia, concluding that the priority in bringing the countries of the sub-region and the region closer together in the current political conditions remains with the economy. According to the speaker, the merits of ASEAN as a political institution were not supported by the corresponding role of this organization in supporting the economic integration of Southeast Asian countries, although ensuring stable and dynamic economic development is precisely the priority strategic task of the ASEAN member countries. After describing the goals, specifics and reasons for the formation of the RCEP, created on the initiative of ASEAN, the speaker drew attention to the difficulties of this process and came to the conclusion that ASEAN is unlikely to become the leader of the RCEP and the idea of the rule of ASEAN supported by this organization cannot yet be implemented on this dialogue platform.

V. V. Boitsov (ISAA MSU) in his report "Economic development of South-East Asian countries and the problem of their differentiation" noted that in the period 1996-2012, there were the first economic developments in South-East Asia.-

signs of a decline in the growth rate of the region's economies in comparison with the growth rate of the world economy as a whole and in particular with other developing countries. In this regard, there is a tendency to reduce the contribution of Southeast Asian countries to the world economy (so far only in terms of purchasing power parity) and in the economy of developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. This process is even more pronounced in the export and import trade of these countries, which has significantly reduced their share in world trade and that of all developing countries combined. Similar changes have occurred in the import of foreign private capital and, above all, foreign direct investment into the economy of the Southeast Asian countries. All these changes, in the speaker's view, are not related to defects in the activities of ASEAN (most likely, its institutions have mitigated and somewhat leveled the negative trends noted for the region), but, firstly, to the accelerated growth and strengthening of positions in the global economy of some large, primarily developing countries, and primarily China, and Second, by restructuring the structure of the economy in most countries of the region by gradually abandoning the superindustrialization model that gave dynamism to their development, in favor of developing the service sector. The speaker reminded that the Southeast Asian countries have always been characterized by a high degree of differentiation in terms of quality of life and level of economic development. In recent years, this differentiation has increased in the economic sphere.

I. S. Ivanova (MSU) made a presentation on "ASEAN Countries on the path to a knowledge economy". Innovation plays a leading role in the knowledge economy; knowledge acts both as a product and as a tool for development, and knowledge carriers, human capital, become a key (and non-diminishing) resource. In this approach, not only knowledge-producing countries, but also "consumers" (governments that use information technologies, firms that use them in technological processes and management, individual consumers of goods and services) are all involved in EZ, regardless of the degree of development in general or the scientific and technological level of the countries. However, their roles in EZ vary. The speaker noted that the leading factors for the involvement of Southeast Asian countries in EZ, along with the level of socio-economic development, the degree of openness of the economy, and institutional readiness, are the geographical location in contact zones, the level of urbanization and the presence of large urban agglomerations, and the availability of communication infrastructure.

The report of G. M. Lokshin (IDV RAS) noted that events in the South China Sea continue to develop in a negative direction. Expectations of easing tensions after the change of leadership in China have not been met. Relations between the main protagonists of China, on the one hand, and Vietnam and the Philippines, on the other, have entered a new phase of psychological warfare. ASEAN's negotiations with China on a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea parties promise to be long and difficult. There is no threat of a major war in the region, but the number of dangerous incidents and conflicts will increase. A mutually acceptable solution to disputes in the near future is not visible, because none of the parties has the political will to compromise, without which progress towards a peaceful settlement is impossible.

The report by S. E. Pale (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences) examined China's relations with its strategically important neighbors in the South Pacific region (SWR), independent Tonga and French Polynesia (Tahiti), which belongs to France. Beijing's obvious but not officially stated goal is to expand and strengthen not only its economic, but also its political and geostrategic influence in the South Pacific. So, if French Polynesia gains the status of an independent state, with the help of the Beijing lobby at the UN, China will be able to fully establish itself in the very center of the UTR, displacing France. This scenario is possible because by 2014, the amount of Chinese investment in Tahiti exceeded French investment by several times. At the same time, China's active economic cooperation with the financially and physically sinking Tongan state resulted in almost 40% of Tongan GDP in 2014. made up of Chinese loans. Since Tonga is not able to repay them, China offers this island state an alternative option: to place its naval base there. With a positive decision, it will become the first military outpost of the PRC in the South, located near the French bases in New Caledonia and French Polynesia, next to the most important American base on Guam, next to the coasts of Australia and New Zealand and with a "view" of Japan.

A. P. Muranova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in her report "New trends in the export of capital from South-East Asia" reported on the development of such new processes in 2000-2012 in comparison with the previous years.

In the second half of the 1990s, as the region's position in global and regional direct investment outflows narrowed; Singapore's share in the total volume of foreign direct investment declined, while the share of Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia grew significantly; direct investment outflows grew more rapidly than inflows, and the region's importance as a donor to developing and developed countries increased. countries; expansion of capital export from the leading countries of the region through the cross-border mergers and acquisitions market; growth of capital exports from the region to industrial states; development of intraregional flows of direct investment within the framework of ASEAN.

The report of M. G. Osinova (IB RAS) was devoted to the problem of financial liberalization of the Asian dollar market in Singapore in 2013-2014. It was noted that the financial crisis in the United States, in Western Europe, and the destabilization of the global monetary system contributed to a change in the strategy of economic development of the stock financial market in Singapore towards its liberalization.

A. N. Zubakin (IB RAS) in his report "The behavior of the Chinese yuan in the financial market of the ASEAN member Countries: trends and prospects" identified three problems: the reasons for the use of the Chinese yuan in the ASEAN financial market; the current position of the Chinese yuan in the ASEAN financial market: advantages and disadvantages of its use; trends and prospects for the use of the Chinese yuan in- financial transactions with ASEAN countries in terms of internationalization of the yuan. The speaker came to the conclusion that due to the policy of liberalization of the Chinese yuan exchange rate initiated in 2005, its weight in the world currency basket is increasing. At the same time, the US dollar, which remains the main currency in the region, is steadily losing ground due to the ongoing financial crisis. Thus, against the background of the obvious need to reform the global monetary and financial system, the PRC is increasing its financial influence on a strategically important trading partner in the face of the ASEAN member countries.

G. F. Murasheva (IB RAS) spoke about the assessments of China's policy in the South China Sea by scientists from different countries. Most experts of the international scientific community call it expansionist, aimed at establishing a kind of hegemony in the region. International conferences on the South China Sea are usually mostly anti-Chinese in nature. When considering a territorial dispute, for example, between China and Vietnam in the South China Sea, experts in most cases support Vietnam without serious analysis of the arguments of the disputing parties. As for Chinese scientists, despite the fact that there are "pigeons" and "hawks" among them, the dominant point of view is that diplomatic measures are preferable for resolving maritime disputes. However, it is possible to resort to harsh measures in the event of a failure of diplomacy. However, many Chinese analysts are strongly opposed to China's use of armed forces in resolving maritime disputes. Thus, most scientists from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences suggest a sober, balanced approach to the South China Sea problem: China's defense of its national interests should not run counter to maintaining stability in the region, which is necessary for China itself both in the short and long term.

In section 2, A. Yu. Other (IB RAS) spoke, who noted that the parliamentary elections held in Indonesia in April 2014 once again showed the disunity of the country's political elite. The July 2014 presidential election will require a very diverse coalition, and it will be difficult for the future cabinet to find support in Parliament. In this situation, there is a certain longing in society for the times of the authoritarian regime (1966-1998). At the same time, there is an increase in nationalist and great-power sentiments, an appeal to the politics of the Sukarno era, in particular the glorification of events related to the "confrontation with Malaysia" in the early 1960s. In this context, the desire of the army to play the role of an autonomous force, the carrier of the national idea, opposing both liberalism and radical Islamism, is indicated. The overall economic situation in the country remains favorable, despite a slight decline in growth (less than 6% in 2013).

A.V. Popov (IB RAS) in the report "Results of the parliamentary elections in Indonesia" came to the following conclusions::

1) The largest number of votes in the election, as expected, received the Democratic Party of Indonesia Struggle (PDIP) about 19% of the vote; Golkar - about 15% and Gerindra - about 12%. This situation does not allow any of the political parties to independently nominate candidates for the posts of President and Vice-President of Indonesia. According to the current legislation, parties or coalitions of parties that have received at least 25% of the vote in elections or 20% of seats in the Parliament (Council of People's Representatives) have this right.

2) Having obtained the necessary percentages from other parties, each of the parties nominates its own presidential contenders, PDIP Joko Widodo, the current governor of Jakarta, Golkar Aburizal Bakri, Gerindra Suharto's former son-in-law, retired General Prabowo Subianto. The former and the latter have the best chance of success, while the Golkar leader, Aburizal Bakri, is not very popular in Indonesia. The result of each of the candidates also depends on the figure of the politician who will be the second number for the post of vice-president. Other parties that enter coalitions with political heavyweights tend to propose their own candidates for this post.

3) Unexpectedly high results in the elections were obtained by parties that stand on the positions of Islam: The National Revival Party (PKB) 9%, the Justice and Prosperity Party (AKP) about 7%, the National Mandate Party (PAN) 7.5% and the Unity and Development Party (SPP) 6.5%, which allowed them to overcome the 3.5% barrier to parliament and theoretically create a coalition of Muslim parties to nominate their candidate. However, the personal ambitions of their leaders and the lack of a common platform made it impossible to create such a "Muslim axis". The ruling Democrat party of current President Yudhoyono won only 10% of the vote in the election.

V. F. Urlyapov (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) devoted his speech to relations between Malaysia and China. In Chinese terminology, this is a "comprehensive strategic partnership" relationship. Malaysia has a special approach to the problems of the South China Sea (SCM). It opposes the internationalization of the problem. While formally supporting the ASEAN common position on the South China Sea, Malaysian leaders have repeatedly stressed that they will not allow "Asean solidarity" to negatively affect bilateral relations with China. Malaysia reacted with extreme restraint to the incursions of Chinese Navy ships into the Malaysian economic zone in the area of James Reef, 60 km off the coast of Sarawak state (this reef is the extreme southern point of the arc of China's claims to the waters of the South China Sea). The last raid of Chinese ships, which took place in February 2014, was described in Malaysia as a "peaceful passage" provided for by international maritime law. This attitude of Malaysia is determined by several reasons. She does not believe that the PRC poses a military threat, and territorial problems can be resolved within the framework of a "comprehensive strategic partnership". China is the largest trading partner, accounting for about 30% of exports/imports. The political career of the current Prime Minister, Najib Razak, is largely connected with the stable development of relations with the PRC. His father, Razak Hussein, was the first ASEAN leader to establish diplomatic relations with China in 1974. My son is trying to show the Malaysian Chinese, who make up a third of the country's population, that he is able to solve problems with a partner like China on a mutually beneficial basis.

In the report of V. M. Mazyrin (IDV RAS) "Economy of Vietnam: results and problems of 2013", the emphasis was placed on the process of preparing the agreement on a Free trade Area (FTA) between the members of the Customs Union (CU) and Vietnam and the prospect of its signing. The speaker noted the difficulties of finding mutually acceptable solutions in the field of trade, tariff harmonization, determination of preferential groups of goods and services, etc., the complexity of the position of Vietnam in such a development of events and the need to choose whether to side with Russia and deepen its participation in the CU, undermining Western support, or to prefer the Trans - Pacific Partnership (TPP) to the American project. It was suggested that instead of this choice, which is fraught not only with political but also economic losses, Hanoi may refrain from rapprochement with both the CU and the EU TPP, remaining on purely regional platforms.

O. V. Novakova and V. N. Loginova (ISAA) spoke on the topic " Vietnam 'at home' and in the Asia-Pacific Region (through a historical prism)". The authors set out to show the modern ideology of the CPV, its heterogeneous nature and components: appeal to socialist rhetoric; Ho Chi Minh's ideological heritage, sacralization of his image in Buddhism; return to traditional values-the cult of ancestors at the family level and the cult of rulers of previous dynasties. The article shows Vietnam's new (since the end of the 20th century) foreign policy course: maximum "openness" of the country, striving since the 1990s to enter the orbit of the world community and strengthen its positions in Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region. Vietnam, trying to radically change its image in the eyes of the world community, cooperates with all partners, but priorities are given to the countries of the common "Confucian" civilization with Vietnam. Such a foreign policy course, along with caution (and sometimes even inhibition) in implementing liberal economic reforms, denial of general democratic values in conducting domestic policy

It is possible to speak about a certain ambivalence of the situation for the CPV leadership: the need to ensure a democratic image of the country in the eyes of the world community, including for the influx of vital foreign investment, and the preservation of an authoritarian regime within the country.

In his speech, A. A. Sokolov (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) highlighted the main events and trends in the cultural life of Vietnam in 2013. The Vietnamese State continues to pay great attention and provide financial support to events of national significance. These are various cultural, musical, and ethnographic festivals held in various regions of the country and related to the implementation of the tourism policy, which has become an important part of the national economy. In 2013 Vietnam has been visited by more than 7 million foreign tourists, and their number is constantly growing. Vietnamese athletes have achieved considerable success at various international competitions and Olympiads in Asian countries. Literary life was marked by the activity of young authors, whose books often cause heated discussions among readers and professional critics. Yunost Publishing House (Ho Chi Minh City) held a competition "Literature of 20-year-olds", which opened up new promising names for national literature. Vietnam Writers ' Union awards awards for 2013 one of the oldest writers in the country, Ma Van Khang, for the collection of essays and essays "Magic Moments", the novelist Nguyen Chi for the collection of short stories "The Wonderful Palette", the poet Ma Zang Lan for the book of poems "Waves of Words" and the translator Nguyen Van Thai, who introduced readers to the novel "Men"by the classic of Polish literature Wladyslaw Reimont. An international photo exhibition organized with the support of the International Association of Photo Artists (FIAP) was held with great success in the capital of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. In November 2013, the conference "Contemporary Vietnamese Fine Arts and the role of the artist in society" was held, which summed up the creative results of the last decade. Currently, there are 74 cinema complexes with 209 cinema halls in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Vietnamese films - about 15 feature films a year - make up about 20% of the repertoire. Vietnam imports from 100 to 130 films mainly from the United States, South Korea and other countries.

Yu. D. Minina (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in her speech "Clothing of small peoples of Vietnam: actualization of the problem" considered the problems that researchers face when studying the clothing of various ethnic groups in Vietnam, showed the constructive forms and characteristic features of national costumes of the peoples inhabiting the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. An important problem in the context of studying the material culture of small peoples of Vietnam is the specifics of their official division into ethno-linguistic groups in accordance with the idea of "one people - one language". The similarities and differences between the costumes of some small peoples and the costumes of the Vietnamese themselves were noted.

In her speech, N. N. Bektimirova (ISAA) investigated the phenomenon of a sharp rise in civil protest activity that covered a significant part of Cambodia in 2013-2014. The expansion of the social composition and growth of the number of protesters were noted, the most common forms of protest were listed, and the introduction of new technologies for organizing protest movements, including the use of the Internet, social networks, and modern means of communication, was pointed out. Particular attention was paid to the sources of social discontent and the growth of protest moods in urban and rural areas - a breeding ground for strengthening the opposition Cambodian National Salvation Party, which, in turn, did not recognize the results of the 2013 general elections, not only held a series of mass marches of a political nature, but also managed to consolidate protest movements in the country. Based on the analysis of the above data, it is concluded that the growth of civic activity of various groups of the population, the emergence of new forms of self-organization and mobilization of Cambodian society create favorable conditions for accelerating democratization in Cambodia.

The report by Yu. O. Levtonova (IB RAS) contained an assessment of the completed three-year presidential cycle of B. Aquino III. This is the second one after F. Ramos (1992-1998) post-authoritarian president, under whom the presidential reform program is implemented. After the victory of the presidential party coalition in the midterm elections of 2013, the main part of the political and business elite consolidated around the presidential reform project. The obvious success of 2010-2013 is that for the first time since the 2000s, the Philippines has the highest GDP (7.5% in 2013) among Southeast Asian countries. A consistent course is being pursued to liberalize and modernize the economy. Expected success - establishment by 2016 (windows-

B. Aquino III) peace in the Muslim South. But the development of events in an optimistic scenario is threatened by armed conflicts between supporters and opponents of the peace treaty and the creation of a new autonomous entity with broad Muslim powers in Bangsamoro in 2016, and, in addition, the actions of radical Islamist groups. Small positive developments in the fight against corruption. Poverty remains an intractable problem: about 30% of the population of more than 90 million people belong to the category of the poor. Whether the reformist course will continue after the change of power in 2016, or whether the Philippines will return to its usual state of stagnation and instability, will largely depend on the leader who takes the presidency. Obviously, this is the most pressing issue for Filipinos today.

In the report "Historical Population Census of Myanmar", A. A. Simonia (IB RAS) noted the importance of this procedure on the eve of the general parliamentary elections scheduled for 2015. Currently, it is not known what the population size is and what its ethnic and gender composition is. The last population census was conducted in 1983 in the context of ongoing military operations with ethnic insurgents, so in the territories under their control, where about 40% of the population lives, the census was conducted partially or not at all. The data of that census was always doubtful, as it was based on the figures of the last most complete census conducted under the British colonial administration in 1931. However, the population census conducted in the first decade of April 2014 was complicated by the ongoing military operations in Kachin State and the problem of self-identification of Rohingya Bengali Muslims living in Rakhine State but not having the status of Myanmar citizens.

E. A. Fomicheva (IB RAS) in her speech " Thailand 2013-2014 National reconciliation failed "reviewed political developments in the country, emphasizing that "national reconciliation", proclaimed as the main political goal of the Yingluck Shinawatra government, has not been achieved. The course of mass street anti-government actions, the position of the leader of the political protest S. Thiaksuban, and his political demands are described in detail. The resignation of the Government and the dissolution of Parliament did not resolve the political crisis, nor did the February 2 parliamentary elections, the outcome of which was clear in advance. Realizing this, the opposition thwarted them. By April 2014, the political coup-the overthrow of the Government-was also incomplete. Attempts by the opposing sides to attract the army to their side, to force it to intervene in the conflict were not successful. The split in Thai society is manifested in the fact that the judicial authorities, obviously, are on the side of the opponents of the Prime Minister. Accusations made against her of improper performance of her duties, non-application of measures against corrupt members of the government may lead to her removal from politics. E. A. Fomicheva analyzed the positions of the parties, their political rhetoric, the essence of the conflict and the influence of external factors on the situation in Thailand.

In the report "Traditional political culture as a factor of political destabilization in Thailand" N. Rogozhina (IMEMO RAS) noted that traditional political culture for several decades contributed to "unstable stability", which created conditions for the economic modernization of Thai society. The positive political effect of traditional political culture was ensured by keeping power in the hands of the political establishment. Once the traditional balance of political power was disrupted by Thaksin Shinawatra's rise to power, the traditional political culture deepened the division in society.

E. M. Astafieva's speech (IB RAS) was dedicated to the spontaneous mass riots in Singapore in the Little India region on December 8, 2013. 400 migrant workers from South Asia took part in the riots. The reason for the riots was an accident that killed a migrant worker. To suppress the riots, 300 police officers were sent, who quickly coped with the unrest. There have been no incidents of this kind in Singapore since 1969. Although Singapore's government circles insisted on the spontaneity of the riots, this event confirmed the existence of a problem of foreign labor in Singapore.

According to E. M. Gurevich (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences), the new paradigm of development of international relations in Southeast Asia in connection with China's policy has led to a change in the ratio of extra-regional forces in Southeast Asia. China's desire to position itself as a country that seeks to establish mutually beneficial and good-neighborly relations with the countries of the region is somewhat limited.

It weakened their distrust of China's policies. Recent events related to territorial disputes between the PRC and some ASEAN countries, and most importantly, China's military buildup, are causing alarm among the leadership of the ASEAN states. Singapore's position is determined by a number of factors: its dependence on international trade, relations with China and the United States, relations with which are the main directions of its foreign policy, and positioning itself as an integral part of Southeast Asia. While Singapore is not directly involved in territorial disputes in the South China Sea and claims to be neutral, it urges Beijing to clarify the legitimacy of its claims. Along with Vietnam, the Philippines, and Indonesia, Singapore also supports expanding its presence and strengthening military cooperation with the United States to maintain a balance of power and stability in Southeast Asia, as opposed to the power and influence of the PRC.

L. G. Stefanchuk (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences) spoke about the development of relations between China and New Zealand. Their development was promoted by Christian missionaries, in particular Ferdinand Verbist , a Flemish scientist, diplomat, translator, cartographer. Long before James Cook in 1674, he created a map for the Chinese emperor Kangxi, where New Zealand was represented by an island. In the seventeenth century, the Chinese drew their knowledge of New Zealand, the white settlers, and the Maori people from the stories of missionaries and later Chinese-language secular magazines and newspapers. Mass emigration of Chinese people to New Zealand began in the 19th century due to the discovery of gold deposits in the province of Otago (South Island) in the 1860s.

A.V. Kolmakova (Institute of Nuclear Research, Russian Academy of Sciences) spoke about the development of the anti - nuclear movement in New Zealand, including the course of the New Zealand government to combat the proliferation of nuclear weapons. New Zealand's anti-nuclear campaign over the past 30 years is actually the only successful movement of its kind in the world that has led to the national status of a nuclear-free zone defined by law.

The report of Y. S. Skorobogatykh (IB RAS) provides an assessment of the federal elections of September 7, 2013, during which a coalition of Liberal and National Parties came to power in the Australian Union (AU). The reasons for the victory were their unity, skillful play on the weaknesses of political opponents and a moderate election program. The personality of the Liberal leader Tony Abbott also played a significant role. An experienced politician, he managed to break the extremely biased opinion of the media at a crucial moment and overtook his rivals J. Gillard and K. Rada in popularity ratings. The press began to talk about him as a calm and reliable pragmatist, close in spirit to German social democracy. After coming to power, Abbott said :" We will not leave anyone without support... Good government is something that governs in the best interests of all Australians, including those who didn't vote for it." However, the complexities of the economic and political situation in the AU make this task difficult.

Topic of the presentation by V. P. Nikolaev (IB RAS) "The Australian version: sanctions against Russia". The Australian government has joined the United States and EU countries in opposing the Crimean referendum and the entry of Crimea into the Russian Federation. In the UN Security Council and General Assembly, Australia voted to condemn Russia's actions. Australian authorities have cancelled a previously scheduled visit to Russia by Trade Minister E. Robb and a visit to Australia by a Russian national security consultant. Sanctions were announced against eight Russian and four Ukrainian citizens. Russia's invitation to the G20 summit scheduled for November 2014 in Australia is in question. The Australian sanctions cannot cause significant economic damage to Russia due to the weak development of trade and economic relations. Australia is on the 95th place among the countries to which exports from Russia are directed, and on the 41st place in Russian imports.

Olga Mosolova (Institute of Physics and Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences), in the report "Science and Technology Policy of the Australian Government", noted that the country demonstrates significant achievements in the development of innovations in many areas of scientific research. The policy of encouraging the latest developments is a major factor in the Australian Government's economic policy.

Southeast Asia is a region with a complex geopolitical configuration and a potential security threat caused by the conflict situation in the South China Sea. Therefore, the analysis of the situation in the South China Sea area and possible options for their settlement in the near future was the focus of attention of the conference participants. But other multidimensional aspects of the development of the Southeast Asian and South-Eastern countries have also become objects of their professional interest. These include analysis at the regional and country levels of the most significant and topical issues: economics, politics, ethno-confessional relations, social protest movements, historical and cultural aspects of development.

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