The article analyzes a new phenomenon in the life of the middle class of Chinese women, which manifested itself in a sharp change in the family status of Shanghai residents during the existence of the Republic of China. The study focuses on raising the status of daughters, getting a woman the right to divorce, the emergence of a large number of urban women without a family, and the transformation of the institution of younger wives. It is shown that due to a significant change in lifestyle in comparison with previous centuries, urban women received new opportunities for self-development and realization of their potential, but at the same time faced a large number of economic and psychological difficulties.

Keywords: China, Shanghai, status of women, equality in the family, marriage.

The end of the Manchu Qing Dynasty in China after the Xinhai Revolution gave rise to numerous changes in the political and socio-economic life of the country. First of all, this was felt by a few residents of large cities. The peasantry, engaged in hard work, actually continued to live as before. At that time, Shanghai occupied a special place among major cities in China, which was, in fact, a semi-colonial city, the atmosphere of which was a mixture of traditions and everyday life of two civilizations: Western and Chinese. The presence of a large European and American diaspora in the central part of the city and the status of the largest commercial seaport in East Asia with numerous preferences for foreign business contributed to a significant Europeanization of the life of some citizens. In the period from the beginning of the 20th century until the capture of foreign settlements in Shanghai by Japanese troops in 1942, it was possible to observe uncharacteristic phenomena in the rest of China, both in economic and socio-cultural life.

Some Chinese intellectuals openly disliked the local environment. The habits and lifestyle of Shanghainese people were often criticized in publicistic works, especially by Beijing authors [Lu Xin, 1934; Guo Mozho, 1921; Zhou Zuoren, 1926]. Excessive commercialization of various spheres of life, decadent attitudes in society, and the low cultural level of the overwhelming number of port residents represented by labor migrants from all over China were condemned (for more information on Shanghai culture, see [Seliverstova, 2013]). The special eclectic atmosphere of the city attracted many extraordinary talented personalities: publicists, various figures of art and literature. Shanghai's intellectuals took an active part in

1 International settlement and French concession.

page 43
participation in the debate on new ideals and social concepts of the young Republic of China, which was conducted within the framework of the New Culture Movement 2 and the May 4 movement 3.

One of the main issues that concerned cultural figures in the 1910s and 1920s was the liberation of Chinese women (funyu jiefang). They actively discussed the image of a" new woman " (Xin niuxin), who had to have a set of qualities of an equal member of society with a man. In January 1920, a magazine called New Woman was founded in Shanghai.4 The main issues that public figures and writers raised in their articles in the context of the women's movement were the right of women to education, equality in the family, freedom to marry, the right to work and equal pay along with men, and the prohibition of foot bandages. Most of the ideas that were actively preached on the pages of printed publications were based on Western concepts. Relying on the fact that these models have proven themselves well in other countries, public figures hoped that their early implementation in Chinese society would lead to extremely positive results. The women who appeared on the covers of the first color magazines, in the articles of periodicals, and on advertising posters conveyed the main idea: "the new woman" should be "educated, employed, independent, and actively involved in public life" (Hershatter, 2007, p.86). The spread of such views in combination with the social policy pursued by the Kuomintang in the 1920s and 1930s (Stepanova, 2012) could not but have a significant impact on the consciousness and behavior of women in the city. It was during this period that the first major women's associations appeared in Shanghai, whose goal was to defend the rights of women in society: Shanghai Women's Federation, Shanghai University Students ' Federation [Stepanova, 2012, p. 117].

In May 1931, the Nanjing government approved a new Civil Code regulating the relationship between family members [Zheng Yongfu, Lu Meiyi, 2007, p. 10]. A year earlier, the first Kuomintang Code of Women's Rights was adopted [Stepanova, 2012, p. 119]. A few years later, additional laws were issued concerning the foundations of marriage. The law reform was largely aimed at improving the social status of women and their role in the family. With the release of the new code, the monogamous family was established in the part of China that was under the rule of the nationalists, and the freedom to marry and divorce was proclaimed. For the first time in the country's history, a woman was guaranteed the same rights to divorce as a man, regardless of which party initiated it [Conner, 2008, p. 1]. Some new laws concerning the institution of the family in China were adopted by the government earlier, with the establishment of the Republic of China. However, due to the difficult internal political situation in the country, many decrees were not implemented in practice. In Shanghai, the implementation of new regulations was significantly ahead of other cities in China. This is largely due to the greater education and progressiveness of the inhabitants of the metropolis - representatives of the middle and affluent classes, as well as elements of Western culture that were actively spread in the urban environment.

To reconstruct the changes in the inner-family life of Shanghai residents during the study period, it is necessary to consider the role of women in the traditional Chinese family. In the Middle Kingdom, the family was considered a smaller copy of society. The laws that governed the functioning of society had to be observed in the organization of the family.

2 The mass social movement in China, which began in the mid-1910s. Supporters of this movement called for the creation of a new culture of China, which was supposed to adopt the positive experience of Western science and culture.

3 The mass movement in China in May-June 1919, which began with the active participation of young people throughout the country.

4 English subtitle of the title of the magazine "The New Woman".

page 44
Within the Confucian tradition, several concepts were spread that defined various aspects of human relationships. Regarding the status of women, there was a separate concept of "triple submission" or " triple obedience "(san tsung). According to it, a woman was subordinate to her father or older brother in childhood, to her husband and his mother after marriage, and to her own sons after her husband's death. A woman had to be absolutely submissive to the will of men: "If she is called, she must immediately come to the call; if she is ordered to leave, she must immediately leave "[Fitzgerald, 2008, p. 432]. A woman had no say in choosing a life partner and had to obey her father's will in everything. After marriage, she did not become an independent member of society, falling under the power of her husband and his family. The family was the sole sphere of activity of middle-class women, so dependence on the will of men accompanied them throughout their life. All the above-mentioned informal provisions concerned only high-and middle-income families, which were much more common among urban residents. In ordinary peasant families or among the urban poor, it is more likely to talk about gender equality and equal participation of all family members in decision-making in all periods of Chinese history.

Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the position of women in the family began to change slowly, and they no longer had to devote all their time to family matters. The townspeople of the Republic went outside the inner chambers of the house. The first noticeable changes occurred in the issue of attitudes to daughters. In traditional China, the birth of a girl in a family was much less joyful than the birth of a son. For a poor family, this became a threat to security and stability, since the girl sooner or later had to leave the family and was perceived rather as an extra mouth: "The girl could not continue the family, she had to be married - for her native home she was a "cut-off slice" " [Usov, 2006, p. 20]. Moreover, among the poor, one could hardly expect to receive a large bride price. If we talk about middle-income families, the birth of both a boy and a girl was quite acceptable, but the appearance of only girls in the family was perceived as a curse [Yi Zhongtian, 2000, p. 102]. Even in well-to-do families, girls were rarely educated. Parents did not want to spend money on the education of a girl who still expects a reclusive life in someone else's house: "...girls were often not even privy to the secrets of the family craft, so that when they got married, they could not reveal them to strangers" [Usov, 2006, p. 28].

After receiving equal rights with a man, the attitude of Chinese families to the birth of a daughter changed for the better. Hopes for taking care of their parents in old age could now be pinned on the daughter. Girls in Shanghai families now have access to education, the opportunity to develop their intellectual abilities and broaden their horizons. The training of a worthy bride and maidservant has been replaced by the education of an equal member of society. According to the memoirs of the Chinese writer Yan Junling, who moved to the United States and published her work under the name Adeline Ma, of the five children of her Shanghai great-great-grandfather's family, it was her great-grandmother who had the best education. The writer's own aunt also received a Western education, while she and her brother studied at one of the best schools in Shanghai [Yan Junlin, 2001, p. 7, 12-13]. Similarly, in the family of Zhang Ailing, a famous Chinese writer who emigrated to America in the 1950s, the father and mother paid no less attention to the education of their daughter than to the education of their son. The writer's brother himself recalled that his parents were proud of their daughter's knowledge and success in college and university. He himself was always in the shadow of his sister, which he was very worried about [Zhang Ziqing, 1944, p. 58].

The influence of Western culture and the spread of new trends among the townspeople contributed to a certain freethinking and audacity of young people, which was very important.

page 45
a phenomenon completely unfamiliar to Chinese society. According to the traditional concept of "filial piety" (cao), children were expected to obey their parents ' wishes without question. This was especially true for daughters who, due to historical circumstances, did not have the right to vote in the family at all. Shanghai girls, feeling public support, increasingly decided to go into conflict with their families in order to defend their own principles. The history of the Republic period is replete with references to the disobedience of daughters who preferred to defend their own freedom to the last. Many famous writers, actresses, and singers in Shanghai, such as Zhang Ailing, Adeleen Ma, Wang Hanlun, and Wang Renmei, mention conflicts with their father or even running away from home in their memoirs.

Writer Zhang Ailin decided to leave home at the age of 18, because she was not ready to put up with the atmosphere in the family after her father's remarriage. Upon learning of this, she was placed under house arrest: "In early 1938, just before the Spring Festival, taking advantage of the time when the guards were changing at the door, her sister escaped" (Zhang Ziqing, 2003). Zhang Ailin moved in with her mother. She decided not to leave unanswered the unfair treatment of her father and the cases of beatings that she had experienced. At the age of 19, Zhang Ailing wrote an article in English about the events of her house arrest, sending it to the Evening Post newspaper. The editors suggested a very high-profile title for this article: "What a life! What a life daughters have!" Zhang Ziqing recalled that their father regularly read the newspaper and naturally saw the article: "He was very angry, but he had no choice but to be angry; the article had already been published" (Zhang Ziqing, 2003). In 1944, for the tenth issue of the popular magazine Tiandi, Zhang Ailin wrote the story "The Hidden", where she once again described in detail the history of her difficult relationship with her father [Zhang Ailin, 1944(1)]. Zhang Ailing's example was not unique to the society of those years. It is not without reason that the theme of the conflict between daughters and fathers became a popular subject for films and novels of that time (see, for example: [Malutyanyi, 1937; Moden nyusin, 1945]).

The spread of new liberal values in Shanghai society could not but have an impact on the issue of marriage. In the old days, marriage was a social duty of every member of society. For the correct, harmonious combination of childbirth, the families of the bride and groom were guided by a number of criteria: compliance with the level of wealth, nobility, taking into account the place of origin and type of activity. In such circumstances, there was no question of the girl's personal preferences and the presence of love between the future spouses. The life stories of many Shanghai girls in the 1920s and 1930s show that society has made significant progress in terms of marriage freedom. Modern women have the opportunity not only to find out the future spouse before marriage, but also to decide for themselves who they should marry. On the one hand, new editions of laws proclaiming freedom of marriage and non-interference of parents were aimed at protecting their interests [Zheng Yongfu, Lu Meiyi, 2010, p. 7]. On the other hand, the spread of Western liberal ideas and Western education in society contributed to the more rapid death of traditional orders. Many parents did not try to restrict the freedom of their children, and the girls themselves became more determined in defending their legal rights.

Thus, the 1930s film "Angel of Roads" (Malutyanyii, 1937) conveyed a very definite social message to the audience, which called for bolder resistance to the old traditions. The heroine of the film named Xiao Hong demonstrates a traditional upbringing, she is obedient, modest and shy, but at the same time strives for free love. She tries to resist the will of her adoptive guardians, who decided to forcibly marry her off to a rich Shanghai man. Xiao Hong runs away from home. To help the girl avoid a sad fate, her lover takes various steps, including contacting a lawyer. In general, the solution of family disputes by applying to the court or to a lawyer is becoming one of the features of Shanghai society

page 46
during the period under review. Shanghai women received information about their civil rights and freedoms from mass media and movie theater screens.

Considering the fate of the women of a huge metropolis, it is impossible to create a universal portrait of Shanghai girls. We can only give some examples that speak about the main trends that are not necessarily typical for all residents of the city. In the early 1940s, the writer Su Qing described the Shanghainese view of starting a family as follows: "The current attitude towards marriage is different for everyone, some are more progressive, some are still conservative, some are trying to find a middle ground. Now many young people get acquainted through friends, then start communicating, and only then decide to get married" [Zhang Ailin, Su Qing, 1945, p. 14-15]. The extreme liberalism of some families could coexist with the conservatism and even opposition of others.

Freedom of marriage, especially in the 1920s, was not a universal phenomenon. Many families still maintained a patriarchal way of life. So, one of the very first actresses of Chinese cinema, Wang Hanlun, came from a very wealthy and educated family. At the same time, she was a student of St. Mary's Academy, and at the age of 16, her father married her to a wealthy family friend against her will. Two years later, Wang still ran away from her husband's home and never returned to her father's conservative home. To earn a living, a young girl worked as a typist, an assistant to one of the5 foreign firms, until she got to audition for a movie [Dai Yunyun, 1999, p. 83-84].

The change in the position of girls in the family has also affected their freedom to choose their future profession. Like one of the first Chinese film actresses, Wang Hanlun, who ran away from the family of an unloved husband and later became a famous actress, the singer Han Qinqing dared to go against her father's wishes in the pursuit of what she loved. The girl came from a very rich family, lived in a luxury house in the French concession. Qinqing has loved singing since she was a child, and she won her first competition at the age of seven. The father did not share his daughter's passion and opposed her desire to become a singer. As a result, Han Qinqing ran away from home and, before reaching the age of 15, began to earn her own living [Dai Yunyun, 1999, p. 102].

The vices of the old society are constantly featured in the plots of Zhang Ailing's novels, which brought her worldwide fame. In her books about the lives of Chinese women in the capital cities of the 1930s and 1940s, there are stories of families where the daughter is still forced to choose her life path by the will of her father or brothers. The fate of most heroines is revealed through a conflict with the future spouse, who is chosen for them by family members in the pursuit of material gain or social status (see, for example: [Zhang Ailin, 2012]). Jiang Xinzhen, examining the female images in the writer's novels, points out that the plot of several stories at once was used to sell her daughter as a kept woman to a rich entrepreneur for procreation, household management, or sexual services [Jiang Xingzhen, 2004, p. 5]. Speaking about the rejection of many prejudices against daughters, the right of girls to choose their own future life, it is necessary to recognize that the increase in the status of women in the family has not become a characteristic phenomenon in all segments of the city's population. However, the new mass culture, economic conditions, and improved education of Shanghai women have helped to change the very forms of family life and create new social and personal problems.

Taipan 5 (from the Chinese "big group") - the word comes from a distorted pronunciation of "daban", which was called large Western companies in China. Later, high-ranking employees of Western representative offices or parent companies in mainland China and Hong Kong were called Taipans. A large number of Taipans worked in Shanghai at the beginning of the 20th century, so this term became very popular in English-language works of those years.

page 47
TRANSFORMATION OF THE CONCUBINE INSTITUTE

One of the manifestations of the need for sensual pleasures and carnal love was the establishment of the institution of concubineism in traditional Chinese society. By the beginning of the twentieth century, this tradition had already lasted for many centuries, so neither new government decrees nor progressive trends could abolish it overnight. But changes still occurred: if earlier a woman was only an object in the realization of a man's desire for carnal love, then under the influence of Western culture and the Western understanding of love, she became an equal subject of these relations. Cultural synthesis led to the emergence of social phenomena in the city that were previously unknown to Chinese society. On the example of the life of Shanghai residents in the 1920s and 1930s of the last century, one can observe the conflict of two systems of values: the traditional family way of life and free love.

In the traditional sense of the Chinese, the main wife was the only legitimate spouse of the husband. Their union had the status of an official marriage relationship, and its conclusion required passing through a number of formal actions and rituals. In this regard, the Chinese writer Feng Menglong noted that " of all the types of relationships between people, the relationship between husband and wife is the closest... The ancients considered a woman who was solemnly brought into the house to be a legitimate wife, and a woman who was brought without ceremony to be a concubine "[Feng Menglong, 2003, pp. 172-173]. Thus, according to the social status and attitude of society, the wife enjoyed the protection of Confucian ethics and the law. She had a position that a concubine couldn't achieve.

The concubine's relationship with her husband was informal. The word "unofficial" means that the younger wife did not receive the blessing of her father and mother, there was no mediation of a matchmaker and a wedding ceremony at the conclusion of the union. Concubines were taken in the following ways:" they were stolen, taken away by force or deception, bought, taken away as a debt, borrowed " [Yi Zhongtian, 2002, p.130]. There was no marital relationship between the husband's family and the concubine's family, and they were not considered related families at all. The husband's concubine was not said to have been "married" - the word "taken" was used: the husband took a concubine (in Qin) or even "bought" her. Thus, in a Chinese family, there was no formal legal relationship between a husband and a concubine, but in fact they were spouses. A concubine was allowed to have only one sexual partner-her husband. Children born to a concubine were considered legitimate. A concubine usually lived with her husband. The younger wife, as a rule, was not engaged in raising children, because the education of sons and daughters is the duty and responsibility of the older wife. The concubine has only one task - to satisfy her husband's needs. In Chinese society, those who had the right to take a concubine were mostly people of merit who enjoyed honor. According to Yi Zhongtian, a former student named xiucai who successfully passed the state exams and became an important official in the imperial court had to do four things: "get a palanquin, get a title, write a work, take a concubine" [Yi Zhongtian, 2002, p. 148].

The main duties of concubines were to serve their spouse and satisfy his desires. If the main spouse did not provide the family with the birth of male offspring, this task was shifted to the younger wives. The relationship between the head of a family and a concubine in traditional China was more like a sensual love affair, while the relationship of legitimate spouses was more like friendship and cooperation. It is logical to assume that the social reforms implemented by the Chinese government in the first half of the twentieth century should have ended the existence of the institution of younger wives and created the basis for a monogamous marriage that would fulfill both personal and social functions. However

page 48
In many ways, Chinese society was not yet ready to accept this model of family structure.

Under the new legal regulations of Chiang Kai-shek's Nanjing government, the existence of monogamous marriage was officially established in China. Thus, having younger wives (xiao laopo) was prohibited by law. The first decrees aimed at eliminating the institution of concubineism in China began to be issued long before the 1930s, even in the first years of the Republic [Conner, 2008, p. 11]. Magazines and newspapers constantly published articles denouncing the institution of junior wives and pointing out its offensive and humiliating nature for women. Shanghai's society, being the most progressive and liberal compared to the rest of the country, took an active part in this controversy. Girls in the city became more and more educated and independent, they were able to freely communicate with young people and determine their future family life. But all this did not help to overcome the behavioral patterns that have been formed in society for centuries.

The move away from polygamous marriage in favor of monogamy was slow. Alison Conner, a researcher of Chinese civil law, says that even in Shanghai films of the late 1940s, you can still see scenes that reflect the existence of the institute of younger wives in the urban environment [Conner, 2008, p. 11]. Most of the wealthy citizens responded to the appeals of public figures and educators only by changing the form of intra-family relations, but not in their essence. The words "concubine" and "younger wife" (itaitai or xiao laopo) developed additional connotations during the study period, which brought them closer to the Western concept of a mistress or kept woman. The younger wives of some well-to-do citizens no longer lived under the same roof as their official spouse, served her, or continued the family. They weren't stolen or bought. Many girls, faced with economic difficulties and influenced by the new mass culture, voluntarily agreed to the role of a kept woman. The writer Su Qing, in an interview in the early 1940s. among the reasons why girls agreed to the role of a kept woman, highlighted education:"...for less educated girls, it is easier to get married, and for women with a higher level of intelligence, if you can't find a suitable match, all you can do is try to compensate for this lack in all ways... it is better to find a lover and be a second wife for a normal man" [Zhang Ailin, Su Qing, 1945, p. 15].

Thus, the main difference that characterizes the institution of concubines during the Republic was the voluntary desire of a woman to play the role of a" younger " wife. At the same time, it is important to note that kept women were not only girls from dysfunctional families without means of subsistence, but also middle-class women who had an education and the ability to provide for themselves. These women, in an effort to preserve their own freedom and independence, preferred not to tie the knot. Instead, they received sensual and material pleasures in the status of kept women. Under the influence of Western culture, such women have entered a world of previously inaccessible opportunities and temptations. They did not want to follow traditional norms and only be the wives of their husbands. Shanghai girls, on the one hand, were looking for other forms of self-expression, trying not to be like the women of the old society. But, on the other hand, the centuries-old habit of living at the expense of men and not caring about their own earnings pushed them to the path of kept women.

UNHAPPY MARRIAGES AND LONELINESS IN THE CITY

One of the main conflicts among Shanghai society was a significant increase in the number of women who, for various reasons, did not have a family. In traditional China, women had only one role - family. Of course, some women-

page 49
They were outside the family, but this was more of an exception to the rule. Life confined to the inner chambers of the house was typical for both peasant women and urban women. That is why the loss of marital status was perceived by many women very painfully.

Loneliness in the city became one of the main problems of new women in Shanghai during the study period. In the 1920s and 1940s, residents of small, secluded apartments in Shanghai's Apartment 6 were not only kept women of rich Chinese men, but also single women who worked independently for a living. The apartments turned out to be not only a" safe haven from prying eyes", but also the most convenient shelter for" living alone " [Zhang Ailin, 1943, p.20]. Among the townspeople, a large number of very well-off, educated women appeared who had neither children nor a husband. If you believe Adeline Ma's description, then in the 1920s, the number of women who were supporters of same-sex love increased in Shanghai.: "There were some rumors in the community, as they not only lived together, but also slept in the same bed. At that time, in China, the relationship between two women was ridiculed, but it was accepted quite tolerantly" (cit. by: [Yan Junling, 2001, p. 10]).

The wave of liberal and progressive movements that swept through China in the late 1910s and early 1920s, along with girls ' access to education, helped to create a new thinking woman. The number of graduates with higher education grew from year to year, which gave rise to unexpected contradictions in the urban environment:

"Ten years ago, when revolutionary sentiments were widespread in society, it seemed to everyone that it was best to marry a modern girl. Now society is in a state of stagnation, and many men believe that it is more practical to marry a girl of more traditional views. Progressive-minded women are now only good as mistresses, so girls with education are not in fashion now "[Zhang Ailin, Su Qing, 1945, p. 16].

The loneliness of a modern woman in a big city was one of the consequences of the rights and freedoms that young Shanghai students were so eager to get. Education and independent thinking have become obstacles for Shanghai women on the way to finding a family. Dissatisfaction with the men around them forced an increasing number of "new women" in China to look for alternatives to monogamous marriage. Zhang Ailin, describing the failed marriage of her friend Su Qing, pointed out a completely new phenomenon for Chinese society: the man who traditionally dominated the woman, who made all decisions both at the national and family levels, showed his weakness for the first time in the face of a woman. He was not prepared for the fact that women will be able not only to engage in low-paid work, but also to compete with men for jobs, to grow professionally:

"Her husband isn't a bad person at all, he's just used to living as a gentleman. If they could afford a comfortable existence, then their relationship would continue. However, the collapse of the social system revealed his entire inability to be responsible. He could not support his family, and his sense of self-esteem limited their professional growth" (Zhang Ailin, 1945).

Reflecting on the fact that the woman behind the external progressiveness remains internally still dependent on men, Zhang Ailin wrote an essay "Women are similar", in which she expressed her opinion about modern city women: "Dressed in the Western style... stubborn in character" and "always stand on their own", only men and women are blamed for all sins. "they may not talk to them for weeks," but they can't even live a day on their own,

6 Kit. gongyu apartment buildings located in the central part of Shanghai. Since the 1920s, apartments have become one of the most popular forms of residential development.

page 50
in order not to think about them [Zhang Ailin, 1944(2), p. 133]. Obviously, urban women were attracted to Western liberalism. Outwardly, they managed to imitate the women of Europe and America, but internally they were not ready for changes, "you can't change the habit of several thousand years in one day, it takes time..." [Zhang Ailin, 1944(3), p.16].

Another contradiction of the new era was the economic independence of women. Having the opportunity to provide for themselves, many city women began to look much more critically at their own marriage. If earlier a woman was forced to rely entirely on her husband and his family, now she has an alternative. The increase in divorce rates and the promotion of "new women" in marriage has become another trend among Shanghai residents. In the old days, a divorce from her husband led to the fact that the girl returned to her native family and was reproached and condemned for the rest of her life. In traditional China, only the spouse or his parents could terminate a marital union. In the conditions when a woman in almost all periods of the country's history was deprived of inheritance rights, did not dispose of any property, and in the house of her own parents most often was in the position of a temporary guest, she should not have thoughts of divorce. The legal grounds for divorce were considered to be seven reasons: infertility, violation of marital fidelity by the wife, debauchery and jealousy, mistreatment of the husband's parents, disobedience and disobedience, propensity to steal, incurable diseases and talkativeness [Yi Zhongtian, 2002, p. 33]. Despite such a wide range of reasons, divorces in the Middle Kingdom were rare. First, a legally brought spouse was granted an audience with the spirits of their ancestors, which means that the marriage already carried a certain degree of sanctity. Secondly, if we are talking about the poor, the money spent on the wedding was a significant amount, and not every family had the means to find and acquire a new wife. The publication of official marriage laws in the early twentieth century, which regulated divorce and division of property, led to many changes in the family life of Shanghainese people. Women were given the right to vote in family matters. They could demand a divorce from their husband, remarry and not depend financially on their spouse. Zhang Ziqing recalls that his father's inappropriate behavior was regularly rebuffed by his mother and eventually ended in divorce: "Although my mother came from a very patriarchal family, she was not at all conservative in her views. Not only did she not tolerate her father's antics, but she even repeatedly warned him that she would leave" (Zhang Ziqing, 2003). In Shanghai at that time, divorced women were no longer excluded from social life as they had previously been, but they still faced the censure of others and even their families.

The film " Customs of the Country "(Guo feng, 1935) clearly demonstrates the continuing prejudices of the girls ' relatives that a divorced woman condemned herself to a miserable existence and loneliness. It is significant that unlike the first films about divorce, where the dissolution of marriage was considered a saving action for a woman, the films of the mid-1930s already reflect new social moods. Comparing the paintings of Shanghai film studios in the early 1930s and mid-1940s, Alison Conner came to the conclusion that the New Life movement (Xin shengho yundong) had a significant influence on the change in the storyline [Conner, 2008, p. 4-5]. It promoted the rejection of blind adherence to Western ideals, called for a return to traditional cultural values and Confucian morality. The New Life movement was partly at odds with the new culture movement. It was quite in line with the spirit of the national Kuomintang Party, which advocated the expulsion of foreigners from the country. One of the levers of its leaders in the fight against foreign culture was criticism of the social conflicts that were already observed in urban society by the early 1930s. Among such contradictions, along with loneliness, one can include the increase in depression among some citizens, the inability to cope-

page 51
to cope with the increased pressure of living in a megalopolis. The motives of a woman's loneliness in the city and the destruction of the family institution are constantly present in Zhang Ailing's novels written in Hong Kong and Shanghai in the 1940s (Liu Zhou, 2011; Jiang Xingzhen, 2004).

The conflicts of modern times in the urban environment were reflected in numerous works of Shanghai film studios in the 1930s and 1940s. Social contradictions were clearly traced not only in the invented plots, but also in the real-life conflicts of those women who became the pride and legends of Chinese cinema. Famous queens of the "silver screen" and golden voices of the Shanghai pop scene demonstrated their commitment to the new values of society on stage and in life [Dai Yunyun, 1999, p. 90]. In the hearts of ordinary women in Shanghai, they were the epitome of modern women, but their destinies rather demonstrated all the tragedy that awaited a woman in the new age. Suffice it to mention the suicides of movie stars Ai Xia, Ruan Lingyu, singers Xiao Dangui, Ma Zhanghua, and the early death of actress Zhi Lanfang [Dai Yunyun, 1999, pp. 108-110]. The lives and works of famous women in Shanghai were a favorite topic of print publications. Photos of the stars and notes about their private lives were featured in every issue of the Linglong 7 and Liangyu 8 magazines. Until a few decades ago, a Chinese woman had to stay in the inner chambers of her home and was not allowed to leave its walls without a reason. Now, some women are not just published, but completely deprived of the right to privacy. The family problems of Shanghai girls became public knowledge, which only worsened the psychological conflicts.

One of the most iconic figures in the history of the city was the actress Ruan Lingyu - one of the most popular women in all of China in the 1930s.For 9 years of her career in cinema, she managed to appear in 29 films. The painting "Goddess" brought her national fame at the age of 24. She played roles that represented the entire palette of female destinies of the modern city. In 1935, on the eve of the March 8 holiday, Ruan Lingyu committed suicide, leaving only a short will. The unexpected death of the idol stirred up the public masses. The note began with the phrase "Ren yan ke wei"borrowed from ancient Chinese poetry. Literally, the phrase can be translated as " People's rumor is terrible." Many researchers agree that this phrase Lingyu was trying to express her attitude to the reporters of the Shanghai press, who denigrated her reputation. Lu Xin, as a sign of grief and respect for Ruan's actions, wrote an article "About the phrase' People's Rumor is Terrible'", published in the Tai Bai newspaper on May 20, 1935 [Lu Xin, 1935]. In it, the writer argued that the mass media profited from the tragedies of modern people. Reflecting on the action of the movie star, he wrote that the modern woman was not ready for the changes that had taken place in life and turned out to be an easy target for reporters: "... the influence of the press has not really disappeared completely, for some it is an empty sound, but for others it is destructive; for the strong it is weak, but for the weak it has great power" (Lu Xin, 1935).

Indicative was also the will left by the actress. In it, she turned to her ex-husband Wei Daming and actor Tang Lishan, with whom the actress was living at the time of her suicide. Ruan Lingyu's last words show how weak and helpless she was in dealing with her own family problems. She didn't fit the image of the strong modern woman she played in the movies:

7 Linglong ("Elegance") is a full-length illustrated women's magazine published in Shanghai in the period 1930-1937, which became popular far beyond the borders of China. The name of the magazine is practically untranslatable into Russian, in Western historiography it is simply written as "Linloon", although Nora indicates the translational correspondence" Elegance "or"Refined Elegance".

8 Liangyu ("The Young Companion") - an illustrated magazine published in Shanghai in the 1920s and 1930s. On the cover of the magazine there were two names: the Chinese " Liangyou "and the English"The Young Companion". The magazine was published in 1926, becoming the first large-format magazine with a large number of illustrations, aimed at a wide female audience.

page 52
"My only regret is that I allowed you two to turn me into the winner's prize in your fight. But now it's too late" (Ruan Lingyu, 1935).

So, along with the new rights and freedoms, Shanghai residents also faced great difficulties of a material and psychological nature. The inability to make independent decisions, the total dependence of girls on the will of their father, and then their husband, the protection from solving material problems, and the closeness of their personal life from public opinion were characteristic of traditional Chinese society. The inability of the average woman in everyday life to conform to the images promoted by popular culture led to the emergence of conflicts from which the Chinese woman was protected in the past. The dramatic changes in the surrounding reality that took place in the 1910s and 1930s led to the spread of loneliness, suicides, dependency attitudes, and the decline of the general moral image in society.

list of literature

Go Mozho. Shanghai yinxiang (Impressions of Shanghai) / / Shishi xinbao. 1921.04.04. URL: http://yizitong.com/cpoctry/cipai.php?cipai_id=511&pocm_id=248851&no=2.

Guo feng (Customs of the country). Dir. Luo Mingyu. Shanghai, 1935 [film].

Dai Yunyun. Shanghai xiaojie (Shanghai girl). Shanghai, 1999.

Ruan Lingyu. Ren yan ke wei (People's rumor is terrible). 1935. URL: http://www.tianyabook.com/ luxun/qjtz1/005.htm.

And Zhongtian. Zhongguo de nanren he niuren (Man and woman in China). Shanghai, 2000.

Lu Xin. Jingpai yu haipai (Beijing style and Shanghai style). 1934. URL: http://www.tianyabook. com/luхun/qjtzl/002.htm.

Lu Xin. Lun " Ren yan ke wei "(About the phrase" People's rumor is terrible") / / Tai bai. 20.05.1935. URL: http://www.tianyabook.com/luxun/qjtzl/005.htm.

Malutyanshi (Angel of Roads). Dir. Yuan Muzhi. Shanghai, 1937 [film].

Modeng niuxin (Modern Girl). Rsj. Tu Guangqi. Shanghai, 1945 [film].

Seliverstova Yu. A. Vliyanie immigrantskoi sredy na formirovanie i razvitie kul'tury Shankhaya kontsa XIX - nachala XX vv. [Influence of the immigrant environment on the formation and development of Shanghai culture in the late 19th and early 20th centuries]. Moscow, April 19, 2013

Stepanova E. N. The main stages of the evolution of the gender policy of the Kuomintang // East (Oriens). 2012. № 3.

Usov V. N. Wives and concubines of the Middle Kingdom, Moscow, 2006.
Fitzgerald Ch. P. Istoriya Kitay [History of China], Moscow, 2008.
Feng Menglong. Encyclopedia of Love / / China: Encyclopedia of Love. Comp., transl. from the kit., intro. art. and comm. by V. V. Malyavin, Moscow, 2003.

Zhang Ailin. Gongyu shengho de jijiu (Interesting notes on apartment life) / / Tiandi. 1943. № 3.

Zhang Ailin. Siyu (The Hidden). 1944(1). URL: http://book.kanunu.org/book3/7108/index.html.

Zhang Ailin. Yu nu tong che (Women are alike) / / Zazhi. 1944(2). № 1.

Zhang Ailin. Tan nyuren (About women) / / Tiandi. 1944(3). № 14.

Zhang Ailin. Wo kan Su Qing (O Su Qing). 1945. URL: http://book.kanunu.org/book3/7108/index.html.

Zhang Ailin. Love that destroys cities / / Border Town. Chinese prose of the XX century / Translated from Chinese by A. A. Rodionov, St. Petersburg, 2012.

Zhang Ailing, Su Qing. Guanyu funyu, jiating, and hunyin zhuventi (On Women, Family, and Marriage). 1945(14). № 6.

Zhang Ziqing. Wo te zizi Zhang Ailin (My sister Zhang Ailin) / / Biao, 1944, No. 10, p. 61.

Zhang Ziqing. Wo de ziji Zhang Ailing (My sister Zhang Ailing). Шанхай, 2003. URL: http://lcarning. sohu.com/2004/04/01/03/article219700394.shtml.

Zhou Jioren. Shanghai qi (Spirit of Shanghai). 1926. URL: http://www.xiexingcun.com/sanwcn/3012.htm.

Zheng Yongfu, Lu Meiyi. Zhongguo funyu tongshi, mingojuan (History of Women in China, Republic period). Hangzhou, 2010.

Yan Junling. Lo ye gui gen (Fallen leaves return to their roots). Beijing, 2001.

Conner A.W. Don't Change Your Husband: Divorce in Early Chinese Movies // Law review. 2008. Vol. XL. № 5. URL: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1427535.

Hcrshattcr G. Women in China's Long Twentieth Century. Berkeley, Los Angeles, 2007.

Jiang Xingzhen. Fated Futures: Females in Eileen Chang's Fictions // Hongguangrenwenxuebao. 2004. № 1. URL: http://wcb.hk.cdu.tw/~humanities/journa/1-15.pdf.

Liu Zhou. The commercialization of emotions in Zhang Ailing's fiction // Journal of Asian Studies. 2011. Vol. 70. № 1.

page 53

Permanent link to this publication: