The article deals with the problems of political history of Cambodia at the turn of antiquity and the Middle Ages. Based on the epigraphic data in Sanskrit and ancient Khmer, the picture constructed from the evidence of Chinese sources is clarified. The transition from the maritime kingdom of Funan, which existed in the lower reaches of the Mekong in the first centuries AD, to the mainland kingdom of Chenla was a shift of the center of political hegemony from the maritime region to the territory of the central provinces of Cambodia between Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong River.

Keywords: Cambodia, Funan, Chenla, inscriptions, Kaundinya, Bhavavarman, Chitrasena-Mahendravarman, Ishanavarman

The emergence in the first centuries AD of a complex political system in the lower reaches of the Mekong, known to the ancient Chinese as Funan, was, according to some historians, due to the formation of trade exchange networks between East, Southeast, South Asia, the Middle East and the Mediterranean [Wolters, 1967, p. 31-48; Hall, 1985, p. 20-38 Vickery, 1998, p. 18-19; Miksic, 2003, p. 1-33]. Evidence of contact with the Mediterranean, although hardly direct, can be considered objects of Mediterranean origin found in Okeo (South Vietnam): Roman medallions of Antoninus Pius (152) and Marcus Aurelius (161-180) [Malleret, 1962, pp. 112-117, pl. XL], carnelian intagliums and glass beads of the Roman type [Malleret, 1962, pl. LXVII-LXVIII; Miksic, 2003, p. 21]. According to historians, Funan's economy was based on maritime trade.

Researchers associate the fifth century with a change in trade routes and the beginning of direct, non-coastal navigation across the South China Sea, witnessed by the voyage of the Chinese pilgrim Fa Xian (Alexandrova, 2008, p. 149-150), which led to the decline of coastal societies in the lower Mekong. American historian C. Hall called this century a transition period both in the history of Southeast Asian trade and in the history of Funan [Hall, 1985, p. 39, 68]. In its reconstruction, the refusal to enter the ports of Funan reduced the income of the rulers, who began to rely on land taxation to compensate for them, which led to the relocation of the centers of power to the interior of the territory, to the upper part of the Mekong Delta (Hall, 1985, p.75). However, the Funan rulers failed to reorganize the kingdom, and it was gradually conquered by the Khmer peoples living in Northern Cambodia and part of Thailand (Hall, 1985, pp. 76-77). These peoples were known to the ancient Chinese as the Chenla. In Russian historiography, early Chenlu is placed in the region of the Moon River (Se Mun) [Sedov, 1967, p. 18; Deopik, 1981, p. 26].

The political history of Cambodia in the VI-VII centuries was reconstructed on the basis of Chinese evidence, supplemented by local epigraphy [CdDès, 1968, p. 65-70,

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72-76]. Recently, M. Vickery justifies the need to revise the "classical" reconstruction, since it does not take into account the most reliable local sources - inscriptions in ancient Khmer and Sanskrit [Vickery, 1998, p.34-35]. This approach seems quite convincing. However, for the convenience of presenting the problems of reconstruction, I will start with information about the Chinese tradition.

The last embassy of King Rudravarman of Funani to the Chinese court arrived in 539 (Pelliot, 1903, p. 271). But the embassies that the Chinese attribute to Funani came as early as 559, 572, 588 and between 618-649 (Wheatley, 1983, p. 153). The first embassy from Chenli appeared in China in 616-617. Thus, according to Chinese sources, the names Funan and Chenla co-existed in the first half of the seventh century.

Chinese dynastic history "Sui Shu" ("History of the Sui Dynasty") Wei Zheng (581-643) tells the following about Chenle:

"Chenla is southwest of Linyi; it was originally a vassal kingdom of Funan... The name of the royal family is kshatriya (tsali), his personal name is Chitrasena (Zhiduosung); his ancestors gradually increased the power of the country; Chitrasena separated from Funani and subdued it. It die. He was succeeded by his son Ishanasena, who lived in the city of Isana (i.e. Ishanapura) "[Pelliot, 1903, p. 272; CœDès, 1943, p. 1]. " Near the capital there is a mountain named Linjiabopo, on the top of which is built a temple, always guarded by a thousand soldiers and dedicated to a spirit named Podoli; to him they make human sacrifices. Every year, the king himself goes up to the temple to perform a human sacrifice at night" [Ethnographie..., 1883, p. 483; CdDès, 1968, p. 65-66; Berzin, 1995, p. 120].

Researchers usually see Lingjiabopo as a transfer of the Sanskrit word Lingaparvata ("Lingam Mountain"), localizing the toponym in the area of the Wat Phu monument (Southern Laos), and consider Bodoli to be a transfer of one of the names of Shiva - Bhadreshwar [CdDès, 1968, p.65-66; Berzin, 1995, p. 120].

According to Xin Tang Shu ("A New History of the Tang Dynasty"), compiled in the XI century. According to Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi, "The kshatriya King Ishan subdued Funan and seized its territory at the beginning of the Zheng'an era (627-649)" (Pelliot, 1903, p. 275; Sedov, 1967, p. 18-19). The same source provides an additional account of the Funani conquest:

"The capital (of the king) is in the city of Temu. Suddenly, the city was destroyed by Chenla, and he was forced to move south to Nafuna City. In the Uto (618-626) and Zhengguan eras, they came to court again. They sent as a gift two people from (the people of) the Whiteheads. The bald heads are located directly to the west of Funani" (Pelliot, 1903, p. 274). There is no other information about this people.

Ma Duan-lin in" Wenxian tongkao "("A study of all major sections of Chinese History", ≈ 1254-1323) writes:

"The Chenla Kingdom is located southwest of the Linyi Kingdom. It was originally dependent on Funani. From the coast of Ginani, you can swim there in 60 days. Chengla borders the Kingdom of Zhejiang to the south, and the Kingdom of Zhujiang (Red River Kingdom) to the west. The family name of the king is Ca. His personal name is Chidosyn (Chitrasena). During the time of his ancestors, Chenla became powerful. Chidosung attacked Funan and subdued it. After his death, he was succeeded by his son Ishenasyandai (Ishanavarman). This king made his capital the city of Ishenu (Ishanapura) with a population of over 20 thousand families. In the middle of the city is a large palace where the king gives audiences and where his court is located. There are also 30 other cities in the kingdom, each inhabited by several thousand families and governed by a governor. The titles of the officials here are the same as in the Linyi Realm... Near the capital there is Mount Lingjiabopo. At the top of this mountain is a temple dedicated to a spirit named Bodoli, to whom people are sacrificed. A thousand soldiers are constantly guarding this temple. Every year, the king goes to this temple to personally offer a human sacrifice at night. This is how they worship spirits. Many residents of Chenla follow the law of the Buddha. Many others worship the Tao " [Ethnographie..., 1883, p. 476-483; Berzin, 1995, p. 270-272].

Chinese sources attribute the decline of Funani to two Chenli kings, Chitrasena and Ishanavarman. This implies a certain cycle of political history:

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each new ruler was forced to re-subjugate his neighbors. As for the proposed Zh. Sedes localizing Linjiabopo-Lingaparvata in Wat Phu, it is based on the mention of this place name in the inscription of King Devanika of Wat Phu K. 365 (side A, line 12)1 [CœDès, 1956, p. 216, 218]. This is the only source in which this monarch appears. The Citrasena and Ishanavarman inscriptions known to this day, as well as the genealogies of kings in later inscriptions in Cambodia, do not mention Devanika. That is why the localization of Lingjiabopo-Lingaparvata in Wat Phu looks doubtful.

It should be added that, first of all, there is no reason to believe that there was a single place with the name Lingaparvata. Discussing the mention of this word in an inscription from Lovek of the XI century, where it means the name of god (kamraten jagat lingaparvvata, line 29), J. Sedes himself noted that this name "means among others the mountain Wat Phu" [CdDès, 1954, p. 285, 286, p. 9]. The same term kamraten jagat lingaparvvata is found in an inscription from Phnom Swam, or Nui Cham, Chaudoc province, c. 418, 1166, published by L. Finot [Finot, 1904, p. 676-677; CœDès, 1929, p. 305]. L. Finot noted that "if the tablets [on which the inscription is engraved] remained intact, they would not have been removed." in its original place, it can be assumed that Nui Cham is an ancient Lingaparvata, on which the Tribhuvanesvara temple towered" (Finot, 1904, p. 678).

Second, and just as significantly, no Ishanavarman inscriptions have yet been found in Wat Phu (Vickery, 1998, pp. 74-75, 128-129). Although Chitrasena inscriptions appear on the territory of Thailand, in Surip and Ubon (K. 377 and K. 509 [CdDès, 1953, p. 3-4; CœDès apud Seidenfaden, 1922, p. 57-60]), which may mean the subordination of the Wat Phu region, since this area is located on the way up the Mekong to its confluence with it the Moon River, in the valley of which these Thai cities and the province of Ubon of the same name are located, these inscriptions refer to the late stage of Chitrasena's reign, when he already assumed the throne name Mahendravarman, and therefore do not say anything about his original capital. This is also evidenced by three new Citrasena-Mahendravarman inscriptions found in the Wat Phu area (Vickery, 1998, p. 75).

Third, d'Hervey de Saint-Denis ' translation of the Wenxian Tongkao, which is usually quoted by historians, is also controversial. As the Japanese sinologist Hoshino notes, there is no mention of Lingjiabopo-Lingaparvata at all in this text: "there is a hill-shaped mausoleum of Dziabopo near the capital. There is a temple on top of it. To the east of the city there is a (temple) of a god named Podoli" [Hoshino, 1986, p. 23]. Not being a sinologist, I can't judge the validity of Hoshino's translation, but in any case, Lingaparwata's exclusive connection to Wat Phu can hardly be considered valid. It should also be remembered that the Chinese texts do not refer to the capital of Chitrasena: the description of Lingjiabopo appears after the mention of the capital of Ishanavarman Ishanapura, localized in Sambor Prey Kuk (Vickery, 1998, p.21; Deopik, 1981, p. 33).

Hence, the localization of early Chenla in the Wat Phu area is doubtful. M. Vickery, who has devoted a number of studies to this issue, came to the conclusion that in the pre - Angkor period (the time before 802-the estimated date of the creation of the Angkor Empire by Jayavarman II [Sedov, 1967, p. 21-22]) Chenla was located in the northern and central parts of present-day Cambodia (Vickery, 1994, p. 197-212; Vickery, 1998, p.81). He suggests that Chenla bordered Funan, and that there was no Khmer invasion and descent from the Dangrek Range, which separates the Mun River Valley from Cambodia proper and Tonle Sap Lake; instead, there was a peaceful transition from one type of dominant polity to another (Vickery, 1998, p. 81).

1 Inscriptions of Cambodia are indicated by the letter K of the Latin alphabet, inscriptions of Champa - a country in Central Vietnam-by the letter C, for example, p. 96-Champa 96 [CœDès, 1908, p. 47].

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M. Vickery builds his concept on epigraphic data. Only three royal inscriptions can be associated with the Funan known to the Chinese [CdDès, 1931, p. 1-8; CœDès, 1937(2), p.117-121]. According to the palaeography, the earliest of them, K. 5, is engraved on a slate pillar found among the ruins of the Prasat Pream Loven monument on Thapmyoy Hill ( also known as Gotthap) in the Reed Valley (Vietnam). It mentions the king's son Gunavarman, his father King Jaya [varman], and their ancestor Kaundinya. The second inscription, K. 40, belongs to King Rudravarman and comes from the Tonle Baty district, 30 km southwest of Phnom Penh. A third inscription, dated c. 875, honoring Queen Kulaprabhavati, the chief wife of King Jayavarman, was found at Neak Ta Dambangi (Takeo Province). All these texts are found in the lower reaches of the Mekong Delta. According to paleographic data, K. 5 is dated to the fifth century, K. 40 and K. 875 to the fifth and sixth centuries.

According to the Chinese story "Liang Shu" According to the History of the Liang Dynasty by Yao Siu-lian, compiled in the first half of the seventh century, and other texts, the Funani king Sheyebamo, identified with Jayavarman, sent an embassy in 484 together with the monk Nagasena, then in 503 he sent a gift of a coral image of the Buddha, for which he received the title of "King of the Sun" from the emperor.The general of the pacified South, the King of Funani, " sent gifts again in 511, 512, and 514 [Pelliot, 1903, p. 269-270; Wheatley, 1983, p. 153]. Earlier dynastic history "Nan Qi shu "("History of Southern Qi") Xiao Tzu-hsien in the beginning of the VI century reports that Sheyebamo belonged to the Kaundinyi family: "By the end of the Song (420-478), the king of Funan bore the family name Jiaozhenzhu and the personal name Sheyebamo (Jayavarman). He sent merchants to trade in Guangzhou... " [Pelliot, 1903, p. 257]. In the same year, 514, he died. His son by his concubine Lutobamo (Rudravarman) overthrew his younger brother, the rightful heir, and ascended the throne. In 517, he sent an embassy headed by Zhutangbaolao and equipped several other embassies in 519, 520, 530, 535, and 539; the last of which presented the Chinese court with a relic - the hair of the Buddha (Pelliot, 1903, pp. 270-271) . Sedes thought that Gunawarman was the son of Kulaprabhavati and was killed by Rudravarman [CdDès, 1937(2), p. 119; CœDès, 1968, p. 60, 286, p. 105], but this is no more than a hypothesis: the font of the K. 5 inscription is older than the font of the K. 875 inscription, in the K. 5 inscription the name of Gunawarman's mother is mentioned no names are given; the number of Jayavarman's sons is unknown (one can hardly limit them to two known Chinese authors).

M. Vickery drew up a scheme of later inscriptions, traditionally attributed to the early Chenla. Inscriptions K. 116 from Kruoi Ampil in Stung Treng province, K. 122 from Thma Kre (Kratiye) and K. 514 from Tham Pet Thong (Nakhon Ratchasima Province, or Khorat of Thailand) are similar Chitrasena inscriptions commemorating the construction of a lingam in honor of Shambhu, i.e. Shiva, in verses like sloka [CdDès, 1942, p. 134; Leclère, 1904, p. 739; Finot, 1903, p. 212; Seidenfaden, 1922, p. 92].

Sanskrit inscriptions of K. 363 from Phu Lokhon (Basak Province, Laos)2 and K. 496-497 of Pak Mun or Khan Thevad 3 in Ubon province in Thailand are published by Chitrasena and report the construction of a lingam in honor of Girishi ("Mountain Dweller", i.e. Shiva) as a sign of victory (jayacihnam). According to these texts, Chitrasena assumed the throne name Mahendravarman and was the youngest brother of Bhavavarman and the son of Viravarman [Barth, 1903, p. 442-446; CdDès apud Seidenfaden, 1922, p. 57-60; Jacques, 1986, p. 66]. Stelae K. 363 and K. 496-497 indicate the conquest of the country: "having conquered the whole country "(jitveman tesam4 akhilan).

2 K. 363-a stele more than a meter high with 6 lines of Sanskrit text consisting of three stanzas of the size of anushtubh. In the Zh catalog. CœDes place of origin is defined as Can Nak'on [CœDes, 1966, p. 1381.

3 K. 496 497-dvs sandstone steles 1.7 m high, each of which is engraved with a Sanskrit inscription of 6 lines forming three poetic stanzas of the size of anushtubh; the steles are located on the small hill of Khan Thevada on the right bank of the Mun River at the se confluence with the Mekong.

4 Read-desam.

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K. 496-497 and the inscriptions K. 508 of Tham Prasat or Tham Phu Ma Nai of Ubon Province (Thailand), K. 1102 of Khon Kaen, and K. 1106 of Phimai (both Thailand) add to this that Chitrasena-Mahendravarman was the grandson of Sarvabhauma ( ), or "universal ruler" [BEFEO, 1922, p. 385; CdDès, 1931, pl. I; Vickery, 1998, p. 74-75; Monier-Williams, 1899, p. 1210]. Contrary to the opinion of M. Vickery, the inscription K. 509 from Tham Prasat in Ubon province (Thailand), consisting of three lines, each of which forms a separate stanza of anushtubha, also gives this pedigree, but it has an important feature: it is about the conquest of "all countries" [CœDès apud Seidenfaden, 1922, p. 58-59; Vickery, 1998, p. 74-75]. The same phrase is found in a fragmentary inscription K. 377 from Wat Sumphon near Surin (Thailand), reporting the construction of a stone statue of a bull [CdDès, 1953, p. 3-4; CœDès apud Seidenfaden, 1922, p. 59; CœDès, 1935, p. 383-384; Chhabra, 1965, p. 70]. M. Vickery states that the inscription K. 377 from Surin mentions Chitrasena-Mahendravarman, but does not give his genealogy. Sedes attributed it to Chitrasena precisely on the basis of the coincidence of the phrases K. 377 and K. 509 [Vickery, 1998, p. 74-75; CdDès, 1953, p. 3; CdDès apud Seidenfaden, 1922, p. 59].

The inscription K. 969 on a slab from Khau Sra Cheng, or Ta Phraya in Thailand, which tells about the construction of a reservoir, contains only the throne name of Chitrasena-Sri Mahendravarman, without a royal title [CdDès, 1964, p. 152; Chhabra, 1961, p. 109].

The Sanskrit inscription of K. 213 on the base of a lingam from Phnom Banteay Neang in Battambang province was published by King Bhavavarman; it is a trishtubh-sized verse, occupies only one line of text, and tells about the construction of this lingam [Barth, 1885, p.26-28]. The inscription K. 359 on a slab from Veal Kantel in Stung Treng province, consisting of seven lines in Sanskrit and as many stanzas of the size of Anushtubh, tells of Hiranyavarman, the son of Somasharman and the sister of Bhavavarman, the daughter of Viravarman, and that Somasharman erected the image of Sri Tribhuvanesvara (Shiva); this was probably the lingam, the base of which there was a plate with the inscription [Barth, 1885, p.28-31].

The inscription K. 978 from Si Thep in Thailand (Phitsanulok province) contains the name of Bhavavarman, who was the son of Prathivindravarman and the grandson of Chakravartin ("universal ruler") [Monier-Williams, 1899, p. 381]. The twelve lines that make up it are engraved on the column. The text is written not in verse, but in prose, which distinguishes it from the famous inscriptions of Chitrasena and Bhavavarman. Moreover, it contains an indication of the date, which is not included in the inscriptions quoted above. I quote the text in full from the publication of Zh. Sedesa:

"In the year of the King of the Shaks... on the eighth day of the waxing moon... in the east, the land is not divided in two... famous in the east... (images) of Shiva were erected by this ca [rem], the grandson of Sri Cakravartin, the son of Sri Prathivindravarman, named Sri Bhavavarman, similar to Indra, at the time when he ascended the throne " [CdDès, 1964, p. 158]. I note that in the inscription of K. 978 there is a concept of the kingdom of rajya.

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To these epigraphic data, we can add an inscription from Sambor Prey Kuk K. 149 in Khmer, which mentions the kings Sri Bhavavarman, Sri Mahendravarman and Sri Ishanavarman [CdDès, 1952, p. 28-30]. The Sanskrit inscription K. 151 from Roban Romas of Kompong Thom province, published by the vassal King Narasinhagupta, states that in 520 Saka, i.e. 598 CE, a statue of the god Kapilavasudeva was erected under King Bhavavarman and that Narasinhagupta was a vassal of the three kings Bhavavarman, Mahendravarman and Ishanavarman (CdDès, 1943, p. 5-7)..

Let's try to understand these pedigrees. According to one version, Sarvabhauma had a son, Viravarman, who in turn gave birth to Bhavavarman, Chitrasena-Mahendravarman and their sister 5 - Hiranyavarman's mother. According to another story, Cakravartin had a son, Prathivindravarman, who gave birth to Bhavavarman. If, following the example of J. Sedes, we identify Cakravartin and Sarvabhauma on the basis of the general meaning of these words - "universal ruler", then we will have to make another identification - Viravarman with Prathivindravarman. These multiple ad hoc hypotheses imply a lack of reliable knowledge.

It is certain that the earliest Citrasena inscriptions appear in the Mekong Valley and on the Khorat plateau south of the Dangrek range, that the title Mahendravarman appears at Chitrasena in the territories north of this range, that inscriptions containing the royal name Bhavavarman without references to Chitrasena-Mahendravarman are found far from the Mekong Valley-in Battambang and Si Thep, and that the sequence of kings Bhavavarman-Mahendravarman-Isanavarman can hardly be disputed. These data support M. Vickery's hypothesis that early Chenla was located in northern and central Cambodia, while under Chitrasen it began to spread its influence in all directions, including the Wat Phu region and the Mun River Valley. This is indicated by both epigraphic data and Chinese sources.

As for Cakravartin and Sarvabhauma, as well as Prathivindravarman and Viravarman, they probably belonged to different families. This means that in the sixth century there were two rulers named Bhavavarman. The absence of inscriptions other than K. 365 by Devanika and his followers may reflect the subordination of the Wat Phu region to Chitrasena Mahendravarman (this, however, does not mean that Chitrasena won over Devanika: this conclusion is not confirmed by sources).

The inscription K. 53 from Kdei Ang in the village of Ba Phnom in Phrai Veng province, previously known as the Ang Chumnik inscription, published in the reign of Jayavarman I and dated to 667, makes M. Vickery doubt the conquest of Chenlo Funan, at least in the form described in Chinese sources (Vickery, 1998, p. 376-377]. The main argument is that this text simultaneously glorifies the supposed last king of Funani, Rudravarman, and the kings of Chenla, Bhavavarman, Chitrasena-Mahendravarman, and Ishanavarman:

"II. There was a king named Sri Rudravarman, whose bravery was equal to that of Trivikrama (Vishnu), and whose good governance is still extolled today as that of Dilipa7 ... V. In the reign of King Bhavavarman, who ascended the throne by his own strength, the fruit of the tree of desires (Kalpataru) became

5 She may have been a half-sister of Chitrasena, for the relationship to him is not attested by any sources.

6 Ragakgata - fearlessness, courage, bravery, boldness, strength, might, power [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 589].

7 Dilipa is the name of a mythical king, ancestor of Rama, son of Anshuman and father of Yehagiratha [Ishizava, Jacques, Khin Sok, 2007, p. 39, n. 7; Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 478].

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[temple] of Sri Gambhireshwara (Lord of the navel, i.e. Vishnu). VI. They [Dharmadeva and Sinhadeva] were two of his (Bhavavarman's) advisors, 8 respected, grateful for favours, knowledgeable of Dharmashastra and Arthashastra as if they embodied Dharma and Artha. VII. Later they reached the position of the companion of the magnificent King Mahendravarman, the instruments in his endeavors. VIII. The younger, intelligent Sinhadeva, who had been granted an envoy by the king, was sent to the king of kings of Champa for friendship and friendship. IX. Later, Dharmadeva had a son of great abilities, like a lion in the forest, so he is in the family of 10, whose name was Sinhavira. X. A connoisseur, from whom the knowledgeable still want to drink the juice of poetry, he became the happiest of the advisers of King Sri Ishanavarman " [Ishizava, Jacques, Khin Sok, 2007, p. 32-33; Barth, 1885, p. 64-72].

The inscription K. 53 does contain the name Rudravarman. But, first of all, other pre-Angkor inscriptions of the VII-VIII centuries, as far as we know, do not mention it. Second, verse V states that Bhavavarman "ascended to the throne by his own power." Does this mean that he was a usurper? There seems to be insufficient data to give an affirmative answer to this question. The only inscription of Bhavavarman K. 213 mentioned above "lists" gifts won by the action of the bow " [Barth, 1885, p. 28], but this hardly means an unauthorized seizure of power - rather the conquest of neighbors, especially since well-known pedigrees name the grandfather and father of Bhavavarman and Chitrasena. The main task, therefore, is to find out the relationship between Rudravarman and Bhavavarman, and to explain why the inscription K. 53 of Kdei Ang does not contrast Rudravarman and the Chenla kings.

To this day, no sources have been found that clearly identify the relationship between Rudravarman and the kings of early Chenla. However, there are indirect observations on the genealogies of Funan and pre-Angkor rulers, which allow us to express one consideration: Rudravarman and many subsequent rulers may have been united by kinship (real or fictional) with Kaundinya 12-mentioned above

Mantrin -8 tsarist adviser, Minister [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 768].

Amatya-9 companion (of the king), minister [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 81]. In the Arthashastra cited in the inscription in question, the term article is "used in relation to all representatives of the state apparatus", and sometimes it is " understood only as the chief adviser to the king (mantrin)". or a narrow layer of the highest administration, called" friends "and" assistants "of the tsar" (Vigasin and Samozvantsev, 1984, p. 4). 148-149]. D. N. Lslyukhin interprets amatya as an" associate "of the tsar, sometimes a regent under the tsarevich, but primarily an "ideal servant" of the tsar [Lslyukhin, 2001, pp. 19, 23-26]. "Amati" in KA can refer to any "chief" - "mukhya", "dignitary" - "mahamatra" or other representative of the layer of "big people", a member of the "group of supporters" of the king, which can also be interpreted as a "servant" (bhritya). The meaning of this term is that it refers to persons who have certain relationships only with tsars" [Lslyukhin, 2001, p. 26]. The amatiyas could be advisers, messengers, scribes, judges, overseers, collectors and keepers, and other persons [Lslyukhin, 2001, p. 25]. This means that the inscription K. 53 from Kdei Ang indicates a layer of people close to the ruler, a certain administrative apparatus. Amatya Sinhadeva was sent as an ambassador to the king of Champa.

Kapapa 10-forest, grove; house [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 270]. After O. Barth, Cl. Jacques has "a lion in the forest of his family" (Ishizava, Jacques, Khin Sok, 2007, p. 33; Barth, 1885, p. 70).

11 The inscription K. 151 was published after Bhavavarman's death, and there is no indication of his seizure of power. Moreover, researchers distinguish between two or even three Bhavavarmans, not counting the grandson of Chakravartin; Bhavavarman II reigned in the seventh century, and he owns the inscriptions K. 439 and K. 607 from Sambor Prey Kuk in Kampong Thom province [CdDès, 1952, pp. 30-31, 19] and K. 81 from Khan Chey in Kampong Cham province [Barth, 1885, p. 8-21]. Inscription from Phnom Penh (Kandal province) K. 79 was published by Bhavavarman II in 644 (not 639, see discussion of the date in M. Vickery and J. R. R. Tolkien). Ida) [CœDès, 1942, p. 69-72; Vickcry, 1998, p. 281-284, 430-432; Billard, Eadc, 2008, p. 400]. The hypothesis of the existence of Bhavavarman III was put forward by Claude Jacques, but is disputed by M. Vickery [Vickery, 1998, p. 330, 333-335; Jacques, 1986, p. 73-75, 94; Ishizava, Jacques, Khin Sok, 2007, p.50-52]. Below, unless specifically stated, we are talking about Bhavavarmans I, the brother of Chitrassna-Mahsndravarman.

12 Previously, historians believed that there were two Kaundinyas, both from India: the founder of the kingdom of Funan in the first century AD and the reformer of the fifth century, but now M. Vickery, Claude Jacques and their associates deny their existence [CdDès, 1968, p. 37, 56; Dsopik, 1981, p. 20-21, 24 Vickery, 2003, p. 102-115; Jacques, 1986, p. 63; Jacques and Lafond, 2007, p. 48].

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the ancestor of the Funani ruler of the fifth century. Shayebamo-Jayavarman (Pelliot, 1903, p. 257).

You should start with the Funani epigraph. In the Gunavarman inscription K. 5, his father Jayavarman is called "the lucky moon king of the Kaundinya family" [CdDès, 1931, p. 6]. According to the Rudravarman inscription K. 40, his father was King Jayavarman

Among the inscriptions of Champa (a country in Central Vietnam), the inscription C.96,658 from Mishon, published by King Prakashadharma-Vikrantavarman, stands out. It tells the genealogy of the lords of Bhavapura (the city of Bhavavarman), where Jagaddharma went from Champa (stanzas XVI-XIX of side A and XX-XXSH of side B):

"It was there that Kaundinya, the head of the twice-born / bull among the brahmans, stuck the spear received from the best of the twice-born Asvatthaman, the son of Drona. ..There was a daughter of the snake king Soma, who founded a dynasty on earth. Having reached a completely different essence with love, it has created a dwelling of people... She became the wife of a twice-born leader named Kaundinya for the sake of a religious rite Truly, the act of fate / the Creator's action in the emergence of causes and causes/things of the future is incomprehensible! Born into a pure and unbroken line of kings, he has graced his people with immaculate descendants from that time to this day...This lord of the earth/king Sri Bhavavarman, famous for his triple kingship, who defeated many terrified enemies in battle and rivalry with immense bravery, had a brother, a lion / hero on earth, who (was) the ruin of many / allies of arrogant enemies, (whose) rule is increased by his strength, (whose) sunrise is like a great splendor To the sun. This illustrious Sri Mahendravarman, equal in bravery to the Lord of the Gods, gave birth to this beloved son, just as life's wisdom breeds happiness and understanding. This king Sri Ishanavarman, (whose) radiance reaches all the boundaries of the cardinal directions, gave birth to her for the sake of prosperity alone, as the beginning of the sacrifice (leads) to well-being/prosperity and success. From this chaste/faithful wife of Sri Sharvani, born in the Soma family, Sri Jagaddharma gave birth to a beloved son of excellent / royal (vara) valor" [Zakharov, 2011, pp. 130-132].

Bhavavarman, Mahendravarman, and Isanavarman were therefore considered to belong to the Kaundinya and Soma families. And since Rudravarman, through his father Jayavarman, was also a descendant of this family, it is hardly surprising that his name appears in the inscription of K. 53 along with Bhavavarman, Mahendravarman and Isanavarman.

It remains to confirm the importance of this pedigree with the data of the actual Cambodian epigraphy. Kaundinya and his wife Soma appear in the genealogies of the kings in two pre-Angkor inscriptions: K. 483 from Phnom Bayan in Takeo Province [CdDès, 1937(1), p. 251-255] and K. 1142 of unknown origin [Ishizava, Jacques, Khin Sok, 2007, p. 49], as well as in a whole group of inscriptions published by or mention the king of the Angkor era, Rajendravarman (944-968): K. 263 of Wat Phra Einkosei X c. 13 [CdDès, 1952, p. 121, 130], K. 528 of Mebon 952 [Finot, 1925, p. 312, 332], K. 286 of Baksei Chamkrong (Siem Reap province) 948. [CdDès, 1952, p. 90, 96], K. 669 from Prasat Komphus (Preah Vihear province) 972, whose content is similar to side A of the inscription

13 The inscription of K. 263 probably consists of two or three separate texts. Parties A (in Sanskrit) and B (in Khmer) report the accession of Rajendravarman to the throne in 944 and the donation of Khnyum (dependent persons, possibly slaves)to the temple his brother-in-law, the Brahmana Divakarabhatta, and the late queen; sides C (in Sanskrit) and D (in Khmer) already report the reign of Rajendravarman's son Indravarman V in 968 and the erection of a statue of his mother by his younger sister Indralakshmi, as well as donations to the temple in Dwijendrapura; side D mentions the dates 906 and 883 years of the Shaka era, i.e. 984 and 961 years. There is a small Sanskrit inscription at the top of the stele that tells of the statue of Indralakshmi being erected by her consort Divakara (full name, according to side C, Divakarabhatta) in 970. Since side C begins with a new Saivite conversion, there is a small chance that this is the second inscription, although this is contradicted by the fact that the actor on all sides of the inscription is It turns out to be Divakarabhatta [CdDès, 1952, p. 118-1391; for the previous edition of the Sanskrit parts, see [Barth, 1885, p. 77-97].

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K. 263 [CdDès, 1937(1), p. 159ff.], K. 806 from Prerup (Siem Reap) 961 [CœDès, 1937(1), p. 73-77; Sharan, 1981, p. 102, 142].

In this group, the most interesting inscription is from Baksei Chamkrong K. 286, as it mentions King Sri Rudravarman (line 31, stanza 16): "then the kings descended from Sri Kaundinya and the daughter of Soma headed by Sri Rudravarman...". J. Sedes, who initially thought that this mention refers to the grandfather of the king of Angkor Indravarman (877-889) on his mother's side, who is mentioned in the inscriptions of his son Yashovarman (889-900), later came to the conclusion that this is a reference to the same king Rudravarman who left the inscription K. 40 and who appears in the inscription Kdei Ang K. 53 [CdDès, 1909, pp. 477-486; CdDès, 1928, p. 131; CœDès, 1954, p. 88-89]. The reason for this is given by J. Sedes in the inscription of K. 286 that Rudravarman was the ancestor ("stood at the head", pramukha) and from him in K. 53 the rulers are counted, while Indravarman's grandfather of the same name is not called the ancestor.

Thus, the" last king of Funani " Rudravarman was considered the forerunner of the Chenla kings and, judging by the inscription from Kdei Ang K. 53, an exemplary ruler. But this source does not specify the specific form of kinship between Rudravarman and Bhavavarman. Let us recall that Bhavavarman and Chitrasena-Mahendravarman were the sons of Sarvabhauma. It would be tempting to identify Sarvabhauma with Rudravarman if it were not for the fact that too much time elapses between Rudravarman's last embassy in 539 and the only known date of Bhavavarman's reign, 598. Therefore, their relationship remains uncertain.

It is possible that Rudravarman and the Chenla kings were connected by a fictitious, rather than genuine, relationship to Kaundinya. It is also probable that the Chenla kings claimed kinship with Rudravarman, but were not related to him; in any case, Chinese authors referred to their family as ua(li)-kshatriyas, while Kaundinya, according to an inscription from Mishon c.96-658, was a brahmana. Therefore, the claim to kinship with Rudravarman may have been due to considerations of legitimation after the submission of Funani. This may explain the absence of any indication of the relationship of Bhavavarman, Chitrasena-Mahendravarman, and Ishanavarman to Rudravarman in the inscription from Kdei Ang k. 53. And for the Angkor rulers, Rudravarman was the legendary ancestor-the first of the descendants of Kaundinya and Soma.

What happened in the sixth century? Was Chitrasena's conquest of Funani as described in Chinese sources? To answer this question, it is advisable to pay attention to the geographical distribution of labels. Rudravarman's own inscription of K. 40 is found in the province of Kandal. The Bhavavarman and Chitrasena inscriptions are found much further north and west , in the provinces of Battambang, Stung Treng and Kratiye (Cambodia) and Nakhon Ratchasima (Khorat). This means that there is no evidence that Rudravarman's power extended to these areas. Since no inscriptions of Bhavavarman I have been found in the lower Mekong, it is hardly possible to say that his authority extended to these regions; the same is true for Chitrasena.

But in this area there are inscriptions of Ishanavarman 1, the son of Chitrasena-Mahendravarman. This is an undated inscription from Wat Phrai Veng k. 80 (Kandal Province), in which Ishanavarman is called the illustrious lord of the three kings, the giver and mighty ruler of the three indestructible nagars14, the victorious lord of the earth, a triple power similar to Hara [CdDès, 1954, p.4]. This is also an inscription from Ba Phnom district K 60 in the neighboring province

14 The literal translation of the word nagara is "city". But in Southeast Asia, it can also mean the name of a country.

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Prey Veng 15, dated 626-627, which also glorifies Ishanavarman along with another, probably vassal king of Tamrapura not named; this king also ruled over Chakrankapura, Amoghapura and Bhimapura [Barth, 1885, p.40; Vickery, 1998, p. 336]. Let us recall the above-quoted inscription from Kdei Ang k. 53, which comes from the same area of Ba Phnom. In Chau Tasar, Takeo province, an inscription of c. 709 was found, which mentions the donation of a field with oxen, sixty cows, a plot of land and a garden to the deity Sri Bhupati Ishanavarman (CdDès, 1953, pp. 30-31). In the Khmer part of the inscription, two chieftains bearing the local title of ponh (roy)are reported to have given gifts16.

These data suggest that Ishanavarman extended his power to the lower reaches of the Mekong — the lands that were part of Funan. According to the inscription of K. 90, Ishanavarman "went to the Himalayas", in which Zh. Sedes sees an indication of the final conquest of Funani, mistakenly assuming that the title was borne by the kings of Funani17, although it is more likely to compare the position of Ishanavarman with the Himalayas or Mount Meru, given the report of his death: "There was a king Sri Ishanavarman who enjoyed the association of sages and, after leaving the earth, went to the Himalayas" [CœDès, 1953, p. 26, 27, p. 1]. Data from Chinese sources also agree with this. The information in the Ishanavarman inscriptions about vassal rulers, as well as the mentioned inscription of the vassal king Narasinhagupta K. 151, demonstrate the existence of many rulers with different relationships between them. Kings Bhavavarman, Chitrasena-Mahendravarman, and Ishanavarman, according to the K. 53 inscription from Kdei Ang, relied on a layer of servant-advisors( mantrin), companions/associates (amatya). Since this inscription refers to the "Arthashastra" of Kautilya, it is possible to speak of a certain administrative apparatus, of which the mantrins and amatyas were parts. But the functions of these individuals were apparently determined as necessary: for example, amatya Sinhadeva was sent as an ambassador to the king of Champa. Speaking of the kingdom as a whole, a dynamic system of relations of domination and subordination is likely, in which the king had to constantly maintain hegemony. The importance of conquests is also indicated by the above-quoted message of the Bhavavarman inscription K. 213 on "gifts won by the action of the bow"

Thus, the transition from Funan to Chenle, known to Chinese authors, represented a shift of the center of political hegemony away from the coastal missile defense systems-

15 The place of the find in the catalog of J. Sedess is indicated in two ways: Prsah Vihsar Kuk or Wat Chakrst [CdDès, 1966, p. 84].

16 D. V. Dsopik believes that "a pon is a small landowner who is not part of the community and uses knum labor" (knum - dependent population, possibly slaves) [Dsopik, 1981, p. 29]. S. Sahai thinks that ponies did not hold high-level positions, and F. Sahai thinks that ponies did not hold high-level positions. Jennsen attributes them to a "low rank in the feudal hierarchy" (Sahai, 1970, p. 56; Jcnner, 1981, p.197). But M. Vickery collected considerable evidence that ponies could belong to the top of society (Vickery, 1998, p. 190-192). Thus, in the inscription K. 90 from Kuk Prasat Kot (Kampong Cham province), the servant of King Ishanavarman Bhadrayudha is called "servant" in the Sanskrit part, and rop in the Khmer part [CdDès, 1953, p.26]. In the inscription K. 54 of Kdei Ang 629, the donor will transfer the property received from Pony Shivadatta, who was found in the Aranyaprathst area (Prachinburi province, Thailand) in 1986. the inscription K. 1150 refers to Ishanavarman's son and, apparently, the elder brother of Bhavavarman 11, who bore the Sanskrit title "master, lord" [CœDès, 1951, p. 159; Jacques, 1986, p. 79]. However, after 719 the title pon disappears from epigraphy (later mention of it in the inscription c. 1029-743-744 refers to persons who belonged to the generation of the parents of the authors of the inscription) [Vickery, 1998, p. 190, p. 55; 118, 363-365].

17 There is no single source in which the King of Funan has such a title, especially in Khmer [Jacques, 1979, pp. 374-375]. In the only place where the Sanskrit expression "king of the mountain" or "mountain ruler" occurs, in the inscription of Bhavavarman II of Khan Chey K. 81 (Kampong Cham Province), it is used in the plural: "having defeated the mountain rulers" (Barth, 1885, p.13). It is unlikely that we can talk here about the lord of the seaside kingdom of Funan.

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travel to central Cambodia between Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong River. Among the Chenli kings, Ishanavarman reliably subdued the lower reaches of the Mekong (see also: [Deopik, 1981, p. 33]). The rulers of early Chenla and the king of Funani, Rudravarman, may have been related to Kaundinya either in real or fictitious ways to legitimize their power after the conquest of Funani.

In addition, let us consider the dynastic legend of the Khmer kings, according to which they are descended from the union of the sage Kambu Swayambhuva and the celestial nymph, and the first kings were Srutavarman and Sreshthavarman [CdDès, 1968, p. 66; Migo, 1973, p. 34-35]; cf.: [Sedov, 1967, p. 18; Deopik, 1981, p. 27-28 Berzin, 1995, p. 120]. To the name of Sreshthavarman, J. Sedes erected the name of the city of Sreshthapura, and L. A. Sedov identified Chenla with Sreshthapura, while accepting the localization of Chenla in Wat Phu, which, as was shown above, cannot be considered established [CdDes, 1968, p. 66; Sedov, 1967, p. 17].

Soviet historians have already written that this is a dynastic myth, and not a reflection of true history. Recognizing the validity of this idea, I would like to emphasize that this legend is set out in the very inscription from Baksei Chamkrong K. 286-948 [CœDès, 1952, p. 90, 95], in which Kaundinya, Soma and Rudravarman appear, but, unlike them, Kambu Swayambhuva and Mera are innovations of the X century. Moreover, it is not the only one. It is in the inscription of Rajendravarman from Prasat Kok Chak K. 958-947 that Srutavarman appears in the genealogies - "the son of the divine sage Kambu and the first king of Cambodia" [CdDès, 1964, p. 142, 145]. Srutavarman is also mentioned in the Baksei Chamkrong inscription as the "root" of the Kambu family (CdDès, 1952, p. 90, 96). Under Suryavarman I (1002-1050), in one of the inscriptions of K. 380 on the western base of the door of the Gopura D temple in Phnom Preah Vihear, dated 1037-1038. Kambu and Srutavarman are also mentioned [CdDès, 1954, p. 261, 266]. But no inscriptions of Srutavarman himself have been found, and he can hardly be associated with the early Chenla. As noted by Claude Jacques, Srutavarman and Sreshthavarman are legendary figures [Jacques, 1986, p. 71-73]. In support of this, M. Vickery added that Sreshthavarman appears only in the inscriptions of King Jayavarman VII (1181 - ≈1218 [CdDès, 1968, p. 169]; cf. [Deopik, 1981, p. 60]), several centuries after his supposed reign [Vickery, 1998, p.42]. Therefore, its connection with the early Chenla is unlikely.

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