Field studies of the Chicha-1 monument, a grandiose settlement complex of the transition from bronze to iron age located in the center of the Barabinsk forest - steppe (Figure 1), conducted over five years, allowed us to obtain a large amount of unique scientific information, which was accumulated in the form of reporting and analytical material in a number of special articles and two books (see, for example, Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2001; Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2004).

In general, the work even on the relatively small area of the Chicha-1 monument, which focused on the excavation of residential and economic structures, as well as defensive structures, was very productive: the obtained data on the funeral rite later helped to reconstruct the very complex and non-standard attitude of the inhabitants of the settlement to the dead. In the southern part of the monument, not far from building No. 3, the burial of an adult woman was found, buried on her back, with her legs bent at the knees, and her head on the ground (Fig. 3). In a shallow grave there were three vessels, as well as a human head. It is important to note that these vessels belong to the transition period from bronze to iron (see Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2001). Such ceramics were previously assigned by experts to a special 3rd group of Late Irmen ware (Molodin and Kolontsov, 1984, p. 75). Traditional Irmen features of this burial are the small depth of the grave pit and its southern orientation (Molodin 1985). The position of those buried in Chicha-1 and those buried in the Barabinsk forest-steppe in the Old Garden burial ground of the Bronze-to-Iron transition period (Molodin and Neskorov, 1992), left by a group of newcomers from Central Kazakhstan, who later mixed with the carriers of the autochthonous Irmen culture, as well as the Barabinsk variant of the Suzun culture** (ceramics of the last two cultural cultures), is similar. It is present in the Chichi-1 ceramic complex) (see Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2004).

During excavations of residential structures in different areas of the settlement, ten burials of infants were found, undoubtedly ritual (one or two per dwelling) (Fig. 4). The grave pits are small and shallow. In three of them, the deceased were buried on their right side in a crouched position, with their heads on the ground, which finds parallels in the burial practice of the Irmen culture. One baby was placed in a grave pit almost upside down. Two more children were laid in the grave in a crouched position on their left side, with their heads on S. According to the definition of anthropologists and geneticists, all buried are boys. De burials-

* The study began with a geophysical survey of the territory by German and then Russian specialists. Its results, which characterize both the settlement complex and the Chichi-1 necropolis (Becker and Fassbinder, 1999; Molodin, Parzinger, and Becker et al., 1999; Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2000), became the basis for conducting targeted excavations (Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2004, p. 4). 240-260] (fig. 2).

** These monographs contain an exhaustive bibliography.

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Fig. 1. Map-layout of the Chicha-1 monument.

2. Image of the Chicha-1 monument and the surrounding area with necropolises taken during geophysical monitoring.

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3. Burial of a woman on the lower site of the settlement.

4. Burial of a child in the dwelling of the Chicha-1 monument.

5. Burial with Irmen features on the necropolis of the Chicha-1 monument.

6. Burial with innovative features of the rite on the necropolis of the Chicha-1 monument.

They demonstrate the syncriticism of funerary practice [Molodin, Novikova, Parzinger et al., 2003, pp. 312-316]. In one dwelling, a secondary burial of a teenager with accompanying equipment in the form of a bronze ringlet was recorded (Molodin, Parzinger, Garkusha et al., 2004, p. 286).

Thus, all the finds indicate that the inhabitants had very complex and multifaceted ideas related to the funeral rite. The need to bury the deceased relatives not in a specially designated place, but in the residential area of the settlement, moreover, within the limits of a residential building, was obviously dictated by some reasons. Quite a lot of research is devoted to their clarification. We also discussed the interpretation of this phenomenon for this region in a number of RA publications-

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bot (see: Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2001: 240; Molodin, Novikova, and Parzinger et al., 2003: 312-316; Novikova and Shneevais, 2002; Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2004: 285-287).

It should be noted that such burials are numerous in the archaeologically studied part of Chichi-1, even in comparison with monuments in Southern Europe, Mesopotamia, Anatolia, and Central Asia, where such a burial tradition is very widely represented (see, for example, Mishina, 2005, p. 27). If you calculate the possible number of them on the entire monument, the figure can be extremely large.

The main body of burials is located on the necropolis, partially explored by our expedition (Molodin, Parzinger, Garkusha et al., 2004, pp. 240-260). Geophysical monitoring of the area adjacent to the ancient settlement from the northern, eastern, and partly southern sides revealed the presence of anomalies, a significant part of which turned out to be associated with burial complexes (see Figure 2). Apparently, many of these complexes (it is possible that all of them)are located in the same area. initially, they had tombstone structures that were destroyed during many years of plowing. This assumption can be made by the outlines of the ancient settlement, the relief features of the eastern part of which have disappeared. As shown by the geophysical survey, some graves were contoured with rounded and sub-rectangular ditches (see Figure 2).

Geophysicists have recorded burial complexes that do not belong to the transition period from Bronze to iron. One such object was studied (see Molodin, Parzinger, and Garkusha et al., 2001, pp. 134-139). Approximately 200 m south of the settlement are the mounds of the Zdvinsk-1 monument (see Fig. 2). The territory of the burial ground also underwent many years of plowing. A number of small structures were completely destroyed. Larger mounds and their floors were also affected; it is often difficult to judge the original size of the mounds. Currently, the true dimensions of these structures can be determined based on the available magnetograms, which perfectly read the ditches delineating the earth structure (see Figure 2).

As determined by geophysical monitoring, the space between the shore of Lake Baikal and the shore of Lake Baikal is located in the center of the lake. Chicha, the northern tip of the Chicha-1 hillfort and the Zdvinsk-1 mound group were occupied by the necropolis. On a large part of it, archaeological work was impossible due to wheat crops, but at the western end we were able to investigate several burials. Focusing exclusively on the magnetogram and pinpointing excavations in places of anomalies, the specialists investigated ten burial complexes that undoubtedly belong to the ancient settlement under consideration (Molodin, Parzinger, Garkusha et al., 2004, pp. 240-261) (Fig. 5). All of them are single burials; some of them were made in accordance with the classical tradition Irmen tradition. The deceased were buried in shallow grave pits on their sides in a crouched position, with their heads on the ground. The funerary equipment found in them-ceramics and bronze ornaments - is also traditionally Irmian (see: [Ibid.]). In the same part of the necropolis, burials were found that indicate changes in the rite (for example, rounded grave pits). Traces of secondary burials were recorded (Fig. 6). There is a departure from the classical forms of the Irmen burial inventory (original ceramics and bronze objects appear). Even if we assume that there were burial mounds above these burials, the funeral rite that accompanied them was undoubtedly different from the classical Irmen rite.

The magnetogram suggests that, at least in this part of the necropolis, there were several dozen burials such as those described above (or similar to them) (see Figure 2). It is possible that the burial ground occupies an area that was not subjected to geophysical monitoring. As already mentioned, the burial complexes described above (let's call them conditionally ground-based) come into close contact with the burial mounds of the Zdvinsk-1 burial ground (see Figure 2).

I have already written about the fact that the analysis carried out showed the heterogeneity of the ceramic complex of the Chicha-1 monument. At the same time, there is unquestionable evidence of the epochal unity of all its components (see: [Ibid., pp. 266-275; Molodin and Mylnikova, 2004, pp. 101-106]).

As was established in the course of the study, the oldest site of the monument is associated with the most fortified "citadel" and dates back to the end of the Bronze Age - the beginning of the Early Iron Age, probably in the IX century BC, when the Irmen culture existed in the region [Molodin, Parzinger, Garkusha et al., 2004, pp. 264-266]. The citadel itself belongs to the transition period from bronze to iron, which is fully represented by characteristic types of dishes, which is what the ceramic complex of the Late Irmen culture of the transition period consists of. Its typology was developed in the early 80's of the last century [Molodin and Kolontsov, 1984; Molodin, 1985]. It is with this part of the monument that the ground burial ground adjacent to the settlement, which was discussed above, is undoubtedly connected.

In the final monograph devoted to the Bronze Age of the Barabinsk forest-steppe, I already had to note that during the first excavations at the Chicha-1 settlement, dishes of a type not typical of other Late Irmen monuments were found-large, poorly profiled jars and pots

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a very specific shape with a modest ornamentation of the corolla (Molodin, 1985, p. 163). Later, N. L. Chlenova, who analyzed the ceramic complex of the monument, drew attention to the generally poor ornamentation of the ceramic complex, which, in her opinion, indicates "a trend towards the development of Chichi-1 ceramics in the 'steppe' direction " [1994, pp. 86-87]. The marked ceramic complex undoubtedly dominates among the finds on the monument as a whole. The exception is materials from the Citadel. However, there it is also present, however, significantly inferior in quantity to the classical late Irma. Thus, we can talk about the existence of two different ceramic complexes in isolated areas of one monument. At the same time, both parts of the settlement undoubtedly functioned simultaneously for some time, as evidenced by dating bronze objects, as well as a series of radiocarbon dates (see [Molodin et al., 2002]). It is possible that such features of the complex are the result of the coexistence within the framework of the phratrial organization of two fundamentally different ethno-cultural populations, connected by cultural and economic relations and, probably, by blood relations.

A striking analogue of such a social model is marked on the monument Karagai Aul-1 in the Trans-Urals, synchronous Chich-1. The planography of this monument shows a combination of two fortified platforms of a circular configuration, closely adjacent to each other (Zimina, 2004). On both sites, one clearly synchronous ground-type structure was investigated. Two different ceramic complexes were found in them (Zimina, 2003). V. A. Zakh and O. Y. Zimina, who studied the monument, state that the dishes from the "oval" settlement, according to their terminology, are closest to the dishes of the Gamayun culture, and the dishes from the "round" site tend to the Barkhatov ceramics. In addition, vessels "combining the characteristics of these cultures" were found on both sites [2005, p. 117]. In Pritobolye, a similar organization of living space is recorded in other fortified settlements-Vak-Kur-2, Kyrtysh-1, -2, etc., which is explained, according to experts, by the dual organization of society [Ibid., pp. 117-118].

It turns out that in the transition period from bronze to iron, such a dual organization of society was characteristic of the forest-steppe area of Western Siberia. It is represented on Chicha-1, the mentioned complexes in the Pritobol region, and the Krasnoozersk culture monuments Inberen-5-7 on the Irtysh River (although the analysis of the Inberen complexes in the proposed aspect has not yet been carried out) [Abramova and Stefanov, 1985, Fig. 1].

The noted organization of society was formed under the influence of powerful migration flows moving in the latitudinal and meridional directions. The synthesis of various components was particularly pronounced in the contact zone of forest-steppes (apparently due to the extreme climatic situation), primarily in the taiga zone of Western Siberia in the IX-VII centuries BC.

This concept is confirmed, in my opinion, by the materials of not only settlement complexes, but also burial complexes. Vivid evidence is the settlement and burial complex Chicha-1 and the burial ground Zdvinsk-1, which, as it turned out, is essentially a single monument. To prove the validity of this assumption, we will refer to the results of the analysis of materials from the excavations of the burial mounds. No. 1 of the Zdvinsk-1 monument, conducted by N. V. Polosmak in 1981 [1987, pp. 52-54]. The researcher unearthed one of five prominent structures, each with a surface diameter of 14 m and a height of 22 cm. Today, having a magnetogram, we can see that the design was not fully investigated. Outside the excavation there was a ditch, the presence of which was difficult to predict due to the strong destruction of the earthen structure. During the dismantling of the N. V. Polosmak embankment, an orange ring of calcined clay with a thickness of up to 50 cm was revealed. It surrounded the central burial chamber and was apparently formed during the burning of the wooden structure surrounding the grave. The chamber itself was completely looted, but next to it was found a paired burial of a woman and a child, represented by badly burned bones, indicating the synchronicity of the entire burial complex. The woman was placed on her right side in a crouched position, with her head facing south. The accompanying equipment included a stone dish-altarik, a vessel (Fig. 7) and cow ribs. In addition, the graves of five more adults were found in the north-eastern part of the mound. All the people were buried on their backs in an extended position, two with their heads on the NW, two more on the 3 and one on the

7. Altarik dish (7) and vessel (2) from the burial site of the Zdvinsk-1 burial ground (according to [Polos'mak, 1987]).

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According to N. V. Polosmak, all burials form a single complex accompanying the central (completely looted) burial, in the mound of which only scattered bones are found [Ibid., p. 54]. Based on the vessel, the researcher assigned this monument to the Bolynerechen culture and dated it to the V-IV centuries BC [Ibid., p.53, Table IX]. Undoubtedly, the western vector of parallels to this monument was correctly determined [Ibid., p. 54]. As for the cultural background and date, they are objectionable. The funerary rite of the bearers of the Bolsherechenskaya culture has been thoroughly studied and characterized in a number of monographs. Its difference from the rite recorded in the studied Zdvinsk-1 mound is obvious. The burial mounds of both the Biysk and Berezovsky stages of culture do not have wooden structures in the tombstone structure. Grave pits are quite large in depth, with log floors; under one embankment - from one to several holes (including the central one). The deceased are buried on their backs in an extended position or with their legs bent at the knees; the Berezovsky stage corresponds to burials with weakly crouched skeletons, very deep grave pits and pits with a lining [Troitskaya and Borodovsky, 1994, pp. 24-29]. All of the above also applies to the monuments of the Kamenskaya culture (Mogilnikov, 1997; Umansky, Shamshin, and Shulga, 2005), which, in my opinion, does not differ in any way from the cultural formation identified in the Upper Ob Region by M. P. Gryaznov (1956) and called the "Bolsherechenskaya culture". However, this problem is not directly related to the topic of this paper. It is debatable and needs special discussion.

The burial rite of the Zdvinsk-1 mound is absolutely identical with the monuments of the VIII-V centuries BC in Northern Kazakhstan (Berlik burial grounds, kurg. N 1; Kenes, kurgan N 1, 11). In the center of each there is a wooden tombstone structure with traces of burning, they are surrounded by a circular ditch around the perimeter, and in the center of the structure there is a shallow grave pit. All this is covered by an earthen structure (mound) [Khabdulina, 1987: 6-13]. The deceased are buried both in grave pits and at the level of the buried soil on their backs in an elongated position and in a crouched position on their sides (15 %). Two of the latter (Yavlenka, kurg. N 1; Razuyevka, Kurgan. N 1) are buried, as in the Zdvinsky mound , on the daytime surface [Ibid., p. 11]. Both the orientation vector of the buried and the main set of burial equipment coincide: "stone altars of a special beak-shaped shape and vessels" [Ibid.; 1994, Table 58].

Thus, the burial complex of Zdvinsk-1 is similar to the North Kazakhstan monuments (both of them have insignificant grave pits, burials at the level of the buried soil, and the crouched position of the dead [Khabdulina, 1987, p.19]) and has nothing in common with the eastern, Upper Ob monuments.

According to all the main features, the Zdvinsk-1 complex dates back to the very beginning of the transition from the Bronze Age to Iron, i.e., to the VIII-VII centuries BC. These features are also characteristic of Late Bronze Age monuments in Northern Kazakhstan. The combination of elements of the outgoing Late Bronze Age tradition and innovative features of the Early Iron Age era (wooden structures, stone altarpieces) also brings the complexes closer together. It is very important that the vessel from the burial site of the Zdvinsk-1 monument is similar to individual samples from the Chicha-1 monument [Molodin, Parzinger, Garkusha et al., 2001, Fig. 4, 1; 5, 4; 10, 1; 12, 3, 4; 40, 3, 4, 6; Molodin, Parzinger, Garkusha et al., 2004, fig. 16, 1; 91, 4; 163, 8; 218, 2; 298, 2; 313, 6; 314, 1; 319, 1; 333, 1]. In addition, there are similarities between the complex of ceramics from Chichi-1, dominating in the peripheral part, and from the transition stage from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age from the Berlik and Novonikolskoye burial grounds in Northern Kazakhstan (Khabdulina, 1987, Fig. 4; 1994), as well as from settlements in the Kustanai Pritobol region (for example, Zagarinskoye settlement) [Evdokimov, 1987, fig. 4, 4, 6, 7, 15, 16]. Certain parallels to this group of dishes can also be seen on the monuments of the transition from Bronze to iron time in Central Kazakhstan (Dongal settlement [Loman, 1987, Fig. 4; 5, 1], Aktoprak burial grounds, Temurtaussky, Krasnye Gory [Tkachev, 2002, Fig. 191, 11, 16, 20; 192, 4; 195, 17, 18]).

Thus, the Zdvinsk-1 mound can be considered to belong to the transition period from Bronze to Iron (VIII-VII centuries BC) and to the settlement and burial complex Chicha-1. In other words, the Zdvinsk-1 burial ground is a continuation of the necropolis described above. The coexistence of two cultural traditions, represented both on the ancient settlement and on the burial ground, is obvious. Its appearance at the burial ground is of particular importance, since it contradicts the established ideas about a clear distinction between the ancient" own "and" alien " cult space [Smirnova, 2005, p. 14].

Thus, today the Chicha-1 monument is a unique complex that combines a complex settlement and burial structure, the study (and preservation) of which will undoubtedly enrich historical science with unique scientific information.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 03.05.06.

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