Despite all the scope of the latest phenomena in Central Asian Islam, there is still no acceptable designation for them. The terms used - "renaissance"," Islamic renaissance"," re-Islamization"," secondary Islamization", and the spread of" fundamentalism " - are controversial among researchers. Lively discussions are also taking place around the question of whether the revival of Islam in Central Asia is the result of a self-sustained spiritual, social and political development of the region, or whether it is a phenomenon imposed from the outside .1 Researchers also take opposite positions on the question of whether Central Asia of the Soviet period can be considered part of the Islamic world or whether it developed independently from other parts of the Islamic world in the atheistic channel of the communist experiment.

Using the example of the life and work of one of the greatest spiritual leaders of Central Asia during the Soviet period, Kori (a reciter of the Koran, a person who learned it by heart) Muhammadjon Hindustoni, we tried to show how Islamic scholarship was preserved and transmitted in the conditions of a totalitarian atheist state.

introduction

The rise of the Islamic movement in Central Asia in the last decade of the twentieth century was based on a large-scale activation of Islam in the region. It includes a wide range of phenomena: the mass construction of mosques; the spread of religious education and enlightenment; the restoration of Islamic law in some areas of regulating the social and private life of indigenous peoples of Central Asia; the activities of political religious organizations, including parties; anti-government demonstrations by opposition Islamic movements; the activities of armed extremist groups and even the participation of a legal Islamic party in the administration of a secular state (the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan - IRPT).

It is still widely believed that due to the mass destruction and emigration of institutional clergy in the early years of Soviet rule, Islamic thought in the region during the Soviet period almost froze, and Islam in Central Asian societies began to function mainly as a way of life and the basis of cultural identity, but not as a worldview and ideology. Based on this point of view, we must agree with the opinion of the overwhelming majority of researchers who believe that the revival of Islam in the 80s - 90s of the XX century in Central Asia is the result of external influence, a kind of case of proselytism. It is assumed that the activities of international Islamic organizations were particularly successful in the context of the spiritual vacuum created as a result of the collapse of the communist ideology. However, this explanation cannot satisfy us, since

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It does not provide the key to understanding the scale and diversity of forms within the Islamic movement in the region, or to explaining the reasons for the mass spread of little-known Islamic movements here, such as Hizb al-Tahrir. Moreover, this explanation does not contribute to understanding many of the realities of the socio-political life of the region's states.

It seems that to understand the nature of the rise of the Islamic movement in Central Asia, first of all, it is necessary to turn to the study of the development of Islam in the region during the Soviet period. This kind of research could not be carried out by Soviet researchers, and foreign scientists were restricted in their access to information. Therefore, this topic, in fact, is a "white spot"in Oriental studies. Even a cursory acquaintance with the subject of the Islamic Renaissance in Central Asia raises a number of questions about the existence of Islam in the communist state, which have not yet been reflected in the literature on Islam in Central Asia. The most important ones are:

- the role and place of Islam in the life of Central Asian societies during the Soviet period;

- ways of transferring Islamic knowledge from one generation to another;

- the relationship between dogmatic Islam and popular Islam;

- directions of development of Islamic theological and legal thought during the specified period;

- the influence of local forms of Islam's existence on the formation of forms of its coexistence with the atheist state in the Soviet period;

- channels of penetration of world Islam and the degree of its influence on Islam in Central Asia.

The key to understanding these issues can be to study the activities of Islamic spiritual leaders, including Islamic intellectuals who lived during the Soviet period. It was they who supported the existence and development of Islamic institutions, norms, dogmas and traditions in Central Asian societies, ensured the development of religious thought, helped preserve the ties of Central Asia with the foreign Islamic world, and prepared the revival of Islam in the region.

Unfortunately, with the exception of the works of the Uzbek scholar Bakhtiyor Babadzhanov2, there are very few studies devoted to the spiritual Islamic leaders of Central Asia in the 20th century. This is largely due to the acute lack of sources of information and empirical data. The lack of knowledge of the issue has contributed and continues to contribute to the emergence of numerous myths and misconceptions that penetrate into reputable scientific publications, political documents in Central Asian countries, on the pages of newspapers and other printed publications that influence the mass consciousness.

The urgency of studying the history of Islamic thought and its key figures in the Soviet period led us to create a research project "Muslim Leaders of Central Asia in the XX century", during which we began collecting and systematizing information about Muslim leaders and spiritual authorities who lived and worked in Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Southern Kyrgyzstan (we limited ourselves to these topics). territories of the republics of Soviet Central Asia, as they represent a region of traditional Islamic dominance). Our initial research shows that, despite the harsh atheistic pressure, Islam and Islamic thought developed here during the Soviet period as well.

The spiritual tradition and continuity in Central Asia have never been interrupted. From the Kokand mullahs who took refuge in Eastern Bukhara in the 1920s and 30s, through the Ishan and Khojas who supported disgraced Islamic intellectuals in the 1950s and 1960s, Islamic theological and legal thought continued to develop.-

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It can be implemented in various forms, including in the form of reformism. In the course of this development, the most acute and topical issues of the existence of Islam were resolved: the relationship between Islam and power, the place of Islam in society, the place and role of Islamic spiritual leaders in the social and political life of society. In the course of spiritual and ideological searches, various trends emerged, sometimes sharply conflicting with each other.

In the 60s - 70s of the XX century, a split in Islam occurred, which became the source of the emergence of a generation of new Islamic intellectuals and spiritual leaders of various directions. They later formed Islamic political organizations such as the IRPT, Adolat (Justice), the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), and others. The influence of spiritual leaders on the life of society was quite great, and it still largely continues to determine the evolution of the societies of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

This article deals with the following issues: features of the formation of Muslim spiritual leadership as a phenomenon in Central Asia of the Soviet period; the position of Islamic intellectuals at that time 3 .

We have barely touched upon the development of Islamic theological and legal thought in the Soviet period and its influence on the formation of the Islamic movement in the post-Soviet period, as this topic requires special research.

MUSLIM SPIRITUAL LEADERS IN CENTRAL ASIA: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SKETCH

Hanafi School in Islam

There is a fairly extensive literature on the spread of Islam in Central Asia. Researchers attribute the time of the spread of this religion in the region to the beginning of the VII century. This process took place gradually with the use of all methods of spreading the new religion and took a long period. Sunni Islam was established in Central Asia, although there were islands of other branches of Islam, such as Ismaili communities in Badakhshan and Shiite communities of Iranian immigrants in Samarkand, Bukhara, Merv and other cities. By the beginning of the 13th century, the dominant position in Central Asia was occupied by the teachings of the Hanafis , one of the four madhhabs - theological and legal schools in Sunni Islam. The provisions of this particular madhhab went through a long path of evolution and played a major role in the formation of Central Asian Islam. The norms of this school, along with the common features common to all other regions of the Muslim world, differed in Central Asia.

The foundation for the spread and establishment of the Hanafi madhhab in Central Asia was laid by the Murjiit movement. This movement emerged during the struggle for power in the Arab Caliphate among opposing groups-supporters of Ali ibn Abu Talib (656-661) and pretenders to the throne from the Umayyad dynasty (661-750). As a result of a complex internal struggle, the teachings of the Murjiites were transformed, and already in the middle of the seventh century, in the eastern part of the Caliphate, they were identified with the struggle for equal rights of all Muslims, regardless of their national or ethnic origin.

After the death of the head of the Murji movement, Al-Harith ibn Surayj (734-746), the spiritual head of this movement in the East of the Caliphate becomes Murjiyi - theologian from Kufa-Abu Hanifa. The personality of Abu Hanif and the availability of his teachings favored the spread and approval of Murji ideas called Hanafi teachings in many cities of Central Asia - Balkh, Merv, Nasaf, Bukhara, and Samarkand in the late eighth and early ninth centuries. According to the researcher's statements-

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The Hanafi school was most developed in the major cities of Transoxiana-Bukhara and Samarkand - and went through three stages of development:

- the first stage - the period of formation of separate Hanafi schools in Samarkand, Bukhara and Nasaf (IX-X centuries).;

- The second stage is the period of the heyday of these schools, covering the XI-beginning of the XIII century, when Hanafi jurists developed and codified the provisions of the Abu Hanif madhhab on local material in the Karakhanid Transoxiana;

- The third stage is the period covering the beginning of the XIII-XIV centuries, when the influence of the Hanafi school extends to the inner regions of Central Asia and neighboring countries-India, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Asia Minor, the Crimea, and the Golden Horde. The cities of Transoxiana are becoming major educational centers of Hanafi law, where novice theologians come from all regions of the spread of this madhhab. At the same time, compendiums, textbooks, and manuals on Hanafi law are compiled .4

Muslim spiritual leaders in the Hanafi madhhab. The relationship between the secular and the spiritual

During the activity of Hanafi faqihs (theologians, specialists in the field of Muslim law) Many legal norms, customs and traditions of the peoples of Central Asia were incorporated into Islam. At this time, the largest Hanafi Mujtahids were created - Shams al-Aimma Abd-al-Aziz ibn Ahmad-al-Khalwani al-Bukhori (d. 1056); Fakhar-al-Islam Ali ibn Muhammad al-Pazdawi (d. 1089); Shams al-aimma Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Sarohsi (d. 1093); Umar ibn Abd-al-Aziz al-Bukhori, known as al-Sadr al-Shaheed (d. 1141); Iftikhor ad-din Tohir ibn Ahmad al-Bukhori (d. 1147), Burhan ad- Din Mahmud ibn Ahmad al-Bukhori (d. 1174); Fakhr ad-din al-Khalan ibn al-Uzhandi Qadi Khan (d. 1196).

Although the Muslim states of Central Asia recognized the theocratic nature of power from the very beginning of their existence, in fact, there was a division of the spheres of activity of the state and clerics. Hanafi theologians have made changes to this order. At the end of the 9th century, Faqih Abu'l-Lais Hafiz al-Samarqandi lifted the ban on cooperation between the clergy and representatives of the secular authorities. Later, in Transoxiana, theologians who accepted this condition acted as representatives and defenders of the interests of various strata of the urban population. However, this position did not always suit the rulers, there are cases of arrest and execution of some faqihs. At the same time, during periods of weakening of state power, they actually headed the authorities in the central cities.

In Transoxiana, there was a sharp struggle between representatives of various madhhabs, which eventually ended in the victory of the Hanafis. So, if during the Samanid period (819 - 999) there were both Hanafis and Shafi'is among the Kazis, then from the end of the X century to the 20s of the XX century they are exclusively Hanafis. Ulama (scholars of theology) were appointed to various religious positions: khatib, qori, Qori al-muaskor, sadr, muhtasib, mudarris, etc. Since the rulers of various Turkic tribal associations usually became the head of secular power in the states of Transoxiana, the ruler resolved issues of foreign and domestic policy of the country, based on the norms of state law based on oral and fixed tribal law (urf). At the same time, the ulama (ulama) were brought in by the authorities for obos-

* Here and further, the authors give transliteration of Arabic proper names and titles of Arabic compositions in Cyrillic in Tajik.

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in order to ensure the legality (from the point of view of Islam) of the most important state events held by them. Later, in this way, Kori turned into an official. In order to limit the power of those individuals who, in fact, combined secular and spiritual functions in their hands, ulema councils were created under them.

Features of Hanafi in Transoxiana (modern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan)

It should be noted that the Murjiites were active theologians. This quality was passed on to their followers-the Samarkand Hanafis, who also intensively developed theological issues, as a result of which the local theological teaching of the Sunnis of Samarkand - Ahl as-sunna v-al-ujamaa-was formed. This teaching was founded by the Hanafis of Nasaf, namely Abu - l-Muna al-Nasafi (d. 1114), Abu-l-Nusr al-Pazdawi (d. c. 1099-1100) and Abu-l - Hafs al-Nasafi (d. 1142). - at the junction of the XI-XII centuries, it received a new name al-maturiddin and gradually turned into a general Hanafi one. At the same time, the Hanafis of Transoxiana developed a tolerant attitude towards the existence of old traditions that were not covered by Fiqh. In addition, the Hanafis firmly and consistently defended the provisions of traditionalist Islam and did not agree to make concessions on fundamental issues.

As you know, the language of traditionalist Islam was and still is literary Arabic ( al-Fiqh, the language of the Koran). Unlike the populations of Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Egypt, and North Africa, the peoples of Central Asia adopted Islam and preserved their native languages.

The inhabitants of Transoxiana continued to live in accordance with their customs and traditions. Representatives of the local population interpreted the basics of Islam and the rules and norms used by it in practice based on the interpretations of local theologians. The Ulama were connected to the life of the local population by thousands of invisible threads. The bearers and keepers of "theoretical Islam" were intellectuals: ulama, ministers of worship, teachers and students of religious educational institutions. The basis for the existence of a folk religion was the family, urban and rural communities (mahalla), clan, tribe, guild corporations, closed ethnic minorities, and religious communities.

Religious educational institutions - madrasas-played an important role in the development of "theoretical" Islam. They became the main institutions where theological education could be obtained. Rulers and influential officials immediately realized their significance and, in order to increase their influence on the development of events in the country, began to open and finance madrasas. Waqfs (inalienable property intended for certain charitable purposes) are becoming one of the most important sources of madrasah maintenance. The activities of madrasas pursued general education (for the majority) and special (training of faqihs) goals. The training was conducted according to the Islamic canonical literature (interpretation of the Koran; collections of hadith; textbooks on Arabic and philological subjects, theology, jurisprudence, logic), compiled mainly by the Hanafis of Transoxiana. "Theoretical" Islam reacted in its own way to the changes of time. This is evidenced by numerous works of Transoxiana authors of the XV-XVI centuries.

The reform process that had begun was halted by Tsarist Russia's takeover of Central Asia and incorporation into it. The new authorities began to struggle with the carriers of "theoretical" Islam, and their attitude was ambivalent: on the one hand, they sought to limit the power of the old Sharia-based laws, as well as

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they tried to weaken the influence of Muslim spiritual leaders; on the other hand, they tried to cooperate with them and rely on their authority.

Islamic spiritual leaders and the Soviet government

The Soviet-era struggle against religion in Central Asia included the destruction of religious literature, the closure of religious educational institutions, and the physical elimination of carriers of "theoretical" Islam. All this led to the actual transformation of Islam, reducing it to the level of "everyday".

The most severe persecution of religion and clergy was carried out in the 1930s. Until 1943, religious ministers were not free to carry out their activities. However, taking into account the fact that a significant part of the population of Central Asia continued to consider themselves followers of Islam, and that the struggle against it led to the threat of the fall of Soviet power in this region, the USSR leadership decided to allow some "relaxation" in relation to religious figures. The result of this decision was the creation of centralized religious administrations in the USSR, in particular the Central Asian Spiritual Administration of Muslims (SADUM). The main focus of SADUM's activities was to control and manage Islam in the regions, serve the needs of the population, and conduct religious rites and ceremonies.

Cadres for SADUMS were first trained in the Bukhara secondary educational institution-madrasah "Peace and Arab". In 1969, the Tashkent Islamic Institute was opened. Imam al-Bukhari, which has been fully functioning since October 1971 to the present. The Institute trains imams-khatibs, teachers-religious scholars and religious scholars-researchers. During the period from its foundation to 1995, 378 people graduated from this educational institution.

Along with the activities of official religious structures in most cities of the Central Asian republics, informal religious leaders were also active during the Soviet period. They conducted religious ceremonies and taught theological subjects. Many people who turned to religion for one reason or another were not satisfied with the speeches of official ministers of worship, their conformity, low level of knowledge, their isolation from the people, and much more, and in such cases they turned to informal Islamic leaders, including Sufi ishan, unregistered mullahs, and Muslim intellectuals. SADUM's inconsistent, conformist stance has also been criticized by informal spiritual leaders. First of all, the religious rites that representatives of SADUM took part in were criticized. Then the provisions of the Hanifite madhhab were revised.

As a result of all this ideological struggle, informal spiritual authorities began to come to the fore, which received wide public recognition. However, their activities were conducted in strict secrecy. Central Asian society, taught by the bitter experience of repression, sought to preserve and preserve Islamic intellectuals, theologians and experts in Fiqh, who continued to develop the theological thought of Islam. One such person was Kori Mukhammadjon Rustamov, known as Mawlawi Hindustoni. [5 ]

The Life of Cory Muhammadjon (Mawlawi Hindustoni)

According to the autobiography 6 , Mukhammadjon son of Khoja Mullo Rustam was born in 1310/1892 in the village of Chorbog, on the outskirts of Kokand, in a village that is located next to the tomb of Saint Khoja Muhammad Wali. Mukhammadjon spent his childhood and early youth years in the village of Chorbog.

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Mukhammadjon's father was quite a literate person. He studied in Kokand and madrassas of Samarkand, and was a faqih. Mukhammadjon received his first literacy lessons from his father. According to Muhammadjon, under the guidance of his father, he studied such traditional subjects as Farzi ain ("Basic Duties" of a Muslim), Fiqh Kaidoni, Mukhtasar (summary of Sunnah Sharia). My father wanted Muhammadjon to be Cory. My father had good reasons for this. In his youth, he was very impressed by meeting a Kori named Muhammadjon, who read the Koran beautifully and pleasantly. Later, Mullo Rustam told his son: "I used to pray to God that he would give me a son, and if my dream came true, I wanted to name my son Mukhammadjon and make him Kori. Thanks to God, my dream came true. One of the most reputable people agreed to give his daughter to me as a wife, and I gave birth to you."

When Muhammadjon was 8 years old, he was sent to study with Muhammad Amin Kori, who lived in the village of Jalobir. From him, Muhammadjon learned the Haftaq (seventh part of the Qur'an). But soon Muhammad Amin died, and Muhammadjon was forced to move to another teacher - Tashbolta Kori, with whom he studied for four years. However, these lessons did not satisfy Muhammadjon, and he asked his father to transfer him to Kokand. There, he studied under Zikrie Kori for two years, and at the age of 14, he learned the entire Quran by heart. According to the accepted custom, a treat was organized on this occasion - Khatmi Kuryon. Then Muhammadjon spent some time studying with Mullah Eshonkul. The teenager took home lessons from him. Here he learned the initial part of Arabic grammar ("Sarfu nahv"), as well as "Sharkh-i Jami" ("Interpretation of Jami"). For some time, Mukhammadjon also studied at the Ming Oyim madrasah in Kokand with mudarris Usmon Makhdoom. He was only 16 years old at the time.

A year later, Mukhammadjon decided to leave for Bukhara to continue his studies. His father reacted negatively to this idea. Mukhammadjon sold his watch and used the money to travel by train to Bukhara. There he entered the khanaqah of Imam Siyohsin, where he obtained a position as a Qur'an reader and continued his studies. A year later, together with his madrasah classmates, he went to Balkh (Afghanistan), where he visited the tomb of Hazrati Ali (the fourth righteous caliphate). Here Mukhammadjon met one of the mudarris (teachers) of the madrasah, a very erudite man named Mukhammadkh Gaves Saidzade, nicknamed Kazn domullo. Mudarris tested Muhammadjon's knowledge of subjects that were studied in the initial courses in madrasas. According to Mukhammadjon himself, he failed all the exams and was forced to study in a group of novice students. After six months of serious training, Mukhammadjon again took exams with Kazi domullo and this time received a good assessment of his knowledge. Later, Mukhammadjon studied directly with Kazi domulla, studied theological and legal works, as well as the works of the poet Mirza Abdulkadir Bedil (1644-1720 or 1721).

However, his studies in Mazar-I-Sharif did not last long, as Kazi Domullo was soon sent to Bukhara for reasons that were not clear to us. Together with him, Muhammadjon also went there. Kazi domullo opened a school in Bukhara, but he did not like the climate of Bukhara, and he moved to Tashkent at the invitation of wealthy Tashkent merchants. He was accompanied by Muhammadjon. At the request of merchants and the religious community of Tashkent, Kazi domullo began teaching classes at the Kukaltosh madrasah. In this he was assisted by Muhammadjon.

In 1919, the King of Afghanistan, Habibullah Khan, was assassinated and replaced by his son Amanullah Khan (1919-1928), who established friendly relations with the Soviet state. The Afghan Consul in Tashkent conveyed to Kazi domullo the king's demand to return to Afghanistan. Qazi domullo and Muhammadjon arrived in Kabul, where they were received by Amanullah Khan, who announced the appointment of Qazi domul-

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lo was the Chief Justice of Jalalabad. Kazn Domullo was a judge for three years before falling seriously ill,according to Muhammadjon. Anticipating his impending end, he summoned Mohammadjon to his presence and gave him his last words. Kazn domullo bequeathed to his student to conduct a funeral ceremony, perform Khatmi Qur'on for the deceased, and then go to India and continue his studies there. Later, Kori Muhammadjon told his students about this: "He bequeathed me not to give up and continue my studies, but to go to India and continue my studies in the madrasa where he studied. He even asked the merchants to help me on the trip. In the end, my teacher passed away in my arms. I buried him, made all the proper funeral treats. Then I went to India" (from an interview with domullo Abdulkhay Iskandarov).

Having fulfilled all the instructions of the teacher, Muhammadjon went to India. After arriving in Ajmer, he entered the Usmoniya madrasah and continued his studies there for eight years. According to Mohammadjon, the only difficulty was that his studies were conducted in Urdu, which he was forced to learn.

After eight years of studying, Mohammadjon met his father on his way to the Hajj through India. Mawlawi Hindustoni told his students that one day, tired of studying, he was walking at the station and accidentally saw people in the train car, whom he recognized by their appearance as fellow countrymen. He went up to one of them and asked where they were from. He said he was from Kokand. "Then this man said that he was going to make a pilgrimage, that he had a son who came to these parts to study, and for a long time there has been no news from him. Then Mawlawi Hindustoni looked at this man and realized that he was his father. They cried with joy at the meeting. Then he took his father to his teachers in the madrasa and told them how he met his father. They were happy and also gave money to my father for the road to Mecca" (from an interview with domullo Abdulkhai Iskandarov).

Mohammadjon, who has just over a year left to study, left school to accompany his father on the Hajj. The mudarris of the madrasa gave him permission to leave with his father, and they went to Saudi Arabia via Bombay by sea. With great difficulty, they managed to travel all the way from Mecca and perform the Hajj. However, his father's illness progressed, and he was admitted to the hospital. Soon, the father will tell Muhammadjon: "I prayed to God to be buried in the holy places of Mecca and Medina. Apparently, God has heard my request. After you bury me, dedicate the entire Qur'an to me, to my memory. And then go to your homeland, be near your mother." Mohammadjon obeyed his father's wishes, buried him, held a memorial service, read the entire Qur'an and dedicated the recitation to his father's memory, then returned to India and continued his interrupted studies.

So, Mukhammadjon spent another year in the madrasa, and after completing his studies, he received a diploma on its completion. Then he went to his homeland. The route again lay through Afghanistan: it was necessary to pass through Jalalabad and Kabul to Mazar-I-Sharif. Here he completed all the formalities and received permission to enter the USSR. The political department of Termez once again checked his documents and allowed him to enter the country. He got to Kokand by train and learned that his mother had died before his father's death. So at the age of 35, Muhammadjon returned to his homeland after many years of wandering. In Kokand, his friends suggested that he stay in the city and, taking into account his education, offered to become the imam-khatib of the mosque in the mahalla "Red Labor". It was in 1929. It was time to settle down, start a family, a home. However, according to the ironic admission of Cory Muhammadjon himself, in those days, parents did not marry off their daughters to people who did not have a stake or a yard. In the same year, a young widow began attending Cory Muhammadjon's classes. He wooed her and married her. The couple had a son and a daughter.

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The beginning of the 1930s in Central Asia was the time of an offensive against Islam. The period of flirting with Islam and Muslims is over. Repressions against representatives of the Muslim clergy began. Many of them changed their place of residence, went to remote villages, went abroad. It was especially difficult for those who received denunciations of active religious activities. A denunciation was also written against Mukhammadjon, after which he was arrested. About this period of his life, Mawlawi told his students: "There were very instructive cases. When I was first arrested, a queue was set up for them to clean toilets in order to mock the Ulama. Every day we went to clean these toilets. Once I was cleaning the toilet and made very instructive conclusions for myself. I said to myself, here, you, Mawlawi, consider yourself a great scientist and think that you are superior to other people, but now your fate is to clean toilets" (from an interview with domullo Burhonniddin).

Cory Muhammadjon was soon released. After his release, he urgently needed to find a job. Kori Mukhammadjon joined one of the points of Raishelka (state organization for the production of mulberry cocoons) in Kokand. Mawlawi Hindustoni said that when they lived in Kokand, the state was very strict with mullahs: "Almost every day, officials were summoned and interrogated, it was very painful and unpleasant. Therefore, sometimes early in the morning, after reciting the prayer and taking the Koran with him, Mawlawi would go out into the field to graze cows. He always had Bedil's "Divan" handy, and reading it helped pass the days. When government officials came to his home and did not find him, Mawlawi would take a break from them. Finally, it came to the point that one day he was invited to the prosecutor's office, who scolded him, saying :" We will destroy all turban-wearing enemies of the state!". Mawlawi told him, " Those who wear the turban are not enemies of the State. It is better to look for enemies of the state among those who occupy the seats" "(from an interview with Domullo Burhonniddin).

After working in Kokand for two years, Mawlawi Hindustoni moved to Albig village of Ohangaran (Angren) district. Here he began to engage in agriculture: he cultivated a plot of land, raised cattle and lived by the labor of his hands. However, rumors about the highly learned Mullah Muhammadjon reached the village council. Representatives of the local authorities, sympathizing with the mullah, but unable to protect him, advised him to leave the village. Ubaydullo Mukhammadzhonov, Mawlawi's stepson, recalls that time: "Until 1936, we stayed in Angren. At that time, my sister Azizahon was born. Now we lived for a month in one village, two in another. It was dangerous to live in one place. These are very difficult times, living conditions have become worse than ever. We had only one Kyrgyz yurt and a donkey - that's all our property. This yurt was loaded on a donkey and moved from one place to another. They put up a yurt and lived there. We had one cauldron, but inside the yurt it could not be put on fire. In this cauldron we not only cooked food, but also baked bread" (from an interview with Ubaydullo Mukhammadzhonov).

In 1936, Mawlawi Hindustoni moved to the Ak-Chul collective farm in the Tashkent region and began working there. However, soon there were rumors that Mukhammadjon Rustamov was a "mullah", "had been abroad", etc. Mukhammadjon was jailed for three years and sent to serve his sentence in Sverdlovsk (Yekaterinburg). There he worked in the logging industry. A year later, he was sent to the city of Tugda to work at a factory where sleepers were made for railways. After completing his sentence, he was released and returned to Kokand. In 1941-1943, Mawlawi Hindustoni worked at the Kokand Oil and Fat Factory.

In 1943, Mukhammadjon Rustamov was drafted into the army and sent to Semipalatinsk. In the autumn of the same year, he was sent to the front. At that time, there were fierce battles near Minsk. The military unit in which Mukhammadjon served, directly from the train

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joined the battle. Many were killed and many were injured. Mukhammadjon was also wounded in the arm and taken to a hospital in Smolensk. He spent several months in various hospitals: in Moscow, Tula, Novosibirsk, and Mariinsk. Four months later, he recovered, passed a medical examination, and was sent to a labor camp in Kemerovo. There he was assigned to a livestock farm belonging to a fat and oil factory. So, for two years, Muhammadjon becomes a shepherd and grazes sheep. Recalling this period of his life, he wrote:: "I consoled myself with the fact that even the Prophet himself took care of rams at one time. When a person takes care of sheep, he becomes gentle and kind. Becoming a shepherd was a great boon for me. This allowed me to recall the forgotten surahs of the Qur'an, repeat them and completely restore them to my memory. In the morning, I drove the sheep into the forest and loudly repeated certain surahs of the Koran. I repeated 15 parts of the Qur'an every day, and in two days I was able to repeat the entire Qur'an."

Cory Muhammadjon did a good job as a shepherd. During his time as a shepherd, the number of sheep increased from 500 to 800. He received a cash prize, a coat, and a factory certificate. When the war ended, together with other workers of the labor front, Mukhammadjon was allowed to return home. After arriving in his native Kokand, he went back to work at the creamery. His adopted son recalls: "At the end of 1945, my father returned from the front. When he returned, he said, " We can't live here. I will go to Tashkent, to the Central Asian Department for Religious Affairs, maybe they will find me a suitable job." He went to Tashkent and spent Khatm-i Qur'an in the month of Ramadan. At this memorial service, he met the Mufti of Central Asia, Imam Bobokhon. He gave his father a referral to Stalinabad (Dushanbe) and said: "Go there, they will hire you there. You are very much needed there, there are many sincere people who are engaged in Islamic sciences." Then my father, along with my mother and my younger brother Khairullo, went to Dushanbe" (from an interview with Ubaydullo Mukhammadzhonov).

So in 1947, Mawlawi Hindustoni came to Dushanbe on the direction of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Central Asia and Kazakhstan. The Department of Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the Tajik SSR appoints him as a mutawalli (a mosque attendant who ranks next to the imam in the religious hierarchy) at the Mavlono Yakub Charkhi Mosque. A year later, he was appointed imam-khatib at the Haji Yaqub Mosque in Dushanbe and served in this position for two years. Kori Muhammadjon's activities as an imam-khatib not only allowed him to gain popularity among the faithful, but also caused denunciations against him, which were again followed by his arrest. There were 17 witnesses in the case. All of them claimed that Mukhammadjon Rustamov was spying for foreign intelligence services. At the trial, friends testified about his " enemy, espionage activities." He was sentenced to 25 years and sent to Kazakhstan. From there, from the camp, he writes a letter to Moscow and proves that he is not a criminal and did not commit anything criminal. A commission comes from Moscow, checks his case and comes to the conclusion that he is not guilty. But by this time Mukhammadjon Rustamov had already served four and a half years. He was soon released and returned to Dushanbe. After his release, some of those who testified at the trial against Kori Muhammadjon came to him and repented, saying that they were forced to inform on him. In the late 1950s, Cory Muhammadjon was fully rehabilitated.

By this time, Cory Muhammadjon was widely known as a theologian, one of the outstanding experts in Islamic scholarship. Major orientalist, acad. Abdulgani Mirzoev invited Mukhammadjon Rustamov to work at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan as a consultant. Colleagues at work recall this: "I remember Mukhammadjon Rustamov well. He went to work

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at the suggestion of Academician A. Mirzoev as a consultant. He didn't have a specific position at the Institute, and he wasn't part of any department. We turned directly to him to solve scientific problems. He was a very kind and knowledgeable person. He spoke Arabic, Urdu, Hindi, and English. In matters of literary studies, he also had a comprehensive knowledge, especially in textual studies. At that time, I was a relatively young specialist and constantly consulted with him. Especially often we asked him to explain various religious and literary concepts. He worked in the Department of Oriental Studies for only two or three years, then stopped working for some reason" (from an interview with Zohir Ahrori, Head of the Department of Modern Oriental Studies at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan).

Amriyazdon Alimardonov, Head of the Manuscript Cataloging Department of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan, also noted that Mukhammadjon Rustamov was a very knowledgeable person. "We were very young then, just graduated from university, asked him a lot of questions and got answers. He was a teacher for many of our employees. He gave them lessons in the history, literature, culture of India, Hindi and Urdu languages. He was a very kind and sympathetic person. He was of medium height, with a short beard and a large skullcap on his head. Among the young mullahs, he had his own disciples. However, he was not a scholastic scholar. He taught using a new method and gave deep knowledge to his students. Perhaps this was the reason why the KGB began to persecute him. They began to press Academician A. Mirzoev to dismiss him from his job" (from an interview with Amriyazdon Alimardonov).

Kori Mukhammadjon worked at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan for two years, but gradually his vision began to deteriorate. He underwent surgery, but could not fully restore his vision. Doctors advised him to change his job. KGB pressure is also a significant reason for leaving your job. Later, Cory Muhammadjon stopped working in official institutions, both secular and religious, and taught students religious subjects at home for the rest of his life.

The preservation and transfer of knowledge in the Islamic sciences has become central to Mawlawi Hindustani's life. Students recall that for Mawlawi, family, as well as various activities not related to Islam, were secondary and third-rate activities. "The late domullo considered science (Islam) the main business of his life and put all his efforts to ensure that this science, despite all the obstacles, remained in demand in this world. Everyone who came to him and asked for knowledge received it. He fulfilled his wish" (from an interview with Domullo Ishakjon).

According to Cory Muhammadjon, the ban on religious education forced Mawlawi to conduct lessons in different places: sometimes at home, sometimes in different parts of the city. However, in the 1960s, the authorities almost stopped persecuting Mawlawi. On the one hand, this was caused by the general warming of the situation during the Khrushchev "thaw"; on the other, by the growing popularity and authority of Mawlawi Hindustoni both among the clergy and among the masses of believers.

As a rule, students who had already mastered the basic knowledge of Islamic sciences came to Kori Muhammadjon. So, Mullo Abdullo Nuri, currently chairman of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan, a student of Mawlawi Hindustoni, said that he received his initial knowledge in Islamic sciences from his father. He then studied under domullo Siemiddin, a student of Mawlawi Hindustoni. And only then did he become one of the students of Mawlawi Hindustoni (from an interview with Mullo Abdullo Nuri). Mawlawi Abdulhai, one of the people closest to Kori Muhammadjon, first studied under Mullo Dodarjon in Kurgan-Tyube, then passed on to Mawlawi Hindustoni.

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The network of mullahs, who, despite strict prohibitions and sanctions from the authorities, continued to preserve and transmit Islamic knowledge to the younger generation, was quite extensive and extensive. Thus, Mullo Burkhonniddin, a student of Kori Muhammadjon, first studied "Mukhtasar-al-Vikoy" and "Sharkh-al-Vikkh" from his relative domullo Muhammadi from Kumsangir, and then moved on to domullo Abdurakhman Sarfi, who lived in the Kuibyshev district of Kurgan-Tyubinsk region. A very old man, Domullo Abdurahman Sarfi had not only extensive knowledge, but also an undoubted pedagogical gift. Mullo Burhonniddin studied Arabic grammar with him. Then Mullo Burkhonniddin passed on to Mullo Dodarjon, who lived in Kurgan-Tube, and from whom he studied Kofiya, Sharkh-al-Mullo and other religious works for three and a half years. Mullo Burhonniddin recalls that later Mullo Dodarjon advised him to go to study with Mawlawi Hindustoni in Dushanbe. Mullo Dodarjon himself took the young man to Mawlawi Hindustoni and persuaded him to accept another student.

The range of subjects studied under the guidance of Mawlawi Hindustoni was very wide. It included Arabic, which students learned from the books "Sarf-i-nahv" and " Avomil "(both books are devoted to the grammar of the Arabic language); Arabic literature, using as a textbook "Muallakot-us-sab" - a collection of poems telling about the life of pre-Islamic Arabia; world literature and the history of religions. Much attention was paid to the study of didactic works: in Arabic - "Makoloti Hariri", "Makoloti Zamakhshari", "Atbok-uz-zahab", "Atvok uz-zahab"; in Persian - "Ahloki Jaloli". The book "Gulistoni Lugot va Shabistoni Nukot" had a didactic character, written mainly in rhymed prose, in which lexical riddles were encrypted.

Cory Muhammadjon attached great importance to the study of logic. They studied first according to the book of Isohuji "Nukot", then"Sunnat". Sharkhi Hakoik was also studied. Many of the lessons were devoted to studying the commentaries on the Qur'an contained in the books "Commentaries of Jalolain" and "Commentaries of Baizovi". Commentaries on hadiths were also studied. They mostly read one of the most popular theological books, Saheh Imom Bukhori.

To master the basics of Sharia law, the books "Usuli Fiqh", "Usuli Shoshi", "Nur-al-anwar", "Tawzeh" were used, which was included in the curriculum of the madrasah "Peace and Arab" in Bukhara. Nur-al-Anwar also covered the history of Islam and the life of the Prophet Muhammad. Other books about Islam that Kori Muhammadjon's students studied with their teacher were Itm ul-wafo (on the lives of the righteous caliphs) and Rijol Hawla Rasool (Men Who Surrounded the Prophet). There was also a course in rhetoric called "Mahoni". Within its framework, they studied "Sharkhi mukhtasari Maoni", i.e. "Comments on the short course of Maoni". Almost all classes were taught in Arabic, except for Farsi literature.

Mawlawi Hindustoni attached great importance to literature. Special attention was paid to the study of "Guliston " and" Buston " by Saadi, as well as the work of Bedil, the favorite poet of Mawlawi Hindustoni. Some of the students were studying Hafiz's ghazals. All works were studied with comments.

Cory Muhammadjon himself was not only a connoisseur of poetry, but also a good poet. Mullo Abdullo Nuri spoke about this aspect of his work. To become one of Mawlawi's students, he wrote poetry messages to the teacher asking them to accept him.

As optional subjects, students were taught natural sciences (in particular, according to the book "Hikmat") and medicine. Kori Muhammadjon himself had a deep knowledge of traditional medicine, and also taught according to the book of Abu Ali Ibn Sina " Al-Konun "("Canon of medical science").

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Mawlawi's lessons made a deep impression on his students. Mullo Burhonniddin said in an interview that studying with Mawlawi Hindustoni was the most important and memorable period of his life. His lessons were recorded by students and distributed in dozens of audio cassettes. Mullo Faizmuhammad said that for the first time he met Mawlawi Hindustoni in absentia. His teacher domullo Sayyidrakhmon, a madrasa teacher who took lessons from Mawlawi Hindustoni himself, brought home the lessons recorded on audio cassettes and listened to them with the students.

Mawlawi Hindustoni attracted not only students, but also thinking people in general. In particular, scientists from the Academy of Sciences of Tajikistan visited him. Mavlavi Hindustoni had good relations with the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Tajik SSR Abdulahad Kakhorov. According to his adopted son Mawlawi Hindustoni, Abdulahad Kahorov and his daughter took lessons from him. Many people came to the house of Mawlawi Hindustoni for knowledge and wisdom, not only from Uzbekistan, but also from other Central Asian republics: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan.

By the end of his life, Mawlawi Hindustoni had become one of the most prominent spiritual authorities in Central Asia. He participated in religious debates that brought together the most prominent theologians and hundreds of listeners. Usually, once a year, he traveled to Kokand for a month or more, where he also actively participated in religious and theological meetings. In Dushanbe, he often arranged readings of Bedil's works, which brought together Muslim intellectuals and poetry experts from different parts of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

The split between the various sects of Islam in the region dates back to this time. In the second half of the 1980s, this split between traditionalists and so-called Wahhabis sharply worsened. Mawlawi Hindustoni received an anonymous letter accusing him of deviating from Islam, collaborating with the KGB, and being convicted of collaboration. This letter deeply traumatized the scientist. He took the accusations very hard and wrote a response in which he called on the unknown author of the letter for an open discussion.

In the summer, during Mawlawi Hindustoni's annual visit to Kokand, he fell seriously ill. He was transferred to Dushanbe. After a 75-day illness, Mawlawi Hindustoni died on October 17, 1989," at the age of 97. According to numerous testimonies, his funeral was attended by several tens of thousands of his admirers from all over Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

INSTEAD OF CONCLUDING

One of the most interesting problems of the emergence of the opposition Islamic movement in Tajikistan is the identification of the sources, driving forces and leaders of this movement. Although there is an extensive literature devoted to this issue, there is still no clear understanding of this problem. A study of this kind can also answer the question of what was more significant in the formation of the Islamic opposition movement - an internal or external factor? Even a cursory examination of the life and work of such theologians as Kori Mukhammadjon Rustamov shows that the opposition Islamic movement in Tajikistan grew up on local soil.

However, the role of external factors cannot be denied. The emergence of Islamic movements and Islamic religious and political parties in the Muslim countries of the Near and Middle East after World War II had an awakening effect on the Muslims of Central Asia, which by the mid-1970s began to be felt quite acutely. This was due to the fact that by that time a new generation of Muslim theologians had already grown up, most of whom had passed the nele-

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the initial training in Khujars established a fairly close - knit circle of followers-dovra. One of the founders of Khujara is Kori Mukhammadjon Rustamov. According to numerous testimonies, Kori Mukhammadjon trained more than 200 highly qualified students during his teaching practice during the 50s-80s of the XX century, from which came the founders of various branches of Islam in Central Asia, called mujaddadiyya, Wahhabbiya, Akramiya; leaders of Islamic parties and organizations, such as the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan, the Islamic Renaissance Movement of Tajikistan, the Islamic Renaissance Movement of movement of Uzbekistan, etc.

Thus, in the 70s - 80s of the XX century, even during the lifetime of Kori Mukhammadjon, his followers and disciples were grouped around two main trends or movements of Islam in Central Asia. The first is the mujaddadiya movement. Its main goals and objectives were as follows: to make some changes in the rituals established among local Hanafis and even in dogmatic issues; to try to direct the process of re-Islamization in the direction of "renewal and purification" of original Islam from later "innovations", to form a political position among believers. The most" revolutionary " part of this movement was the call of some Ulama to abandon a number of local forms of Islam, in particular the Maturidite school, which primarily recognizes the separation of religion from the state. In return, they suggested relying on Salafist attitudes, usually oriented towards the lifestyle of the early Islamic community.

Supporters of the other direction opposed the ideas of Islamic renewal and are known as traditionalists. Cory Muhammadjon was more attracted to this group by the end of his life. In particular, he objected to mujaddadiyah's attempts to recognize certain customs and rituals as "un-Islamic" or "heretical", in particular, the recitation of certain verses of the Koran and prayers (du'ah) for the repose of the soul and forgiveness of the deceased, or" for the health "of a sick person; the reverence of believers for "saints" (awliyah), etc. to their tombs; distribution of monetary donations (tokivor) during funerals, etc.D. So, during the funeral of Kori Muhammadjon himself, his close students distributed a huge amount of money to those present at the funeral ceremony as tokivor. In addition, by the end of his life, Kori Mukhammadjon began to strongly reject the Mujaddaydiya's political aspirations, believing that their aspirations were influenced by foreign Wahhabis. In the last years of his life, he was an ardent opponent of the latter, believing that the words of Wahhabi mullahs did not correspond to the Madhhab. But at the same time, Kori Muhammadjon, according to the testimony of his students, had a positive attitude towards Islamic political parties and believed that their activities should be supported (from an interview with Mullo Fayzmukhammad).

After the death of Cory Muhammadjon, the split between the trends of Islam intensified and became antagonistic in the early 1990s. This split was one of the main causes of the civil war in Tajikistan. Nevertheless, it should be recognized that the activities of Mawlawi Hindustoni, his associates and colleagues laid the foundation for the Islamic political movement in Central Asia.

So, we can draw the main conclusion: during the Soviet period in Central Asia, Islam continued to exist and develop not only within the framework of popular Islam, but also as dogmatic Islam, Islamic theological and legal thought. The functioning and development of dogmatic Islam was ensured by Islamic intellectuals and informal Muslim spiritual leaders, who preserved and supported the Islamic tradition and passed on Islamic scholarship to the younger generations. How important the activities of Islamic spiritual leaders were for the society is shown by the degree of support and protection that the society provided to Mullahs and ishaans. The life story of Mawlawi Hindustoni is not only the story of the scientist's struggle to preserve his ideals and values, but also the history of society.-

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The va, which struggled to preserve its identity, developed, and thought outside the framework of official ideology and science. Without studying this hidden history, it is impossible to understand the modern life of the region and, moreover, predict its future.

notes

1 American researchers Allen Hetmanek and Muriel Atkind (Hetmanek Allen) are the most aggressive in this debate. Islamic Revolution and Jehad Come to the Former Soviet Central Asia: the Case of Tajikistan // Central Asian Survey. Vol. 12. N 18. 1994; Atkin Muriel. Religious and Other Identifies in Central Asia // Muslims in Central Asia: Expressions of Identity and Change / Jo. Ann Gross (ed.). Durham, NC: Duke University, 1992; idem. Tajikistan: Reform, Reaction and Civil War // New States, New Politics / Bremmer Ian and Taras Roy (eds). Cambridge University Press, 1997. Stephane Dudoignon defends the view that the Islamic renaissance in Central Asia had its own roots. See: Dudoignon Stephane. Political Parties and Forces in Tajikistan, 1989 - 1993 // Tajikistan: The Trials of Independence / Djahlili Mohammad Reza, Grare Frederic and Akiner Shirin (eds). Surrey: Curson Press, 1998.

2 See for example: Babadzhanov B. Vozrozhdenie deyatel'nosti sufiiskikh gruppov v Uzbekistanii [Revival of Sufi groups ' activities in Uzbekistan]. 1999. N 1(2). pp. 181-192.

3 The article uses materials obtained during the implementation of the first stage of our research project "Muslim Leaders of Central Asia in the XX century", partially supported by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (Germany).

4 For more information, see: Muminov A. K. Transoxiana School of fiqh (IX-XIII centuries) / / Social Sciences in Uzbekistan. 1990. N 10. pp. 38-42.

5 English researcher and journalist Monica Whitlock published the book "Beyond the Amu Darya. Central Asians " about the turbulent events of the 1990s in Central Asian countries, which she witnessed herself due to her journalistic activities. Many pages of the book are devoted to a retrospective of the spiritual history of the region of the last 100 years in the faces, especially of enlighteners. The author first introduced the English-speaking reader with autobiographical information about Mukhammadjon Rustamov. See: Whitlock Monica. Beyond the Oxus. The Central Asians / Murray John (Publisher). L., 2002.

6 This section is based on the autobiography of Cory Muhammadjon Hindustoni, given to us from the family archive of Mawlawi Hindustoni by his adopted son Ubaydullo Mukhammadzhanov. The autobiography is a text in the Uzbek language of 30 typewritten pages. The section also uses the memories of students of Mawlawi Hindustoni, obtained during interviews with them.

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