This article is a continuation of the research on the idea of a caliphate in Muslim Spain (Andalusia). The peculiarity of the period under consideration (1092-the first third of the XIII century) is that Andalusia was deprived of independence and was part of the Almoravid, and then the Almohad empire. As a result, the proposed study focuses on two issues: the idea of the caliphate (or, more generally, the legitimization of power) among the Almoravids and Almohads, and the perception of it in Andalusian society.

The establishment of Almoravid power in Muslim Spain in the late 11th and early 12th centuries marked the beginning of a new period in the country's history. Under the Almoravids and the Almohads who succeeded them, Andalusia lost its independence, becoming the possession of a vast empire. Therefore, the study of the idea of the caliphate in Andalusia during this period involves studying both the state doctrine of each of the two empires and the attitude towards it in Spanish-Muslim society.

There are good reasons to consider the history of the Almoravids and Almohads as a single period. The state structure in both cases was very similar. The outstanding thinker of the East, Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), rightly drew the Almoravids and Almohads closer together, pointing out that tribal solidarity, supported by a religious idea, was the foundation of statehood for both of them [Ibn Khaldun, 1958, p. 321]. Of course, the Almoravid and Almohad states relied primarily on the support of individual Berber tribes - the Lemtun and Masmud, respectively. However, the political doctrines of the Almoravids and Almohads were different.

The beginning of the preaching activities of Abdullah Ibn Yasin, the founder of the Almoravid movement, found the Lemtun Berbers at a very low stage of social and political development. During this period, the emir was still a typical tribal leader and did not differ much from his fellow tribesmen. In medieval sources, there is a very revealing story in which Abdullah Ibn Yasin severely reprimands his main companion, the leader of Lemtun, Yahya Ibn Umar, for the manner of personally participating in battles next to his tribesmen. "The Emir should not go into battle," says Abdullah Ibn Yasin, " because his life is the life of the army, and his death is the death of the army "[Annales..., 1843, p. 81; Kitab al-Masalik..., 1992, p. 861; Ibn Izari, 1998, p. 11]. From the zeal with which Abdullah Ibn Yasin seeks to make the Emir a real ruler, standing above the rest, it can be concluded that he is not opposed to the action of the leader, but to the existing political tradition.

See: Oriens. 2005. N 5. p. 5-16.

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As the neighboring Berber tribes were subjugated under the leadership of Abdullah Ibn Yasin Lemtun, the emir who rose in this way increasingly acquired the features of a classical medieval ruler, which was reflected in the title. Sources say that after one successful battle with the pagan Berbers, Abdullah Ibn Yasin gave the new leader of Lemtun, Abu Bakr Ibn Umar, the title Amir al-haqq, which can be understood as "Emir by right" or"righteous Emir". At the same time, khums (the part intended for the caliph) was first allocated from the loot, and the supporters of Abdullah Ibn Yasin adopted a new name - Almoravids (al-murabitun, fighters from the ribats) [Ibn Izari, 1998, p.12; Al-Khulal..., 1979, p. 21].

A decisive step in the formation of the Almoravid state doctrine was taken under the next Almoravid leader, Yusuf Ibn Tashfin (1072-1106). Shortly after Abu Bakr Ibn ' Umar handed over the Almoravids to Yusuf Ibn Tashfin as a result of the famous agreement in Fahs al-Burnous (1072), the latter assumed the title of "ruler of the Muslims" (Amir al-Muslimin). Sources told us the story of how it happened. According to medieval authors, tribal leaders and high dignitaries came to Yusuf Ibn Tashfin and said: "You are the viceroy of Allah in the Maghreb and you have the right to be called not the emir, but the ruler of the faithful." "God forbid that," replied Yusuf, " for this is the title of the Abbasids, for they are of a noble family and possess two holy places: Mecca and Medina. But I am their subject, who has risen up for their cause." "But you must have a title that distinguishes you," the nobles objected. In the end, Yusuf took the title of "ruler of the Muslims" (Ibn Izari, 1998, p. 27-28; Al-Khulal..., 1979, p. 29).

The decision to accept the new title was made in the form of a circular letter that Yusuf Ibn Tashfin sent to his possessions:

"In the name of Allah, the Most Merciful and Merciful! May Allaah bless His Prophet, the worthy Muhammad, and his relatives, and be with him and help him! From the ruler of the Muslims, who conquers in the name of faith, Yusuf Ibn Tashfin, to the sheikhs, grandees, people and nobles of such and such a settlement-may Allah prolong their nobility by giving them piety, and may He help them in what He wills. May the peace, mercy and blessings of Allah be upon you!

For the glory of Allah the glorious, worthy of gratitude, relief and bringer of victory-giving, and prayer for Muhammad, with the light of the Quran and worship Allah sent we wrote to you from the capital of our high - Marrakech- Yes it protects Allah is in the middle of the month of Muharram 466 G. H. (September 20, 1073 - D. M. ), when allowed us to Allah to make the conquest of the great and gave us a merciful blagodaram has led you to the laws of the Prophet of our favourites, the noble Muhammad - may Allah give him the best blessing we decided to distinguish itself in order to stand out among the other leaders of the tribes, the title of "Lord of the Muslims, conquering in the name of faith (Amir al-muslimin Nasir ad-DIN). And if anyone wants to address our Majesty, then let him call us by this name - it would be the will of Allah, and Allah sends down justice by His mercy " [Al-Khulal..., 1979, p. 29-30].

The adoption by Yusuf Ibn Tashfin of the title "lord of the Muslims" was a major step in the history of the Almoravid state. An unknown author of the treatise "The Book of Embroidered garments in the History of Marrakech" (Kitab al-Khulal al-Mawshiyya fi-l-Akhbar al-Marrakushiyya), where the text quoted above is given, compares this event with the adoption of the title of caliph by the Emir of Cordoba Abd ar-Rahman III (912-961) in 929.Khulal..., 1979, pp. 30-31]. It is interesting to analyze the features of this step. There is every reason to believe that it was intended to consolidate the transfer of power from Abu Bakr Ibn Umar to Yusuf Ibn Tashfin. Although this transition took place with the consent of both leaders, among the companions of Abu Bakr Umar were:,

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Undoubtedly, there were also those who wanted to renegotiate the Fahs al-Burnous agreement. In order to unite all the Almoravids around him, Yusuf needed a banner, and this role was obviously intended to be played by the new title.

Yusuf's adoption of the quasi-Caliph title "Amir al-Muslimin" was consistent with the Almoravids ' policy of continuing the unification of Berber tribes under their rule. Yusuf deliberately refused to join the ranks of the pretenders to the title of caliph, whose claims were ridiculous. At the same time, he sought to further legitimize his power by using the name of the Baghdad caliphs, who formally remained the heads of the world Muslim community (Ummah). This gave a number of advantages. Yusuf Ibn Tashfin was now a noble restorer of the fractured unity of the Ummah under the sole possible sovereign, the Caliph of Baghdad, whose supremacy among the Sunnis had never been disputed. At the same time, in the context of Morocco of that era, "the power of the Abbasid caliph" meant, in fact," the power of Yusuf Ibn Tashfin", since the Seljuk sultans established in Baghdad were, of course, unable to really control the situation on the western edge of the Islamic world.

Yusuf Ibn Tashfin's scheme of legitimation of power proved to be viable, which was especially evident in Muslim Spain. To establish his authority in Andalusia, Yusuf had to justify the removal of the rulers of the Taif states . In a well-known message from Abdullah Ibn al-Arabi, a confidant of Yusuf Ibn Tashfin, to the prominent Islamic Faqih (theologian and jurist) al-Ghazali, asking him to authorize a campaign to Andalusia, the state of affairs in the country is presented as follows::

"The Iberian Peninsula (Jazirat al-Andalus), from the very beginning of the civil strife (Fitna) in 400 A. H. ¹, was taken over by several rebels who established their power in a country where the people were powerless to overthrow them, assumed the honorary names of caliphs, arranged calls in Friday prayers for themselves, minted coins with their own name, they caused strife, as each of them sought to destroy the other, appointed vicious people from among slaves and freedmen clients as their deputies, and turned to Christians for help, since each of them believed that he had more rights than the other " [Tres textos..., 1996, p. 300-301].

The rulers of Ta'if who claim to be Caliphal authorities inevitably become enemies of the Caliph of Baghdad, and it is in this respect that they are contrasted in the message to Yusuf Ibn Tashfin: "After all, they (the rulers of Ta'if ) rebelled against him (the Abbasid Caliph), and the Emir (Yusuf Ibn Tashfin) rebelled against him (the Abbasid Caliph). ) - his servant, who ordered to call for him from more than two thousand pulpits, to mint coins with his name and perform other similar tasks. Speaking about himself, he said: "I am not a usurper, but a servant of the ruler of the faithful al-Mustazkhir ²" "[Tres textos..., 1996, p. 301].

The policy of Yusuf Ibn Tashfin towards the rulers of Taif is presented in the message as follows: "The Ruler of the Muslims called them to jihad and join the universal oath (bayat al-jumhur, in this context - the oath of allegiance to the Abbasid Caliph. - D. M.)" [Tres textos..., 1996, p. 301].

The arguments of the Almoravid leader seemed convincing to al-Ghazali, and he states in his fatwa (decision):: "A return to what is established by Allaah (amr Allaah) is a return to the Abbasid Caliphate. Anyone who has rebelled against the law

¹ Refers to the "Cordoba Revolution" of 1009-1010.

² Al-Mustazir , Abbasid Caliph (1094-11118).

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(Haqq) must be brought to him again by the power of the sword. The Emir and his companions should fight against the rebels who have fallen away from submission, especially because they have turned to Christians, enemies of Allah, for help in the fight against Muslims who are pleasing to Allah. Therefore, one of the most enduring acts is to fight them until they recognize the authority of a just emir who is subordinate to the Abbasid caliph" [Tres textos..., 1996, p. 303].

The sanction to overthrow the rulers of Taif, although it made it easier for Yusuf to submit to Andalusia, did not give him a mandate to rule the country. According to sources, after the removal of the Taif rulers, the Andalusian faqihs (note that they were the intellectual elite, and after the physical extermination or expulsion of supporters of the deposed monarchs became almost the only representatives of public sentiment) told Yusuf Ibn Tashfin that his power over Andalusia would be legitimate and effective only if he secured the formal investiture of the Baghdad government. Khalifa [Ibn-el-Athiri..., 1864, p. 102, 287; An-Nuwayri, 1983, p. 272] ³ . Such a call was, I think, the result of a well-known compromise between the Almoravids and Andalusian society. It was clear that when the euphoria caused by the liberation of Andalusia from the Taif rulers subsided, the Almoravid leader would be considered an invader who came from the desert and had no right to rule a country to which he was a stranger. The Almoravids based their power aspirations on the fact that they supported the unification of the Ummah under the authority of the Caliph, but without formal confirmation from the Abbasids (which was giventhis thesis remained only a claim to the Seljuks for several decades before the events described. So Yusuf Ibn Tashfin immediately sent his messenger Ibn al-Arabi to Baghdad.

Ibn al-Arabi's letter to the Abbasid Caliph al-Mustazir (1094-1118), which sets out the request for investiture, contains almost the same motives as in the message of Yusuf Ibn Tashfin to al - Ghazali. The leader of the Almoravids appears in this letter as " Yusuf Ibn Tashfin, who is victorious in the name of the faith, who gathers together the Muslims, who stands for the cause of our lord - the commander of the faithful - may Allah bless him and his pure ancestors, who is actively engaged in holy war (jihad), goes to the Muslims, rooting out gatherings of rebels and vicious people. He made an appeal for the Abbasid imams, and the people became his supporters - and before that, they were dominated by those who did not belong to a noble and pure society. All those who heard his call for the Abbasid imams followed him, and those who refused, he fought for forty years until everything in the Maghreb, despite its vastness, obeyed him, and the society (jama'a) not united under his blessed call. Now prayers are offered up in his presence for the Caliphate-may Allah spread his light, may He exalt the place from which his light shines - from more than two thousand five hundred pulpits in mosques " [Tres textos..., 1996, p. 283 - 284].

³ It should be noted that in the first of the two narrations given by Ibn al-Asir, the faqihs require Yusuf Ibn Tashfin to be appointed Caliph al-Muqtadi (1075-1094), and in the second - from the latter's son, Caliph al - Mustazir. This discrepancy can probably be explained on the basis of a comparison of dates. In a letter to the Caliph, the messenger of Yusuf Ibn Tashfin Ibn al-Arabi notes that he spent seven years outside of Andalusia, including two years in Baghdad [Tres textos..., 1996, p. 286-287]. The answer of the Caliph and the letter of his vizier Ibn Juhair followed in 1098 [Tres textos..., 1996, p. 290-299]. It can be assumed that the conversation between Yusuf Ibn Tashfin and the Andalusian faqihs took place in 1091, most likely after the capture of Cordoba and Seville by the Almoravids, and Ibn al-Arabi left Spain during the reign of al-Muqtadi. However, Ibn al-Arabi's scientific research delayed him on the way, and he did not get an opportunity to address the Abbasid caliph until a very long time later, under al-Mustazir.

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The embassy was a success, and Yusuf Ibn Tashfin received the desired investiture-the appointment of the caliph's deputy. It is interesting to note that, according to some authors, the Almoravid leader became known as the" ruler of the Muslims " after the battle of Sagrajas (1086), the submission of Andalusia, or the receipt of an investiture from the caliph [Annales..., 1843, p. 88; Histoire..., 1847, p. 245; Ibn-el-Athiri..., 1864, p. 102 respectively]. Apparently, initially the title "ruler of Muslims" was not perceived as official in Andalusia and became so only after the establishment of the Almoravid power in the country.

The system of legitimizing the power of the Almoravids, which was formed in this way, also existed later. Al-Khulal al-Mawiyyah contains the text of a letter from Caliph al-Mustazheer to the Almoravid "ruler of the Muslims" Ali (1106-1143), the son and successor of Yusuf Ibn Tashfin. This letter, delivered to Marrakech in 512 AH (April 24, 1118-April 13, 1119), was a reply to Ali's message declaring his submission to the Abbasids. The Caliph refers to Ali as " the founder of the Abbasid state, the leader of its forces in the Maghreb." Al-Mustazkhir's letter ends with these words: "Order the faithful to call for the ruler in the pulpits of mosques - and you will win victory over your enemies" [Al-Khulal ... pp. 87-88]. Indeed, the call for the Abbasid caliph in the Friday prayer did not stop in Almoravid Marrakesh until its capture by the Almohads in 1147 [Kitab al-Mu ' yib..., 1955, p. 166], and in the Balearic Islands, where the last remnants of the Almoravids, the Banu Ghaniyah, were strengthened, continued even further.

In the last years of the Almoravids ' rule, their power over Andalusia began to weaken. According to Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi (born in 1185, wrote in 1224-1225):

"At the end of the reign of the Muslim ruler Abu'l-Hasan Ali Ibn Yusuf, the situation became excessively worse due to the fact that the Almoravids ceased to be interested in [the affairs of Andalusia] and became indifferent to them, acquired a tendency to rest and rest, and began to submit to women. Thus they lost all weight for the inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula and became small and insignificant in their eyes. The enemy (the Christians of Northern Spain), having gathered courage, took possession of many border areas adjacent to their lands. Another reason for the decline was that Ibn Tumart (the Almohad chief ) had raised a revolt in Sousse (Morocco), and Ali Ibn Yusuf fought him, abandoning the affairs of Andalusia. When the best people of the Iberian Peninsula saw how weak the Almoravids were, they expelled their governors, and each of them (the Andalusian leaders ) established his own sole authority in this or that settlement " [The History..., 1881, p. 148].

Indeed, anti-Almoravid demonstrations began throughout Andalusia, with leaders resorting to a variety of methods to justify their actions. Thus, Judge Ahmad Ibn Hamdin, who led the revolt in Cordoba in 1145, took the title of " the ruler of the Muslims, who wins in the name of religion "(Amir al-Muslimin nasir ad-din) [Lisan al-Din Ibn al-Khatib, 1956, p. 253], apparently wanting to rise to one level. Level up with the Almoravids to fight them on equal ⁴ . Abu'l-Qasim Ahmad Ibn Qasi, who led the Murid revolt in western Andalusia, went even further by declaring himself Imam Mahdi (Lisan al-Din Ibn al-Khatib, 1956, p. 249). Such high-profile titles served primarily as a banner of struggle against the Almoravids, whose legitimacy was now rejected.

The time of troubles was replaced by a new period in the history of Muslim Spain - the rule of the Almohads. As for the ideology of the government, the Almohads were

⁴ This interpretation of Ibn Hamdin's actions seems to be the most reasonable and makes us reject Ibn al-Khatib's claim that the judge called himself "the ruler of the faithful" [The History..., 1957, p. 306].

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the exact opposite of the Almoravids. If the Almoravid rulers approached the legitimation of their power very cautiously and preferred to act on behalf of the Abbasid caliph (although not really subordinate to the latter), then for the leaders of the Almohads their primacy over the Islamic world was self-evident. The founder of the Almohad movement, Muhammad Ibn Tumart (1121-1130), was called the infallible Imam Mahdi, whose impending arrival was announced by the Prophet Muhammad. The status of the infallible imam also sanctified the political power of Muhammad Ibn Tumart; in the eyes of the followers of his teachings (tawhid - monotheism), he was supposed to rule not as the viceroy of any earthly ruler, but as the leader of the universal ummah sent by Allah.

The construction of the Almohad state with an imam at its head was initiated by the famous sermon of Muhammad Ibn Tumart to his closest companions on November 28, 1121. According to sources, the Almohad leader said something like this:

"Glory be to Allah, Who does whatever He wills, puts into practice whatever He wills - there is no resistance to His command, there is no obstacle to His decision! May Allaah bless our Lord Muhammad, who announced the arrival of al-Mahdi, who will fill the land of violence and arbitrariness with justice. Allah will send him, for what is right (al-haqq) has been overshadowed by falsehood, and what is right has been overshadowed by violence. He will arrive in the Far Maghreb at the last hour. His name will be the same as that of the Prophet - may all blessings and peace be upon him! His genealogy will be the same as that of the Prophet ( peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) and His noble angels who are close to Him. The emirs are violent, the lands are full of vices. But the time has come, there is a person with such a name and pedigree who will fulfill the mission" [Ibn al-Qattan, 1990, p. 125; Al-Khulal..., 1979, p. 107 (with abbreviations)].

In delivering this sermon, Muhammad Ibn Tumart acted with the utmost caution. The revelation quoted was expressed by him in the circle of his closest companions, who later formed the Council of Ten , the highest advisory body of the Almohad state. Calling himself Imam ⁵ , Muhammad Ibn Tumart did not directly identify with the Mahdi. At the same time, there is every reason to believe that Muhammad Ibn Tumart led his listeners to believe that he was the true Mahdi. An important feature of the Mahdi, as is clear from the sermon, was that his name and that of his father should have been the same as that of the Prophet Muhammad (i.e. Muhammad Ibn Abdullah). Ibn al-Qattan (late 12th-13th centuries) reports that he saw a promissory note written by Almohad al-Mahdi, in which the latter referred to himself as "Muhammad Ibn Abdullah Tumart, Mahdi of the Last Hour" (Ibn al-Qattan, 1990, p. 89). Muhammad Ibn Tumart thereby changed his father's name, apparently to suit the characteristics of the Mahdi ^.6

The rational justification of Muhammad Ibn Tumart's claim to the title of infallible Imam is most fully presented in the short treatise "Sufficient evidence for the existence of the Mahdi - may Allaah be pleased with him-as an Imam, given by reasoning and quotations "(al-Kafiya fi Barahin al-Imam al-Mahdi radiya Allaah an-hu aklan wa naklan), created by In the 12th century, Abu Abd al-Rahman Ibn Tahir, a supporter of the Almohads, and preserved in the work of Ibn al-Qattan [Ibn al-Qattan, 1990, p. 101-122]. The treatise, we note, is also interesting as a literary and polemical work. It is constructed in the form of a dialogue in which "the soul of rest" (an-nafs al-mutmainna) ⁷ polemics with the " restless soul "(an-

⁵ According to Ibn Khaldun, even before Muhammad Ibn Tumart was sworn in, his followers called him imam [Histoire..., 1847, p. 301].

⁶ Note that opponents of the Almohads continued to refer to Muhammad as "Ibn Tumart" (Annales..., 1843, p. 110).

⁷ An expression taken from the Qur'an (Surah Zarya, Ayat 27) [Koran, 1990, p. 499].

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nafs al-nuzuiyyah), also called " ominous omen "(al-amara bi-s-su). "The Soul at Rest" presents the arguments for identifying Muhammad Ibn Tumart with Imam Mahdi; its rival tries to challenge them, but is ultimately forced to admit defeat. The main discussion in the treatise revolves around the extent to which Muhammad Ibn Tumart corresponds to the description of the Mahdi given in the hadiths (traditions about the Prophet Muhammad), and all the signs of the imam are analyzed in detail one by one. Ibn Tahir was not entirely without difficulties. It is not difficult for him to state that the founder of the al-Mohad movement is called Muhammad, as well as the Prophet, or to say with confidence that Muhammad Ibn Tumart brought back to earth the justice trampled upon by the Almoravids, under whom violence became commonplace.

Ibn Tahir, however, faces much more serious problems when analyzing other signs. Thus, to prove that the Almohad leader's name was Muhammad Ibn Abdullah and not Muhammad Ibn Tumart, he states that Tumart is the nickname (lakab) of Muhammad's father. Ibn Tahir is forced to admit that no one addressed Muhammad Ibn Tumart with the words " O Mahdi! Give it to me!", and tries to find a way out by saying: "But if he (the person addressing the Mahdi ) did not utter these words with his mouth, it means that he said them with his soul" (Ibn al-Qattan, 1990, p. 114). The author uses the same allegorical interpretation in another case, explaining the prediction that the Mahdi will rule the Arabs. Since the authority of Muhammad Ibn Tumart did not extend to the Arabs, Ibn Tahir gets out of the quandary by claiming that Arabs should be understood as all people (obviously Muslims) in general. Ibn Tahir's claims about the descent of Muhammad Ibn Tumart from al-Hasan, the eldest son of Imam Ali Ibn Abi Talib, are based only on the genealogical constructions of the Almohads themselves , ⁸ which were bitterly disputed by their opponents.

Nevertheless, for Ibn Tahir, Muhammad Ibn Tumart is the real Imam Mahdi, destined to rule the world: "He is the first imam who deserves to be the ruler of the inhabited world (al - ma'amura al-kauniyya). The level at which he stands is too high for him to be a servant of anyone else in this world. No, he has to manage everything to bring true happiness to people, and that will be a great achievement.

He is absolutely the first Imam, that is, he deserves to rule the people by virtue of a duty, both established and formulated by rational reflection, for he rules the cities by word and deed, and none of this can initially be beyond his control, regardless of whether people obey him or not. In this he is like a doctor who knows how to heal. Yes, he is a real doctor - even if people do not come to him, and he does not treat patients. This is the truth" [Ibn al-Qattan, 1990, p. 105].

Thus, in the minds of the Almohads and their supporters, Muhammad Ibn Tumart was a Mahdi imam sent from above, who, by virtue of his mandate, stood above any earthly law or ruler. This situation inevitably led the Almohads to deny both the supremacy of the Abbasid Caliph over the Muslim Ummah and the authority of his Almoravid vicegerents in the Maghreb. There are no direct references in Islamic sources to anti-Abbasid actions by the Almohads, but the Castilian bishop and historian Roderich of Toledo (Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada, born c. 1170, died 1247) is well aware of the state of affairs in Northern Spain.

⁸ Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi mentions the genealogy of Muhammad Ibn Tumart, written by himself; according to this document, the founder of the Almohad movement was a descendant of al-Hasan [Kitab al-Mu 'yib..., 1955, p. 137].

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He notes that Muhammad Ibn Tumart "preached something that was contrary to the caliph of Baghdad, who is the pope for the Arabs and is descended from the family of Muhammad" (Rodericus..., 1968, p. 155). Where the al-Mohads came, the call for the Abbasid Caliph in the Friday prayer stopped [Kitab al-Mu ' yib..., 1955, p. 166]. Accordingly, the oath of allegiance to the al-Moravid rulers was declared invalid. According to Ibn al-Qattan, who copies earlier sources, "Imam Mahdi - may Allaah be pleased with him-removed the burden of the oath of allegiance to Ali Ibn Yusuf (the Almoravid ruler ) from his followers and supporters and announced his overthrow to everyone" (Ibn al-Qattan, 1990, p. 83).

During the first sermon of the Almohad leader, none of his companions, of course, thought about rational arguments. Muhammad Ibn Tumart achieved his goal, and the audience immediately recognized him as the Imam of the Mahdi, saying, according to sources: "All these (features of the Mahdi. - DM) cannot be found in anyone but you. You are the Mahdi" [lbn-el-Athiri..., 1864, p. 402; Ibn al-Qattan, 1990, p. 125]. At the same time, ten of the closest companions of Muhammad Ibn Tumart took the oath of allegiance to him.

Having received the support of his inner circle, Muhammad Ibn Tumart began to widely promote his religious and political ideas. The day after he was sworn in, he occupied the Tinmallala Mosque, accompanied by armed supporters, and officially proclaimed himself Imam Mahdi, after which he sent preachers to various areas of North Africa. "He sent out his trusted disciples to countries near and far, and they called people to swear allegiance to him, sowed love for him in their hearts, describing his virtues and good deeds, and presenting him as an ascetic and a righteous man" (Annales..., 1843, p. 114).

Thus, the main tool in the hands of the Almohad Mahdi (as before him - the Fatimid Mahdi Ubaydullah, (909 - 934) became propaganda. Its theological aspects are outside the scope of the present work; at the same time, it should be noted that those who accepted the new tawhid doctrine automatically became almohads and recognized the authority of the new Imam al - Mahdi.

Apparently, the Almohad propaganda was not complete without demonstrating miracles or, in the language of our time, special effects. Ibn Abi Zar (d. c. 1320) reports that once, after another battle with the Almoravids, Muhammad Ibn Tumart, wanting to convince his supporters of the rightness of their cause, resorted to the following technique. Several of the most loyal comrades were secretly buried at the battle site at night, equipped with breathing tubes. The next morning, Muhammad Ibn Tumart invited the remaining fighters to return to the battlefield and talk to the fallen. When they were on the field, the buried Mahdi's followers shouted from the ground that they had received a magnificent reward from Allah. This made a huge impression on the fighters, but Muhammad Ibn Tumart ordered the buried soldiers to be put to death, covering their breathing tubes with earth, so as not to leave any witnesses [Annales..., 1843, p. 118]. The veracity of this report, of course, can be disputed on the grounds that Ibn Abi Zar, as a supporter of the Merinids, was opposed to the Almohads and had a very negative attitude towards their leader. Meanwhile, we should not forget that in the popular consciousness of that time, a person who called himself a prophet (especially a Mahdi) had to work miracles. This idea is well illustrated by an example from the history of the Fatimids. Disillusioned with Mahdi Ubaydullah, Abu'l-Abbas, the brother of the famous Shiite preacher and de facto founder of the Fatimid State, Abu Abdullah, said: "This man (Ubaydullah - D. M.) is not the one we thought we should obey and for whom we called, because the Mahdi appears with magnificent miracles" [Al-Makrizi, 1967, p.67]. It is safe to assume that, like the Kutama Berbers, the opo-

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The Ra of the Fatimid state demanded miracles from Mahdi Ubaydullah, the Berbers of Masmud expected the manifestation of the supernatural from Mahdi Muhammad Ibn Tumart. It is also interesting to note that popular rumor also attributed miraculous deeds to Abdullah Ibn Yasin, which also increased his authority ^.9

The Almohads ' propaganda was bearing fruit. Even the opponents of the Almohads, who presented Muhammad Ibn Tumart as an impostor and a charlatan, sometimes admitted that "[people] spoke from the pulpits of mosques: "this is the famous infallible Mahdi" and crowds took the oath to help him " [Annales..., 1843, p. 114].

The death of Muhammad Ibn Tumart in 1130 changed the situation dramatically. The Almohad movement was based entirely on the idea of the Mahdi's supremacy, and now that he was gone, the question inevitably arose of who could replace him, rising to the level of an infallible imam. As far as can be judged, the Mahdi's death caused a political crisis in the movement's leadership. At first, even the news of it was hidden from everyone except the relatives of Muhammad Ibn Tumart and some trusted servants: obviously, the leaders of the Almohads were afraid of a repeat of ridda ¹⁰ and sought to strengthen their positions as much as possible. Moreover, according to some sources, the question of a successor remained open.

Many Eastern authors believe that the transfer of power to Abd al-Mu'min (1130-1163), the closest associate of Muhammad Ibn Tumart, was authorized by the leader himself. Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi claims that the Mahdi appointed Abd al-Mu'min as his successor in his dying speech [Kitab al-Mu ' yib ... 1955, p. 155]. Ibn al-Khatib (1313-1374) reports that Muhammad Ibn Tumart placed Abd al-Mu'min in charge of prayer [Ibn al-Jatib, 1983, p. 161], as the Prophet Muhammad once did in relation to his closest companion, the first of the "righteous caliphs", Abu Bakr the Most Truthful (632 - 634). An-Nuwayri (died in 1322) goes further than others, according to which Muhammad Ibn Tumart appointed Abd al-Mumin "commander of the faithful" during his lifetime, and the official oath to the latter only confirmed this act [An-Nuwayri, 1983, p.279]. Meanwhile, another report cannot be ignored, according to which the Masmud leaders initially swore allegiance to another Mahdi associate, Umar al-Sinhaji, and only then, at the latter's insistence, elected Abd al-Mumin as the head of the movement [Az-ZarkasI, 1966, p. 7]. In turn, Abd al-Mumin, apparently fearing that his claim to the title of "lord of the faithful" would be considered excessive, did not accept this title for some time and strengthened his actual power. Only a few years later, he officially announced the death of the Mahdi, arranged for the swearing-in ceremony, and began referring to himself in his letters as "the infallible and wise Arab Hashemite Caliph, whose good news came from the Prophet ( peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), who suppresses all who go astray and embody vice, ¹¹ who overcomes in the name of Allaah the Most High, the Ruler of of the faithful and the possessor of power "[Al-Nuwayri, 1983, p. 318] ¹² . At the same time, Abd al-Mumin, like the Mahdi, tried to act as an imam-teacher of the faith; it is known that he sent to Andalusia on the following occasions:-

⁹ For example, the miraculous discovery of water in the desert [Ibn al-Jatib, 1983, p. 140; Kitab al-Masalik..., 1992, p. 863.

¹⁰ The secession of some Arab tribes from Islam after the death of the Prophet Muhammad.

¹¹ The Almohads disdainfully referred to the Almoravids as " embodying vice "(mujassimun bi-l-fasad).

¹² The date of Abd al-Mu'min's adoption of the title "lord of the faithful" is doubtful. According to Ibn Abi Zar, this happened in 527 AH (November 12, 1132-November 1, 1133) [Annales..., 1843, p. 122], according to Ibn Izari - in 529 AH (October 22, 1134-October 10, 1135) [Histoire..., 1948, p. 312]. In addition, it remains an open question whether the announcement of the Mahdi's death coincided with the adoption of a new title by Abd al-Mu'min (Ibn Izari gives a positive answer, Ibn Abi Zar - negative).

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messages containing judgments on religious and legal issues [Ibn Izari, 1985, p. 37].

The heirs of Abd al-Mu'min later acted in a similar way. The fact of the caliph's death was usually concealed, and the heir decided to make it public and take the oath, only after first strengthening his position and enlisting the support of tribal leaders. Thus, Abd al-Mu'min's successor, Yusuf I (1163-1184), faced the refusal of two brothers to swear allegiance to him; until the conflict was resolved, he called himself amir, and not Amir al - mu'minin. Only in 1168 did Yusuf become officially known as the"lord of the faithful". It is interesting to note that Yusuf's manifesto on assuming the title of caliph indicates that the decision to renew calls for the "commander of the faithful" in Friday prayer was made after reaching an agreement on this among the Almohads [Ibn Sahib al-Salah, 1969, p. 118-120], that is, when in the midst of the Muslim community, the decision was made to renew calls for the "commander of the faithful" in the Friday prayer. The elite finally reached a consensus on recognizing the supreme power of the new monarch.

In Andalusia, the power of the Almohads was accepted in different ways. Some local leaders voluntarily recognized the authority of the Moroccan caliphs, while others fought hard against them for years. The history of Andalusia's subjugation to the Almohads is not the subject of this work, and therefore we will limit ourselves to pointing out one essential detail: the recognition of the power of Abd al-Mumin and his successors was largely due to the fact that they were seen as the only force capable of stopping the reconquista and ending the arbitrariness of the Almoravid authorities. "The Muslims pinned their hopes on them (the Almohads ) and called for their help," reports Ibn al - Khatib (Lisan al-Din Ibn al-Khatib, 1956, p. 265).

The most important internal frontier in the history of the Almohads and their rule in Andalusia was the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), which ended with the defeat of the troops of Caliph Muhammad I an-Nasir (1199-1213). Soon after this battle, civil strife broke out among the Almohads. The overthrow of the Caliph Abd al-Wahid (1224) marked the beginning of an open struggle for power, when "the leaders of the Almohads became like the Turks of the Abbasids, which caused the destruction of their state and the termination of their power" [Annales..., 1843, p.163]. Civil strife has also damaged the ideological basis of the state. In 1229, Caliph Idris al-Ma'mun (1227-1232), having established himself in Marrakesh, executed many prominent Almohads and, apparently, wanting to start the history of the state from scratch, announced the cessation of appeals for the Mahdi in Friday prayers and minting coins with his name [Ibn Izari, 1985, p.286]. According to Ibn Abi Zar, al-Ma'mun made a direct break with the traditional Almohad ideology by cursing the Mahdi in front of the people gathered in the main mosque and saying: "O people! Call him (Mahdi - DM ) not infallible, but erring and reproachful! There is no Mahdi prophet but Isa (Jesus), and we have abandoned the ill-fated cause "[Annales..., 1843, p. 167].

Civil strife among the Almohads significantly weakened their ability to resist the reconquista. Moreover, at times the Almohads made territorial concessions to the northern Spanish states, which, coupled with the abuses that were inevitable during the troubles, caused a sharply negative reaction in Andalusian society. Disillusioned with their defenders, many Andalusians were ready to rebel to expel them ^.13

During the anti-Almohad protests of the 13th century, we see a most interesting phenomenon - the appeal of Andalusian leaders to the Abbasid caliphs for legitimation of power. Muhammad Ibn Yusuf Ibn Hud, who led the anti-Almohad revolt in Murcia in 1228, was the first Abbasid supporter. After defeating exiled-

¹³ For such motives of the Andalusians, see, for example: [Ibn Khaldun, 1284 AD, p. 167].

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Ibn Hud returned to Murcia with a victory under the black banner , ¹⁴ calling himself a supporter of the Abbasids (Ibn Izari, 1985, p. 277). At first, Ibn Hud was supported by only a few, but the number of his supporters constantly grew, and on July 5, 1228, he was sworn in. Ibn Hud assumed the title of "Lord of the Muslims" and the honorific name of "One who trusts in Allah" (al-Mutawakkil ala Allah). Ibn Hud's power spread to many cities in Andalusia, and the inhabitants of Seville voluntarily joined him in 1229, supporting the idea of Abbasid supremacy put forward by him [Ibn Izari, 1985, p. 289]. According to the Latin Chronicle of the Kings of Castile, Ibn Hud developed a broad propaganda campaign, calling the Almohads schismatics who opposed the authority of the only legitimate ruler, the Caliph of Baghdad [Cronica..., 1984, p. 75]. At the same time, Ibn Hud also attacked the Almohad ideology, declaring Tawhid a heresy and ordering the ritual cleansing of mosques in all territories recaptured from the enemy. At the same time, Ibn Hud actively tried to obtain formal investiture from the Abbasid caliph. Under 629 AH (October 29, 1231 - October 17, 1232), Ibn Izari (lived in the late 13th - early 14th centuries) records that envoys of the Abbasid caliph al-Mustansir (1226-1242) came to Ibn Khud. They brought a letter in which the Caliph appointed Ibn Huda governor of Andalusia and all the regions that he could conquer. At the same time, Ibn Hud received a valuable gift - a piece of cloth touching the cloak of the Prophet Muhammad, and was awarded the honorary names of " fighter for the cause of religion "(Mujahid ad-din) and " sword of the state "(Sayf ad-dawla) ¹⁵ . It can be concluded that Ibn Hud, like Yusuf Ibn Tashfin, once tried to act as a restorer of the unity of the Ummah under the rule of a single caliph and consolidate society on this basis.

Other Andalusian leaders did the same. Abu Jumayl Zayyan, who was sworn in at Valencia in 1229, also declared recognition of Abbasid supremacy. Finally, Muhammad Ibn Yusuf Ibn al-Ahmar, the founder of the Nasrid Emirate , the last Muslim state in Spain, which lasted until 1492, also formally recognized the supreme authority of the Abbasid caliph, and bore the title " lord of the Muslims "and the honorary name" Conqueror by the permission of Allah " (al-Ghalib bil-Lah). Ibn al-Khatib noted that in doing so, Ibn al-Ahmar followed the example of Ibn Hud, and also sought to indulge the mood of the population, among which the idea of submission to the Abbasids was very popular [Ibn al-Khatib, 1978, p. 43].

* * *

Thus, during the period under review, Andalusia, which had lost the ideology of a centralized state during the Taif rulers, was forced to accept it from the Almoravids and Almohads. Their ideas ranged from the restraint of the Almoravids, who preferred to rule in the name of the Abbasid Caliph, to the maximalism of the Almohads, who were initially led by an infallible imam. Both ideologies, it should be noted, eventually collapsed due to the crisis of the tribal states of Lemtun and Masmud. It's not hard to imagine

¹⁴ Black was considered the color of the Abbasids.

¹⁵ The text of the message of the Abbasid Caliph has come down to us [Lisan al-Din Ibn al-Khatib, 1956, p. 280-285; Tres textos..., 1996, p. 357-365). According to Ibn Izari, the Caliph's charter was written in the second decade of Dhu'l-qada in 629 or 628 AH (August 29-September 7, 1232 and September 9 - 18, 1231, respectively) [Ibn Izari, 1985, p. 295]; Ibn al-Khatib speaks only of the second decade of 629 AH. However, according to Ibn al-Khatib and Ibn Khaldun, the Caliph's message was delivered to Ibn Khud only in 631 AH (October 7, 1233-September 25, 1234) [Lisaan al-Din Ibn al-Khatib, 1956, p. 250; Ibn Khaldun, 1284 AH, p. 169].

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imagine that for Andalusia, the political ideas of the Almoravids and Almohads remained alien. The tradition of recognizing Abbasid supremacy in Spain did not exist until the end of the eleventh century, and the investiture of the Caliph of Baghdad was required rather because neither Yusuf Ibn Tashfin nor the Andalusian faqihs saw how else to justify the establishment of Berberite-Almoravid rule in the country. Similarly, it is unlikely that Almohad Mahdism gained widespread support in Andalusia - especially since Spain was only subdued under Abd al-Mu'min and the initial religious enthusiasm of Muhammad Ibn Tumart, which eclipsed all the weak points in the movement's ideology, did little to affect it. But in any case, Andalusian society embraced both ideologies, mainly because it saw in the Almoravids and later in the Almohads a force capable of resisting the Christian reconquista and restoring order in the country.

The failure of the Almoravids and Almohads to fulfill these tasks caused them to become disillusioned and abandon their ideology. At such moments, the leaders of the Andalusian revolts used a variety of ideas as a banner of struggle - from the Mahdism of Ibn Qasi to the commitment to the unity of the Ummah under the Abbasid caliphs of Ibn Hud or Ibn al-Ahmar. But the promotion of such ideas was, as a rule, caused only by political expediency, which entailed their fragility. Mahdi Ibn Qasi, for example, eventually recognized himself as a false prophet and submitted to the Almohads. As for the pro-Abbasid aspirations of the thirteenth century, I think nothing better demonstrates their dependence on the political situation in Spain than the fact that the Caliph's authority was recognized when the Abbasid state was in decline and the Mongols were less than three decades away from taking Baghdad. "O Iraqi (the Caliph of Baghdad. - D. M. )! You have gone too far in your claims!", Ibn al - Khatib remarked not without irony, hinting at the delay and ineffectiveness of recognizing the Abbasid power in Andalusia [Ibn al-Khatib, 1978, p. 43]. Naturally, when the recognition of Abbasid power did not give the desired political gain, it was refused. Thus, Abu Jumail Zayyan, at a critical moment for him, refused to swear allegiance to the Abbasids, considering it more expedient to recognize the power of the Hafsids who had become entrenched in Tunisia, from whom he expected effective help in the fight against the reconquista. Andalusia was once again faced with the task of finding an acceptable and stable State ideology. The Nasrid state, whose history deserves a separate study, had to perform it.

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Ibn Izari. Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi Akhbar al-Andalus wa al-Maghrib (A far-reaching account of the history of Andalusia and the Maghreb). Beirut: Dar al-Saqafa, 1998.

Ibn Izari. Al-Bayan al-Mughrib fi Akhbar al-Andalus wa al-Maghrib. Kism al-Muwahhidin (A far-reaching account of the history of Andalusia and the Maghreb. Part dedicated to the almohads). Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1985.

Ibn Khaldun. Kitab al-Ibar (A book of instructive Examples). Vol. 4. Bulak, 1284 gh.

Ibn al-Khatib. Al-Lamha al-Badriyya fi ad-Dawla an-Nasriyya (The full moon shining [in the story of] the Nasrid state). Beirut: Dar al-Saqafa, 1978.

The Koran. Translated by I. Y. Krachkovskogo, Moscow: SP IKPA Publ., 1990.

Al-Makrizi. Ittizat al-Hunafa bi Akhbar al-Aimma al-Fatimiyyin al-Khulafa (Teaching of the Famtimid imams-caliphs held in history). Vol. 1. Cairo: Al-Majlis al-Ala li-sh-Shuun al-Islamiyya, Lajnat Ihya at-Turas al-Arabi, 1967.

Al-Nuwayri. Nihayat al-Arab fi Funun al-Adab (Best satisfaction of the needs of various types of literature). Vol. 24. Cairo: Al-Haya al-Misriyya al-Amma lil-Kitab, 1983.

Al-Hulal al-Mawshiyya fi Dhikr al-Akhbar al-Marrakushiyya (The Book of Embroidered garments in the History of Marrakech). Casablanca: Dar ar-Rashad al-Haditha, 1979.

Annales regum Mauritaniea ... ab Abu-l-Hasan Ali ben Allah ibn Abi Zer' Fesano ... conscriptos. Vol. 1. Upsalieae, 1843.

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Cronica latina de los reyes de Castilla. Cadiz: Universidad de Cadiz, 1984.

Histoire de l'Afrique du Nord et de l'Espagne musulmane intitulee Kitab al-Bayan al-Mughrib par Ibn 'Idharl al-Marrdkushi et Fragments de la Chronique de 'Arib. T. 1. Leyde: E.J. Brill, 1948.

Histoire des Berberes et des dynasties musulmanes de l'Afrique septentrionale par Abou-Zeid Abd-er-Rahman Ibn-Mohammed Ibn-Khaldoun. Vol. 1. Alger, 1847.

ibn-el-Athiri Chronicon quod perfectissimum inscribitur. T. 10. Lugduni Batavorum, 1864.

Ibn al-Jatib. Kitab A 'mal al-A 'lam. Parte 3. Historia medieval isldmica del Norte de Africa у Sicilia. Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1983.

Ibn Khaldun. The Muqaddimah. An Introduction to History. Tr. F. Rosenthal. Vol. 1. L.: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1958.

Ibn al-Qattan al-Marakisi. Extrait du Treizieme volume Nazm al-Guman litartib ma salafa min ahbar az-zaman. Beyrouth: Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1990.

Ibn Sahib al-Salah. Al-Mann bil-Imama (Beneficence by conferring the title of Imam). Tr. A. Huici Miranda. Valencia: Anubar, 1969.

Kitab al-Masalik wa-l-Mamalik d'abu Ubayd al-Bakri (The Book of Ways and States by Abu Ubayd al-Bakri). Tunis: al-Dar al-'Arabiyya lil-Kitab, 1992.

Kitab al-Mu'yib fi Taljls Ajbar al-Magrib por Abu Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakusl (Lo admirable en el resumen de las noticias del Magrib). Tr. A. Huici Miranda. Tetuan: Editora Marroqui, 1955.

Lisan al-Dln Ibn al-Khatib. Histoire de l'Espagne musulmane (Kitab A'mal al-A'lam). Beyrouth: Dar al-Makch-OUf, 1956.

Rodericus Ximenius de Rada. Opera. Valencia: Anubar, 1968.

The History of the Almohades by Abdo-'l-Wahid al-Marrekoshi. Leiden, 1881.

The History of Granada Entitled al-Ihata fi Akhbar Gharnata by Lisan-ud-Din Ibn-ul-Khatib. Vol. 1. Cairo: Dar Al-Ma'arif, 1957.

Tres textos arabes sobre bereberes en el Occidente islamico. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Agencia Espanola de Cooperacion Internacional, 1996.

Az-Zarkasi. Tarih ad-dawlatayan al-Muwahhidiya Wal-Hafsiya (History of two states, Almohad and Hafsid). Tunis: Librairie el-Atika, 1966.

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