The year 2007 was a special one for ten Southeast Asian States, which celebrated the 40th anniversary of their international organization-ASEAN - one of the most successful regional integration projects. The main event was the signing of the long - awaited Charter, the first charter in its history, by all ASEAN leaders at the 13th summit held in Singapore on November 18-22, 2007.

At the time of its creation in 1967, ASEAN consisted of only five States: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines. The situation in the region was extremely tense: the war in Vietnam flared up; Maoist rebel groups appeared in one country or another; a military coup took place in Indonesia with mass repression and pogroms of the Chinese minority. The creation of a mechanism to counter common threats and coordinate policies became a strategic imperative for the founders of ASEAN. Although the Bangkok Declaration adopted in 1967 described the organization as a" sub-regional association " aimed at solving problems exclusively in the socio-economic sphere, security interests were still crucial for its creators.

Over the past 40 years, ASEAN has come a long way-from a rather modest mechanism of periodic (once every three years) meetings of heads of state to a permanent body of consultations and negotiations to resolve regional security issues, firmly protect its interests, national identity and other values in a rapidly globalizing world.

At the 1st ASEAN Summit in February 1976 on the Indonesian island of Bali, the five founding States signed the "Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation" - a code of conduct based on the well-known "Bandung principles" - non-use of force and peaceful coexistence of States, which were formulated at the historic Bandung Conference in 1955. one of the most fundamental progressive documents of modern international law - for many years it became the legal basis of ASEAN. Joining it was and remains a prerequisite for accepting new members and establishing a dialogue partnership with ASEAN for all other States of the world. It has already been signed by 12 states, including Russia. The EU, USA, Canada and others are also planning to do this.

The sharp intensification of ASEAN's activities began after the end of the Cold War. In 1995, Vietnam joined the organization, followed by Laos, Burma and Cambodia. The Sultanate of Brunei Darussalam was established in 1984. Thus, for the first time, all 10 States in the region are very different in their own way.

Grigory Lokshin, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Leading Researcher of the Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

The political and social structure and level of economic development were combined in one structure, where a permanent system of consultations at the level of top management and political elites was formed, which created an "Asian culture of political dialogue", thanks to which the sometimes tension in relations between ASEAN members never turned into an armed confrontation.

Rebuilding and updating

Over the past 40 years, the founding countries of ASEAN have made truly remarkable strides in their development. This includes rapid economic growth and a fairly high standard of living. Having freed themselves from colonial dependence, they went through the path of industrialization and modernization, and having become industrially developed, they came close to a new stage - the creation of post-industrial states and the introduction of advanced information technologies. The achievements of the second group of ASEAN States, which for a number of reasons are far behind the first, are equally obvious. Vietnam, in particular, has been making significant progress here, as it has been following the path of renewal, openness and integration into the regional and global economy for 20 years.

In 1997, when Asia was hit by a severe financial crisis, and at the beginning of this century, due to the unprecedented growth of China and India, the ASEAN countries faced a number of complex challenges that forced them to rethink their strategy, reorganize their structure, and change the organization's organizational forms and methods of operation.

The Association could no longer effectively exist in its former form, i.e., as an amorphous, poorly managed coalition of very different states, based solely on the personal agreements of the leaders. Without even a Secretariat at the initial stage of its activities, the decision-making process based on mandatory consensus was also long and not always effective. All this caused a growing wave of criticism in most ASEAN countries, especially during and after the 1997 crisis.

In this regard, at the 2005 Kuala Lumpur Summit, a "Group of Eminent Persons" was finally established to draft the ASEAN Charter. It has been carefully coordinated and discussed at various levels for two years, including with the broad participation of numerous academic centers and civil society organizations. On November 20, 2007, the Charter was solemnly signed by all the leaders of the Association countries.

From now on, ASEAN has become a fully structured intergovernmental organization, built on certain principles and binding rules for all. The fundamental principles that served the Association well remained intact. Despite the pressure of various political forces, both inside and outside the ASEAN countries, there is an unshakeable "taboo" among them to discuss each other's domestic political problems and any form of external interference in their solution.

The ASEAN leaders declared their goal to be " building a region of lasting peace, stability, and sustained economic growth." On this basis, they plan to complete in 2015 the creation of a common market with free movement of goods, investments and skilled labor on the model of the UES, while simultaneously harmonizing the regional economic policy of the state.-

and strengthening regional ties. To this, they added "promoting peace and stability in ASEAN through the active promotion of democratic values, effective governance, non-unconstitutional and anti-democratic change of Government, the rule of law, including international humanitarian law, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, taking into account the rights and obligations of Member States." ¹

The Singapore summit was accompanied by a raucous campaign in local and foreign media, sparked by the Myanmar military regime's crackdown on the opposition. Many local and foreign civil society organizations have sought greater involvement from ASEAN leaders, including the exclusion of Myanmar from the organization. The campaign strongly suggested that the Charter should include a section dedicated to the protection of human rights and create "something like the European Court of Justice in Strasbourg". However, ASEAN leaders (not for the first time) we did not follow the path of sanctions and exceptions. On the contrary, they have taken the position of encouraging and supporting dialogue with opposition leaders for national reconciliation, mediated by the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General.

We also failed to reach an agreement on human rights. The discussion has stalled on the definition of this very concept. Therefore, in the 30-page text of the Charter, a brief article of a rather general nature is devoted to the topic of human rights, with a promise to create in the indefinite future a certain body that will monitor the situation in this area.

The annual ASEAN Summit remains the association's highest body and will meet at least twice a year. To help it, a Coordinating Council of Foreign Ministers is being set up, which also meets twice a year. Three ministerial-level Councils are being set up for key integration areas (politics and security, economy, and socio-cultural cooperation), which will report to ASEAN leaders on the progress of community building in their respective areas.

The role of the ASEAN Secretary-General, who enjoys the status of a Minister and is appointed by the Summit on a rotating basis on the recommendation of the Coordinating Council for a single term of five years, has significantly increased. Of the four Under-Secretaries-General, one oversees external relations, while the other three coordinate the activities of the respective Community Councils. The Secretary-General is responsible for the Jakarta Secretariat and the ASEAN Research Institute, which is to be established to promote cooperation with Member States ' academic centers and non-governmental organizations. Former Foreign Minister of Thailand (1997-2001) Surin Pitsuvan was appointed Secretary - General of ASEAN.

In the structure of the ASEAN working bodies, along with the Secretariat, which oversees the implementation of all programs, an important role is assigned to three sectoral committees, which prepare issues for the meetings of the ministerial councils. In total, there are 28 inter-ministerial bodies in the ASEAN structure that coordinate the implementation of various programs. They hold about 300 events every year. All these multi-faceted activities are financed by equal contributions from Member States, additional contributions from some of them, and private business.

The Charter calls on the member States of the Association to take a more responsible attitude to their obligations and to implement the decisions taken. However, the final version did not include the sanctions proposed in the draft, up to the suspension of all rights and privileges of a particular member of the Association. These measures have been significantly relaxed. The relevant articles of the Charter only say that in such cases, Member States can resort to consultations and start negotiations. In case of gross violations of the Charter, problems can be brought up for discussion at the ASEAN summits.

The adoption of the Charter is an important milestone on the historical path of ASEAN towards integration. It will undoubtedly make the Association a more efficient and predictable organization. An important element of this is the creation of a dispute settlement mechanism, which means that in the event of disagreements over the implementation of certain contracts and agreements, the parties can apply to an independent body that will make its decision. A dispute resolution mechanism will be established in all areas of ASEAN cooperation.

The Charter attaches great importance to the mobilization of resources for equalizing the development levels of member countries. For this purpose, the ASEAN Special Development Fund (ADF) has been established with voluntary contributions from States and the private sector. At the Singapore summit, participants pledged to contribute $ 100,000 each by the end of the year, while Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand contributed another $ 500,000 each. Partner states, especially Japan, as well as China, which contributed $ 1 million in 2007, Australia- $ 1.3 million, India - $ 700,000, etc., also transfer considerable funds to this fund.

Most observers in the ASEAN countries, while generally approving the signing of the Charter, note that even an integrated ASEAN will not turn into a union like the EU. The ASEAN countries are much more different from each other in terms of their historical past, political structure, culture and economic development. Given these realities, ASEAN leaders nevertheless agreed that the pace of integration should not be determined by the capabilities of those who are moving the slowest along this path. Politicians in countries such as Singapore, Thailand and the Philippines have long insisted on this. Those who could walk faster than others, they said, should be free to do so, provided that the door should always remain open to others when they were ready to join in.

This is now the basis of the ASEAN decision-making process on economic issues. Each country is engaged according to its capabilities. When considering issues, every effort is made to reach consensus. But if it turns out to be impossible, then it is not the will of the majority that works, but the principle of "10 minus X", which makes it possible to refrain from making impossible obligations. On all other issues, the principle of consultation and consensus remained mandatory.

Compared to the EU, the ASEAN countries still have a long way to go in terms of integration, but they no longer have a choice. These countries integrate to survive. China and India have changed the entire political landscape and dynamics of development in Asia. They attract the full attention of TNCs and investors in economically developed countries. To stay in the game, ASEAN had to take drastic measures to protect its share of foreign investment. Time will tell how successful they will be.

Delivering a lecture on the occasion of the 40th Anniversary of ASEAN on August 8, 2007, Director of the Singapore Institute of Southeast Asia, Professor K Kesavapani emphasized that "if the integration of ASEAN stagnates while other Asian countries move forward, we will be left far behind, and we will not be considered at all." ²

The need for integration is recognized by all ASEAN countries, but each country has its own priorities. The poorest are concerned with narrowing the development gap, while others are concerned with internal problems. Still others don't want to stand still when everything is changing so fast. Some of the ASEAN countries, for example, are already ripe for creating bilateral free trade zones with countries such as the United States, Canada, and Japan, and have decided to do so without waiting for everyone else.

The Charter signed in Singapore expresses the shared political will of Member States to make ASEAN a stronger and more cohesive organization that respects its commitments and rules. It is still subject to parliamentary ratification, which should be completed by the next summit in Bangkok in November 2008. Despite all possible difficulties in individual countries, most observers do not doubt the successful completion of this process.

Towards the ASEAN Community

ASEAN was not created without taking into account 60 years of European integration experience, but it is not a copy of the EU. It does not have any supranational bodies, either legislative or executive. But this does not prevent ASEAN from being one of the successful examples of regional integration of states that build their community in three interrelated areas: security, economy, and socio-cultural cooperation.

The ASEAN Security Community has been made possible, not least by the decisive de-ideologization and renewal of the entire domestic and foreign policy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, which was adopted in ASEAN in 1995 and gradually gained a high level of authority and influence there, supported by impressive economic success.

All ASEAN members have pledged to rely solely on peaceful means to resolve any regional differences and to view their own security as inextricably linked to that of their neighbors, their geographical position, and their shared understanding of the situation and goals. In ASEAN, this is called " security interdependence."

In addition to the 1976 Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation, the ASEAN security community is legally based on such foundations as the 1997 Treaty on a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone in Southeast Asia and, most importantly, on the "ASEAN Declaration on the Conduct of the Parties in the South China Sea" signed in Manila in 1992, which established a certain code of conduct for States (previously non-use of force and non-interference by other countries) in resolving disputes over sovereignty over island territories in the region. It is particularly important that after long and difficult negotiations, China joined these commitments 10 years later.

Politically, ASEAN is not just 10 member States that cover the whole of Southeast Asia and live in peace with each other. Through a broad system of forums, especially such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN+3 (PRC,

Kazakhstan, Japan), the East Asia Summit (EAS) and others, these countries are closely connected with the major powers of the world and maintain a permanent dialogue with them. At the same time, the ASEAN states themselves are increasingly speaking out from a single, pre-agreed position. This happens in the UN, WTO, APEC and other international organizations. However, there are also serious disagreements and even conflict situations in ASEAN. For example, the Association's member countries reacted differently to the US intervention in Iraq: Malaysia and Indonesia strongly opposed it, while the Philippines supported it.

The main platform for discussing political problems of international and regional security in this system is the permanent ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), established in 1994. It has three tasks: building trust, developing preventive diplomacy, and developing approaches to conflict resolution. Now it includes 24 countries and the EU. This forum is sometimes referred to as the "Asian mini-UN". But ASEAN has never claimed to be a substitute for the UN. It has an observer status and has consistently advocated strengthening and enhancing the role of the UN in solving global problems and various conflict situations. This was the case, for example, with the settlement of the conflict in Cambodia, then in history with the granting of independence to East Timor, and recently in connection with the political crisis of the military regime in Myanmar. Each time, by supporting political solutions to the problem, ASEAN has managed to avoid direct interference in the internal affairs of its member States.

It is generally accepted that Southeast Asia is dominated by three major security threats: separatism, extremism, and terrorism. While paying constant attention to traditional issues of regional and international security, in recent years the ASEAN Regional Forum has also increasingly addressed issues related to new challenges and threats to the so-called "human security". One of the main concerns is the prevention of natural disasters and mutual assistance in eliminating their consequences. The tsunami of December 26, 2004 resulted in the loss of a quarter of a million lives. To this we must add earthquakes, the avian influenza (SARS) pandemic, AIDS, cases of "SARS", etc.

In terms of combating international terrorism, the territory of Southeast Asia after the attacks on the Taliban regime in Afghanistan is now considered as one of the possible zones of shelter and activity of terrorist groups. So far, little is known about the existing terrorist networks in Southeast Asia. The main object of their actions is their own governments and local authorities. The main hotbeds of terrorism are in Indonesia, but it has long been adopted by Muslim separatists in the southern Philippines and is increasingly spreading in southern Thailand.

In January 2007, in Manila, the ASEAN countries signed their own convention on countering terrorism, which provides for close cooperation and interaction between intelligence and law enforcement agencies. ASEAN regularly hosts meetings of defense ministers and senior military officials. They have developed their own security cooperation program, which clearly goes beyond the usual confidence-building measures. It deals mainly with the establishment of a warning system for pirate attacks, regular exchange of information, joint exercises and training of personnel.

Every year, joint exercises of the Air Force and Navy are held to counter acts of terrorism and maritime piracy. Substantial assistance in the field of HE-

ASEAN countries receive support for cooperation from the United States, Japan, China, India and other partner countries in the Regional Forum.

Still, the most difficult regional security issue in recent years is the problem of the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Archipelago, which are claimed by Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan in addition to China. Its importance has increased especially in connection with the supposed presence of large oil and gas reserves here. ³

For some time now, it seems that the Chinese leadership has decided to act according to the well-known formula of Deng Xiaoping: if it is not possible to resolve the dispute now, then we should postpone it for the future and engage in joint research and gradual development of the islands. But at the end of 2007, the situation escalated again.

The State Council of the People's Republic of China unexpectedly established the administration of the new county town of Sansha on Hainan Island, which was entrusted with the management of three archipelagos, including the Spratly and Paracel Islands. At a subsequent press conference, the representative of the Chinese Foreign Ministry reiterated China's "indisputable sovereignty" over them. Vietnam's response was not long in coming, and soon demonstrations of student protesters took place in front of the Chinese Embassy in Hanoi and the consulate in Ho Chi Minh City, which is extremely rare in Vietnam.

These and similar events, which are still under the control of the authorities, indicate that the situation of a" deferred dispute " no longer suits China, and this does not portend a quick solution to the problem. Interested ASEAN countries have long been trying to start negotiations with China on measures to monitor the implementation of the 2002 Declaration. Chinese diplomacy is reluctant, preferring a bilateral format for such negotiations. Naturally, it is easier for their opponents to defend their agreed positions in the ASEAN+1 format. China, on the other hand, shows that it still retains a free hand to solve energy security problems using such means as it considers acceptable for itself.

The establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community is the ultimate goal of all economic integration measures taken. Market-based economic integration through trade and investment has remained the main driver of ASEAN's economic growth over the past 40 years.

Economically, ASEAN is a combined market with a population of more than 550 million people, a total area of 4.5 million square kilometers, and a combined GDP (2006) of more than $ 1 trillion (third in Asia), with an average economic growth rate of 6% annually. ASEAN's foreign trade reached $ 1.4 trillion. ⁴

The economic integration of the ASEAN countries is complicated by the fact that the development gap between them is too large. Cambodia's per capita gross income barely exceeds $ 500, while Singapore's is almost $ 30,000. The national production and export structures of these countries are not so much complementary as competitive. The volume of intraregional trade has not exceeded 20-25% of their trade turnover for many years. However, it has two exceptional features: the special role of Japan's largest corporations and the ethnic network of Chinese business structures that encircle the entire region. In this regard, the indicators of formal integration expressed in statistical figures do not reflect the actual integration of the regional economic space.

In November 2007, at the Singapore Summit, in addition to the Charter, the ASEAN leaders signed another fundamental document - the Plan for the Creation of an Economic-

the ASEAN Economic Community by 2015 and a schedule of events for it. This plan sets out the priorities and measures that should be taken to transform ASEAN into a region of free movement of goods, services, investment, skilled labor and capital on the model of the EEC by the specified period.

The top six ASEAN countries completed the creation of a Free Trade Area (AFTA) in 2006. Tariff rates for 98.46% of goods were included in the "preferential list", and 99.77% of them were subject to a duty of 0.5% of the price. Later ASEAN members (Vietnam, Laos, etc.) also reduced tariffs to a minimum for 81% of the goods in this list5. According to the adopted plan, all customs tariffs within ASEAN will be eliminated (with the exception of a limited list of "particularly sensitive" goods) in 2010 for six states and in 2015-2018 for all others.

In addition to the abolition of duties, the plan provides for the harmonization of national standards, mutual recognition of quality certificates, as well as the possibility of completely eliminating other types of non-tariff barriers. It is also planned to unify and facilitate customs procedures on the principle of "one window", liberalize the market of services and transfer of capital. Priority will be given to infrastructure development. In particular, it is planned to complete the construction of the Singapore-Kunming Railway (China) and the ASEAN highway network. But the key topic of discussion at the ASEAN summits in recent years remains the issue of energy security. In this area, it was decided to take measures to introduce energy-saving technologies, use alternative (biological) energy resources, as well as build the trans-Asean gas pipeline and develop a project for creating a unified energy system. At the same time, a number of countries already have nuclear power plant construction projects.

The parties agreed to strengthen integration in such priority sectors as air transport, agro-industrial complex, automotive industry, logistics, electronics, fishing, woodworking, rubber, textile and clothing industry, healthcare, tourism and trade via the Internet. In addition, the road map for further financial and currency integration, which was adopted earlier, covers four areas: the capital market; the development of a regional system for converting national currencies; and the liberalization of financial services and currency cooperation. All ASEAN countries are required to conclude double taxation agreements by 2010.

At the same time, ASEAN is being drawn into a series of bilateral agreements to create free trade zones with other partners. Singapore signed agreements to establish such zones with South Korea in 2009, China in 2010, India in 2011, and Japan in 2012. Negotiations on this topic are continuing with the EU, the US, Australia and New Zealand.

The establishment of the ASEAN socio-cultural community is becoming increasingly important in the process of regional integration. Plans for the creation of an economic community and a zone of peace and security are closely linked to socio-cultural programs. They seem to embody the stated desire of the ASEAN countries to improve the quality of life of their peoples and strengthen their cultural identity. In this regard, the Association hosts numerous festivals, competitions, contests, seminars and other forums of specialists in various fields. Special importance is attached to contacts of public and private organizations.-

political figures, scientists, cultural figures and especially young people, which should constantly maintain a sense of unity among the population.

It is no accident that the concept of "enlightened regionalism" has appeared in the political lexicon of the region's countries. They are not without reason considered the practice of ASEAN. They learned to benefit not only from the cooperation of governments and businesses, but also from the rapprochement of peoples. The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly has recently been established and is actively working. Attention to non-governmental organizations is also high, and sponsors obviously do not spare money for their forums and publications, as well as for numerous research centers that study all the processes in Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region.

The ASEAN mass media actively promote the idea that the efforts of the authorities and the public should be aimed at forming a community of States connected not only by common interests, but also by common values. The Charter adopted in Singapore declares that the most important task of ASEAN is "to get rid of the image of an elite organization in which only diplomats and top government officials participate." And this is not just rhetoric, but real experience that should not be ignored in solving such problems in our own environment, whether it is the CIS, the CSTO or the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

ASEAN and Partners

The Singapore summit, as usual, ended with a series of meetings with dialogue partners in the ASEAN+3, ASEAN+1 and Third East Asia summit formats. All of them fit into the current course of this coalition's struggle for its place in the world. To this end, ASEAN is creating broader regional or interregional cooperation structures based on the principle of concentric circles. The logic here is as follows: by increasing integration efforts for cooperation within ASEAN, this group of countries can effectively join broader regional associations (for example, the East Asian Community) and those, in turn, can help promote the interests of ASEAN in the Asia-Pacific region and at the global multilateral level.

Singapore celebrates 10th anniversary of ASEAN + cooperation3. In 1997, Japan, China, and South Korea helped ASEAN survive a brutal crisis. Relations with each of the three countries are of particular importance for ASEAN members and are valuable in themselves, but their joint involvement in the integration processes in ASEAN has given these relations a new powerful impetus. ASEAN+3 has about 50 organizations that coordinate cooperation in 16 different areas. The trade turnover exceeds 300 billion US dollars.

ASEAN de facto positions itself as an engine of integration throughout East Asia. A "Comprehensive Economic Partnership Plan" is being actively developed to create the East Asian Community (EAC). The 10-year project will be considered at the 2008 summit in Bangkok. At the same time, we are talking about developing a far-reaching "pan-Asian vision" of regional integration.

Although the creation of VAS is still considered as a project of the distant future - the differences between its participants are too great, among which k

In addition, the struggle for leadership is unfolding, but already at this stage, the question arises about Russia's place in this process.

Formally, we have quite a long history of friendly relations with ASEAN. However, Russian diplomacy in the 1990s did not pay much attention to this area. The first Russia - ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur in December 2005 with the participation of Russian President Vladimir Putin was a turning point. Political cooperation at the bilateral and multilateral levels has been most successful since then. In the economic sphere, for many objective and subjective reasons, this did not happen. The trade turnover with the ASEAN countries in 2006 was only 4.4 billion US dollars, or 0.3%⁶. The situation with investments is even worse. Serious economic prerequisites for Russia's full-fledged participation in integration processes in East Asia, as well as in the Asia-Pacific region as a whole, are expected to be created by implementing the target program for the economic and social development of the Far East and Transbaikalia until 2010. There is no reasonable alternative for us or our partners. This is largely due to the fact that the public opinion of most ASEAN countries is dominated by a benevolent attitude and trust in Russia, in contrast to the continuing doubts and even suspicions about the true intentions of Japan, the United States, China and other major players in the region.

1. www.ASEANsec.org // Charter.

2. www.ASEANsec.org.

3. See for more details: Stepanov E. South China Sea: islands on the mainland shoal / / PDV. 2006, N 2.

4. www.ASEANsec.org/Stat/Tabl 5, 6, 17.

5. Japan Center for International Exchanges / Symposium on Okinawa. - www.JCIE.com.jp/.

6. Mosk. news. 2007. February 20.

Permanent link to this publication: