In the first part of this work, a general, brief picture of the historical situation in China of the Shang-Yin period was drawn, sources for studying it were indicated, and questions were asked: what is jiagu and what are they talking about? In this part, I will try to answer them.

The term jiagu consists of two words: jia - " shell (of animals)", "shield" (for example, turtles) yigu - "bone"," bone"," bone " [BKRS, vol. 2, N 4355; vol. 3, N 5973]. It was created by modern scientists to designate turtle shields, mainly plastrons (carapaces and their fragments were used much less often) of female individuals, as more even and smooth, which is important for the process of divination and for recording its essence; as well as bones-shoulder blades (sometimes other parts of the skeleton) of bulls, buffaloes, sheep,sheep, etc. deer and some other animals, including human skulls. During the Shang-Yin dynasty, these bones served as a tool for divination. The origin of this form of getting answers to questions that worried the ancient Chinese and their ancestors occurred already in the late Neolithic. At the sites of several cultures, bones were found with traces of meaningful, spot firing, necessary for obtaining prophetic cracks, reflecting the early stage of the formation of the institute of divination, when the bone was not yet subjected to more complex processing and, moreover, was not covered with inscriptions. The oldest of them, dating back to the XXXIV century BC, are materials from the site of Fuhegoumen, located in the south-central part of Inner Mongolia (Zhongguo Kexueyuan, 1964). This discovery is undoubtedly important and interesting not only because of its age, but also because it reflects events that took place outside the chronological and territorial framework of ancient Chinese civilization, in an ethnically alien space. Data from divination inscriptions, written sources, and archeology indicate the presence of tribal formations with a different cultural tradition than Huaxia (i.e., Chinese proper). In the 2nd millennium BC, they were called Beiqiang, and at the turn of the 3rd and 2nd millennium BC, they were called Xunyu. If any impulses came from these inscriptions, then they could only reach the Shang - Yin people through intermediaries. Therefore, the presence of the Fuhegoumen divination bones should have been noted in this article, but there is no reason to consider them ancestors of the Shang-Yin Jiagu yet.

Two Late Neolithic cultures could act as intermediaries: Qijia and Longshan.

For part one, see: Oriens. 2003. N 1. pp. 42-52.

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Qijia, which is dated by the radiocarbon method to the XXII-XX centuries BC, originated later than the second one and to the west of its (and Shang-yin) range, in the southern part of the present-day Prov. Gansu and neighboring areas of present-day Qinghai and Ningxia. Being a Chalcolithic culture with elements of the transition to bronze, it reflected a higher level of general human and social development than Fuhegoumen, so it is not surprising that divinatory bones were found on several of its monuments - Huangnyannyantai, Dahezhuang, Qinweijia, and Qiaocun [Kucera, 1977, pp. 34-39]. Since these sites are located in different parts of the Qijia area and there are certain chronological differences between them, in particular, Dahezhuang is older, and Huangnyannyantai, on the contrary, is younger than other sites, it is obvious that divination was an element of the entire Qijia culture at all stages and in all areas of its existence. But it wasn't the culture of the Huaxia circle either. In the 2nd millennium BC, there were Qiangs living there, there is no data for an earlier time, but at the same time there is no reason to believe that the direct ancestors of Huaxia could have lived there. All the available data allow us to say with a high degree of confidence that the area of Gansu (and even its eastern neighbor, Shaanxi) in the W-2nd millennium BC was inhabited, as earlier Fuhegoumen, by other ethnic groups than Huaxia, and possible diffusion of cultural elements from them to the Shang"yinzam, which is quite likely from the point of view of time and place, would be a manifestation of external influence.

By all accounts, the situation is different in Longshan. First, this culture, in the form of its Henan variant, was located in the expanses that later became the territory of the Shang-Yin political power. Secondly, existing in 2600-2000 BC, it practically joined the Shang-yin tribe in the pre-dynastic (earlier XVIII century BC, [Kucera, 2003, p.43] period of its residence in this area. Third, the genetic relationship of the Longshan and Shang-Yin cultures and the emergence of the latter on the basis of the former is generally recognized, as I have already written about [Kucera, 1977, p. 34].

On the monuments of this culture, starting from the first one, which was excavated back in 1930 - 1931, Chengzi (prov. Shandong), divination bones were found. By the way, the discovery from Chengzi was the first discovery of Neolithic fortune-telling bones in China. Chinese scholars note the widespread use of divination in the entire culture of Henan Longshan (Tong Zhu-chen, 1986, p. 192), especially within the Wanwan Sh variety, which is characteristic of the central and western parts of Henan. In addition, at the Longshan stage, an innovation appears in preparing the bone for divination that was not present in either Fuhegoumeni or Qijia, namely, drawing holes on it, thanks to which the cracks obtained during cauterization became larger and more noticeable. As a result, the Longshan bones have all the elements, with the exception of inscriptions. In other words, if the achievements of the Fuhegoumen and Qiji people could have had some influence on the Shang - Yin custom through intermediaries, then Longshan osteomancy can reasonably be considered a direct predecessor of this custom.

Having briefly presented the problems associated with the origins of the question I am interested in, I can now return to the Shang-yin chiagus. They were not passed down to subsequent generations, such as the Early Zhou texts of Shi Ching and Shu Ching or the inscriptions on bronze vessels, and therefore not only medieval but also ancient scholars, including such a major expert on Chinese antiquities as Confucius (551 - 479 BC), did not know anything about them. By the way, the Zhou Jiagus were also not known to science until their first discovery in 1954 in Hongtong County in southwestern Shanxi, and in fact-until a major discovery: the discovery in 1977 of 17 thous. shields and bones, including almost 300 with inscriptions, in Fengchu in the Qishan region - the ancestral homeland of the Zhou People in the west-central part of Shaanxi (Hu Hou-xuan and Wang Yu-xin 1986(1), p. 564; Shaanxi Zhouyuan, 1981).

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The Shang-yin jiagu, which disappeared at the time of the conquest of Shang-Yin by the Zhousians in the XII-XI centuries BC, first appeared in 1899. The "father" of the science of Jiagu is considered to be Wang Yi-rong (Wang Lian-sheng, 1845-1900), because it was he who found the long gu (dragon bones), as then popularly called bone finds used in Chinese medicine, with inscriptions and introduced the term Shang-dai bu gu (fortune-telling bones of the Shang era). In 1899-1900, Wang Yi - rong spared no expense in buying 1,500 such long gus. At about the same time, other collectors and explorers appeared: Wang Xiang (Wang Lun-ge, 1876-1965), Liu E (Liu Te - yun, 1857-1909), and the greatest expert in this field, Luo Zhen-yu (Luo Shu-yun, Luo Shu-yan, 1866-1940), which in 1907-1928 collected almost 30 thousand bones [Jiaguwen; Hu Hou-xuan, Wang Yu-xin, 1986(2), pp. 439-440]. These people weren't just collectors. They were scientists who, having accumulated a total of more than 100 thousand rubles. They have spent a lot of time and effort deciphering and studying them, publishing their collections and research results. Without their work, it would have been impossible to reach the current level of a special branch of science located at the intersection of history, cultural history and religion, linguistics and philology and called jiaguxue-the science of divinatory shields of skulls and animal bones and inscriptions on them. I would suggest calling it osteoplastology, because the exact and complete translation of the Chinese term just mentioned is cumbersome and inconvenient to use.

The first stage of collecting and studying jiagu described above, in addition to purely linguistic achievements in the form of deciphering almost a thousand characters from the available inscriptions on bones, brought several important general results. It turned out that the fortune-telling bones come from the area of the village of Xiaotun, located about three kilometers northwest of Anyang, in the northeast of the prov. He-nan 1 . Scientists have come to the conclusion that the last capital, the center of power under the 12 wangs of the House of Shang, was located here for 273 years [see: Kucera, 2003, p.43]. Thanks to this, the "dragon bones" accumulated there, which served as a guide for the ruling elite in solving important, or rather, all state affairs. The bones often feature the names of Shang-Yin dynasty rulers and their ancestors, beginning with Shang-chia, as those to whom they offer sacrifices, ask for help, etc., and only the ruling Wang could do this. The rich content of the inscriptions, their authenticity, authenticity and synchronicity with the events reflected in them, the novelty of this material in comparison with traditional sources that Chinese scholars knew so well, the ability to prove with their help the indisputable existence of the Shang-Yin dynasty-all this aroused great interest of the educated part of society both to the finds and to the place of their discovery - Xiaotun villages.

Already in August 1928, Dong Tsuo-bin (Dong Yan-tang, 1895 - 1963), a future major specialist in the field of osteoplastology, went to Xiaotun to conduct exploration there, and on September 13 of the same year - for control excavations, so 1928 was recognized as the beginning of scientific, archaeological, comprehensive study of Yin- Shuya. During the period between October 1928 and June 1937, archaeologists conducted 15 seasons of excavations there, which were led or participated in by such prominent specialists as Tung Tso-bin and Guo Bao-jun (Guo Tzu-heng, 1893 - 1971). Li Ji (Li Ji-zhi, 1896-1979), Liang Si-yun (1904-1954), Wu Jin-ding (Wu Yu-ming, 1901-1948), Shi Zhang-zhu (1904-1948) , and others.

As a result of these excavations, it was found that the Yin capital occupied a huge area of 24 square kilometers, and people lived there long before the 2nd millennium BC - in Hougang Hill, near the village of Gaolouzhuang, in the southeast of Yin-xu, in 1931.

1 For a map of the area, see: [Hu Hou-xuan, 1955, fig. It is reproduced in the Russian version [see: Kucher, 1977, p. 92].

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A multi-layered monument was found that includes two Neolithic cultures: Yang-shao (4390 - 4180 BC) and Henyan Longshan (2780 - 2100 BC) and one bronze - Shang (see Shi Hsing-bang, 1986, p. 204). This discovery alone was a scientific sensation. Discovery in Sibeygan near der. Houjiazhuang, in the north, a monument of ten large graves with four dromos (access roads) each, revealed the presence of "wang ling qu (royal tomb district)"there. Nearby were more than 1,200 small burial sites and sacrificial pits, as well as several dozen rammed foundations of buildings (including palace and temple buildings) -an architectural technique that came to the Shang-Yin people from their Neolithic predecessors. However, the main find in the light of this article was over 17 thousand rubles. jiagu with inscriptions, most of which are turtle shields 2 .

After the 15th season (spring 1936-June 1937), Yin - xu excavations stopped due to the widespread Japanese offensive in the interior of China that began on July 7, 1937. The formation of the People's Republic of China on October 1, 1949 created a new situation in the country, and in the spring of 1950, excavations resumed and immediately brought a sensation - the discovery of a large grave in Wuguancuni [see: Guo Baojun, 1951]. After that, the Anyang team of the Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences of the People's Republic of China, led by Zheng Zhen-hsiang, has been working on this object up to the present time .3 The results achieved are very impressive both in terms of the number and variety of cultural relics discovered. Even a brief description of them is not possible in this article, so I will limit myself to just one important example: two seasons (the last decade of March - August 10 and October 4 - December 4, 1973) of excavations in the southern Xiaotong region brought, in addition to numerous finds related to the Yangshao and Longshan cultures, the largest number for a one-time study. the total number of jiagu is 7150, including 110 shields (60 with signs) and 7040 bones (4761 with signs), as well as 106 (4 with signs) raw and 4 cow ribs, also with signs, for a total of 4829 jiagu with inscriptions. After clarification, it turned out that the last 5041 were found: 70 carapaces, 4959 bones, 8 untreated bones and 4 cow ribs. Their photographs, drawings, and reprints in modern characters made up a large-format multi-volume publication (books are 380 mm high and 260 mm wide).: Xiaotun nandi jiagu; [see: Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan..., 1980; Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan..., 1983]. Thus, as a result of the long-term work of many Chinese scientists, valuable material was collected, studied and put into scientific circulation, without which serious research on the history of ancient China is currently unthinkable. This is the answer to the first question posed at the beginning of the article: what is jiagu?

I will try to answer briefly the question of what do the Jiagus say? For greater clarity, I will divide it into thematic paragraphs.

Cultural and religious representations. As already mentioned, jiagu were an element of the cult life of the Shang-Yin people, but this does not mean that the content of divination inscriptions was limited only to religious issues. On the contrary, they reflected many aspects of the life of the ruling house and the country as a whole, for all of them were the subject of concern for the Yin rulers. Nevertheless, the complex of religious ideas and actions occupied perhaps the predominant place in jiagu. It consisted of three components-cults: the Supreme Deity, called Di, Shang or Shang-di; nature spirits; and the souls of deceased people, primarily the ancestors of the Yin Wangs. For the last two categories of otherworldly creatures, there were many names, which will be discussed below.

2 A relatively detailed description of this stage of work in the Yin-xu territory is given in the report of another expedition member, Hu Hou-xuan (Hu Fu-lin, 1911 -?). [Hu Hou-xuan, 1955].

3 In support of this statement, you can refer to the article: [Zhongguo shehui kexue, 2001].

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The shang4 sign had several meanings in jiaguwen: 1. The original "on", "above", "above" as opposed to xia - "under", "below"; 2. The supreme deity; 3. In the ligature (shang / xia ) or xia / shang ) shang meant the Supreme Deity, and xia-the spirits of the Earth or spirits in general; 4. In the combinations of shangqi, xiaci-the general designation of the spirits of the Hsien Van; 5. It was part of the name of Shang-jia, one of the Hsien Wan (see Table 1-5). Di was a synonym for shang in its second and third interpretations, as well as a designation of the former wangs, see: [Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, ts. 1, pp. 5-7; Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 1,232-233,272, and also 27-28]. The concept of Shang-di appears less frequently on Yin jiagu, but it is found on Zhou fortune-telling bones with the same meaning.

The given reasonable interpretation of the words Shang, Di, and Shang-di as "Supreme Deity" is based on the interpretation of specific material and determines the position of Shang-di in the Shang-Yin beliefs, his supreme power over the world. In confirmation, I will give you a few inscriptions::

"Will the Supreme Deity order the rain to fall [so that it is] sufficient for the harvest (possible: [so that we get] a sufficient harvest)?"

"On the day of ji-si (6), the Supreme Deity actually ordered rain to fall until the day of geng [- wu]."6

"On the next day, gui-mao (40) will the Supreme Deity order the wind to blow? [Or] the next day, the Gui-mao Supreme Deity won't order the wind to blow?"

"The supreme deity, with the coming of the current thirteenth moon, 7 will order the rainbow [to shine]? Will the supreme deity order the rainbow to shine at the coming first moon?"

"Will the supreme deity send down a drought?"

"The supreme deity will send down a flood?"

"The supreme deity will send down an eclipse? Will we get support?"

"The question was asked:" [If] we make a sacrifice to Mao 8, [then] The Supreme deity will not send down a calamity?""

4 For the shang, xia, di, and chi characters mentioned here, see: [BKRS, vol. 2, N 137, 3225; vol. 3, N 6548; vol.4, N 14194].

5 Hereafter, we refer to the table published in part 1 of this article [see: Kucera, 2003, p. 43].

6 Most of the inscriptions are questions, because they were the meaning of divination. However, the answer of the oracle was also often recorded, the most concise formula of which was ji (safely) and bu ji (unfavorably; see: [Xu Zhong-shu et al., 1998, ts. 2, p. 43; BKRS, vol. 2, N 1959; vol. 4, N 13424] and the implementation of divination results, as in this case. The latter was introduced by the adverb yun ("really"; see: Xu Zhong-shu et al., 1998, zh. 8, pp. 958-959; BKRS, vol. 4, N 12924).

In accordance with the Chinese tradition, Da-nao, a historiographer at the court of the legendary ruler Huang di (2697-2598 BC), invented a special system for marking days. It consisted of a combination of two groups of characters: the so-called 10 heavenly stumps and 12 earthly branches [see: Fan Ye, 1982, vol. 11, p. 2999]; their combination gave 60 pairs of characters, which created a six - decimal time counting cycle, first used to determine days, and later to indicate years. This method, despite the introduction of the European calendar, has been preserved to this day; for example, 2002 is Ren-wu (the 19th year of the cycle), 2003 is gui - wei (20), and 2004 is jia-shen (21).

It is doubtful whether the sexagesimal cycle was developed as early as the 3rd millennium BC, but it was certainly used during the Shang-Yin Dynasty and this is recorded in divinatory inscriptions. In translation, an entry like "On the day of chi-si (6)" means that we are talking about the sixth day of the sexagesimal cycle.

The second day in the original inscription is indicated by only one gen sign, which was a common practice if the context made it clear which day it was: in this case, the 7,17,27,37,47 or 57th. Since the Supreme Deity gave the order on the 6th day of the cycle, it is likely that the rain should have continued until the end of geng-u-the 7th day of the cycle, for a continuous eleven-to twelve-day rain until the next day of geng-geng-chen (17) would have been akin to a flood, which does not follow from the text labels.

7 The ancient Chinese calendar was based on the phases of the moon, which made the duration of the year 354 or 355 days. This did not correspond to natural phenomena and the needs of agriculture, so every three years another 13th month was added to complete the year.

8 The cult life of Shang-yin China, manifested in the form of sacrifices, was very rich and diverse. Currently, more than 130 signs are known that denote the corresponding rites [see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 228-253]. Mao's sacrifice was apparently carried out by cutting up the sacrificial animal (or human?) however, other details of this rite are unknown, as well as other rites mentioned below.

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"[If] we sacrifice to Si Bin, [then] Will the Supreme deity grant [us] approval/well-being? [Or] should we not sacrifice to Si Bin, [for then] the Supreme Deity will send down [us] disapproval/trouble?"

"[If] it doesn't rain here, [then] Would the supreme deity specifically harm this city 9? Unsatisfactory."

"Will the Supreme Deity and [our] ancestors approve [if] we perform hu and si sacrifices now? The third moon."

"[If] Wang builds a city, [then] Will the supreme deity approve? [If Wang builds] a city, [then] The supreme deity won't approve?"

[If we] attack the Ma-fan tribe, [then] Will the Supreme Deity give us support / assistance?"

"[If we] attack the Qiong-fang tribe, [then] Will the Supreme Deity give us support/assistance?"

"Is it the Supreme Deity who will harm our crops? [Or] will this non-Supreme Deity harm our crops? Van, guessing, said: "It's not the Supreme Deity who will cause harm!""

"Will the Supreme Deity grant prosperity to Wang?" (see Chen Mengjia, 1956, pp. 562-569) 10 .

Even the above inscriptions are enough to understand the place of the Supreme Deity in the religious beliefs of the Shang-Yin people. It was the supreme god who controlled all the forces of nature and all the manifestations of human life and activity.

The next component of supernatural powers were nature spirits. This complex and multi-faceted topic cannot be considered in sufficient detail here due to the large number of relevant names, a lot of unencrypted characters that require lengthy comments, so I will limit myself to just a few comments.

First of all, it should be borne in mind that the pantheon of these deities was very heterogeneous. Thus, in addition to offering sacrifices to the Zhi - spirit of the sun, sacrifices were also offered to the Zhi-spirit of the Rising Sun, or perhaps to the spirit of the Rising Sun and two hypostases (spirits?) Setting sun: Jujas and Lodges, and it is not known what was the difference between them:

"Should the Zhi-Sun sacrifice dm?"

"Whether to offer a sacrifice to Yu to the Chuzhi - Rising Sun!"

"On the day of ding-si (54), they were guessing: "Should I sacrifice Yu Zhuzhi to the Setting Sun?""

"[If] a sacrifice is made to the Yu Lodge - the Setting Sun, [will] Wang receive support? "[see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 4; Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, ch. 6, p. 682, ch. 5, p. 579, ch. 2, p. 98; BKRS, vol. 2, N 2393, 1650, 2288, vol. 4, N 10921].

No less complex was the complex of rituals associated with clouds/clouds (yun). The rites were performed to Yun - the Spirit of clouds and clouds, as well as Eryun-Two clouds, Sa-nyun-Three clouds, Siyun-Four clouds, Liuyun-Six clouds and Diyun, which, I think, can be interpreted in different ways: 1) Di and Yun, i.e. the Supreme Deity and Cloud Spirit; 2) discom Yun - the Cloud Spirit subordinate to the Supreme Deity; 3) discom Yun - the divine Yun; 4) Diyun - the highest among the cloud spirits. Here are just a few inscriptions:

"Should Li Yun sacrifice Liao? "

"The question was asked,' Should Diyun sacrifice Liao? "

"Should Eryun sacrifice to Liao? "

9 The term "this city" most likely refers to Da yi Shang , the Great City of Shang, the capital of the state.

10 For a translation of 16 different inscriptions, see: [Kucera, 2002, p.541 - 542]; a significant number of them are also available in: [ Khrestomatiya..., 1963, p. 440 - 448].

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"Should Sanyun sacrifice Liao? "

"Should I sacrifice the boar to Siyun?"

"On the day of Gui-yu (10) they were guessing: "Should I sacrifice five boars and five rams to Liuyun?""[see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 4-5, 188; Xu Zhong-shu et al., 1998, zh. 11, pp. 1251-1253].

The Shang-Yin people also worshipped two mountain spirits, Shan and Yue, both of which were also the names of the Hsien Gong, the ancient ancestors of the house of Shang, and Shan also appears in the Shishan variant, which may mean "Spirit of the Ten Mountains" or "Ten Mountain Spirits", and probably some other name.That deity called Shishan:

"On the day of geng-u (7), they were guessing: "Should I make a sacrifice to Hu Shan asking for rain?""

"The question was asked,' Should I sacrifice to Liao Shishan?""

"On the day of gui-yu (10) they were guessing. The question was asked: "Should Yue sacrifice Liao with three small yangs and Mao with three yangs?"'"

"Should we sacrifice Liao Yue, Tse, and Shan? "[see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 2, 10-12, 13; Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, ch. 9, pp. 1025-1027, ch. 10, pp. 1164; BKRS, vol. 2, N 1591, 1602, vol. 3, N 8675].

In addition to the nature spirits discussed above, others were also revered, in particular the Huanhe River, which flowed through the Great City of Shang, the spirits of the four cardinal directions separately and collectively, wind, rain, snow, etc. Here are some examples::

"Que asked the question,' Will [the] Huan River harm this city?'"

"On the day of Wu-tzu (25), the question was asked:" Should I bring Huanquani (i.e., to the Huan River or to its spirit. - S. K.) the victim of Liao ... three rams and a sacrifice and [one] ram?""

"On the day of Jia-tzu (I), they were guessing: "Should I ask for rain from [the spirit] The East?" On the day of geng-u (7), they used to tell fortunes: "Should I ask for rain from [the spirit] Mountains?""

"Should I ask for a harvest from [the spirit] Directions of the world, will [we] get a harvest? Should I ask for a harvest from the [spirit of] the River?"

"Should I sacrifice to yu [spirits/spirit?] The four cardinal directions?"

"Should I sacrifice to Yu [wind spirit]?"

"Shall I sacrifice x 12 [to the spirit of] Rain?"

"Should we sacrifice to liao [the spirit of] Snow?" [see: Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, zh.11, p. 1191; Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 3, 5, 6].

As can be seen even from the above inscriptions, the cult of the forces of nature was diverse and rich, and there were a great many ritual actions in their honor. The reader should not be deceived by the repeated and seemingly monotonous repetition of the expression "to sacrifice", because just as in the words "mass" or "service" in the Christian religion, each sacrifice contained a whole complex of cult actions, most often unknown to us, unfortunately. There were a lot of these complexes in the Shang-ing period, including those that were then not only lost, but even their names became incomprehensible, as a result of which many signs cannot be deciphered, as noted in the note. 12. The difficulty is also caused by the problem of choosing a particular meaning, because many signs were polysemantic, and the grammar was not expanded, and the laconism of the inscription does not always allow the researcher to be sure of the correctness of its interpretation.

A typical example is the two inscriptions cited above concerning the Huanhe River. The first of them has only the above meaning, and the second one quite admits of a different interpretation: "Should I sacrifice Liao on the [bank of] the Huanquan River?" It differs significantly from the one proposed earlier in the text even with chi-

11 Character of the original, very simple in design: ram (yang) under the roof (mian) [see: BKRS, vol. 2, N 4101, 3178], is not included in modern dictionaries, so the reading of Yang is often conditional. In jiagu-wen, it meant sheep that were specially raised for sacrifice in a fenced space (hence mian). For ritual purposes, both young animals (xiao yang) and adults (yang or da yang) were used [see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 198-199]; signs of xiao and da [see: BKRS, vol. 4, N 14177; vol. 3, N 8414]. Cf. notes. 19.

12 The sign is unidentified.

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from a grammatical point of view: indirect complement (sacrifice to whom?) turns into a circumstance of place (sacrifice where?), not to mention a significant change in the meaning of the phrase. Interpretation problems are faced not only by foreign specialists, but also by Chinese scientists. For example, Xu Zhong-shu and his co-authors explain the sign of he only as "A special designation of the Yellow River" and "The Spirit of Nature, i.e. the spirit of the Yellow River revered by the Yin people", while Zhao Cheng interprets it primarily as the name of Hsien gong and only then notes that in scientific circles there is an opinion about he-spirit nature [see: Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, ch. 11, pp. 1184-1186; Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 8-10].

In this area, one oddity catches the eye. It would seem that in a country whose life was based on agriculture, where astronomical observations were conducted for a long time, and the calendar was compiled taking into account the phases of the moon, along with the cult of the day star, there should also be a veneration of the Moon. Meanwhile, in the inscriptions on the bones, the sign yue - 'moon',' month 'has only the meanings:" moon "( as a celestial body), "month" (part of the year; see note. 6), "evening / night", and in the meaning of "spirit of nature, deity" does not occur [see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 187, 265; Xu Zhong-shu et al., 1998, ts. 7, p. 743]. It is difficult to assume that, despite the huge number of bones found, just those on which sacrifices to the Moon are recorded have not yet been discovered. But it is no less difficult to accept the idea that the Shang-yin people did not really practice the Moon cult, which was already known to the Neolithic population of China, starting at least from the Yangshao culture, i.e. from 6 - 5 thousand BC. 13 It is possible that the solution of the riddle can be achieved by "side" reading Jiaguwen, i.e., from the beginning of thee. by finding materials there that are not related to the Yue sign, but indirectly shed light on the problem of interest to us. Let's pay attention to two points.

The first point. Li ji contains the following phrase:" The sacrifices in the suburbs [of the capital] are made to express great gratitude to Heaven, [and therefore they are] mainly addressed to the Sun together with the Moon " [see Li ji, 1957, vol. 25, ts.47, ch. 24, pp. 1940-1941]. From this we can conclude that the worship of the Moon, as it were, was hidden in the cult of the Sun, and this could explain the absence of separate records about Yue.

The second point is related to the existence of the following concepts in Jiaguwen: Dong mu - " Mother of the East "and Xi mu - "Mother of the West". Both of them were objects of worship, as evidenced by the following inscriptions:

"On the day of ji-yu (46), they were guessing. Que asked the question, " Should Liao be sacrificed with nine bulls to Dong mu?""

"On the day of Ren-shen (9), the diviners asked the question, '[If] we sacrifice to Yu Dong mu and Xi mu, will we get approval?'"

"Should Dong mu sacrifice three boars and three dogs to liao?" [see: Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, ch. 6, p.662, ch. 12, p. 1300; Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 16; Chen Meng-jia, 1956, p. 574].

If we compare these records with Li ji's information about the places of sacrifice to the Moon in the west and to the Sun in the east [Li ji, 1957, vol. 25, ch. 47, ch. 24, p. 1941], we can conclude with a certain degree of confidence that the phrases Dong mu and Si mu could well mean spirits of the Sun and moon and confirm the existence of both cults in the Shang-Yin period. Chen Mengjia (1911-1968), a prominent expert on Jiaguwen, considered this issue with the help of mythological materials and wrote:: "On the basis of the above myths and traditions about the Heavenly Lord, the Sun and the Moon, it can be assumed that the Yin Di or Shang di seem to indicate the Great Sky; Dong mu and Si mu were probably the spirits of the Sun and Moon, as well as the spouses of the Heavenly Lord" [see: Chen Meng-jia, 1956, p. 574]. Otherwise sayo-

13 A detailed study of the latter problem [see: Evsyukov, 1988, pp. 92-107].

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However, the sources do seem to show some signs of moon worship, but they are verbally written without the use of the yue - Lun character.

The third component of the Shang-yin pantheon, the closest to the rulers of this dynasty, were the souls of their deceased ancestors: Hsien gong and Hsien wang. The first term covers seven legendary rulers from Xie to Zhen [see: Kucera, 2003, p. 43], as well as those whose names are found in Jiaguwen, but do not have a genealogical connection, for example: Nao, Ji, Hai, Wa, He, Long-jia, Tu and others [see: Chen Meng-jia, 1956, pp. 333-361; Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 6-19; BKRS, vol. 2, N 242, 4385, 5055, t. 3, N 5188, t. 4, N 12272, 13300, 13447], so they are all called "former gunas". The "former Wangs" are all the other Shang-Yin rulers, starting with Wei [see: Kucera, 2003, p. 43, N 8/1], although it seems to me more correct to limit the content of this concept to only the second group (see: Table 1, N 8/1-13/6), while the rest should simply be called Wangs. Be that as it may, they were all revered as trenches. No matter how many years or centuries elapsed after their death, they were informed of their earthly affairs, offered sacrifices, and asked for help and protection. Respect for their ancestors extended not only to men, but also to women, which indicates their equal position at least in the ruling elite of society. The division into Hsien Gong and Hsien Wang is made by modern scholars, whereas for the Shang-Yin, they were all revered ancestors. Let's illustrate the above with some examples.

"The question was asked:' Should we sacrifice Liao / [hsien wang] / Shang-chia and [hsien gong] He with ten bulls?'"

"On the day of u-u (55) they were guessing. Bin asked the question, " Should I make a wine sacrifice and ask Yue, He, and Nao for the harvest?""

"Whether to make a token offering with wine [in honor of] Sy? Should I ask Si for the harvest? Should I ask Si for rain? Whether to make a sacrifice [in honor of] Si Yi He?"

"On the day of ji-hai (36), they were guessing: "Should I go hunting in X? Should I sacrifice liao [in honor of] Tu [one] dog, Si [one] dog, He [one] dog, and Yue [one dog]?""

Shang-jia (Yuan-chi, Wei (Table 1; N 8/1)), who can be considered the actual ancestor of the House of Shang, in contrast to the legendary Xie (Table 1, N 1) - the great-ancestor of the Shang tribe, and Da-yi (Tai-yi, Cheng-tang; Table 1, N 14/1), the founder of the Shang-Yin dynasty, which is evident from a significant number of inscriptions mentioning their names. It is interesting that the rites in honor of the Hsien Wan often had a collective character, i.e. one rite paid tribute to several people at once. At the same time, in most cases, the name of Shang-jia was put in the first place and, in addition, the number of sacrificial animals intended for sacrifice to different Vans was differentiated, which is reflected below.

"On the day of I-wei (32), three sacrifices were performed: [in honor of] Shang-chia with ten, Bao-i with three, Bao-bin with three, Bao-ding with three, Shi-ren with three, Shi-gui with three, Da-I with ten, Da-dina-ten, Da-jia-ten, Da-gena-ten. They burned three..." [see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 20] 14 .

Here are all the first Hsien wangs (Tables 1, N 8/1-15/2, 18/5, 20/7), with the exception of two: Zhong-ren and Wo-ding (N 17/4 and 19/6), whose names are not found in jiaguwen at all, and Bu-bin (Wai-bin), with whom related ambiguities discussed earlier. In jiaguweng, however, there are other combinations:

"Ask for Lee's well-being from Shang-chia, Cheng (i.e. Cheng-tan. - S. K.), Da-dina, Da-jia and Xia-yi (otherwise Tsu-yi). - S. K.)?

14 The names of the sacrificial animals are omitted everywhere, and the last sentence of the original inscription is incomplete.

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"On the day of jia-chen (41), the question was asked:' Should Arrow x bring the Qiangs to be used as a sacrifice? Should I offer ' wu ' sacrifices to the ancestors from Shang-chia to [Fu-ding]?""

"Is it on the day of I-si (42) that one should sacrifice forty [qiangs]?" 15

"On ding-mao day (4), the question was asked:' On ji-si day (6), should I bring a bird (?) sacrifice to Tsu-hsin and Fu-ding?""

"On the day of I-wei (32), to sacrifice li to the High ancestor Hai (i.e., Zhen, Table 1, N 7. - S. K.) (qiangs "p", bulls "t"); Di-i qiangs five [people], bulls three; Zu-i qiangs "a" bykov "b"; Xiao-yi ... qiang three [men], two bulls; Fu-ding qiang five [men], three bulls? " 16

The limited number of materials given, however, gives a clear picture of the tradition that developed during the Shang-Yin period to perform rituals in honor of groups of ancestral souls, and the inclusion of certain names in them was either arbitrary, or obeyed some rules that are still unknown to us, because they cannot be deduced from the divination methods available so far. bones.

Sacrifices to officials. The circle of otherworldly beings to whom the Shang-yin sacrificed was not limited, however, to the ancestors of the ruling house. In this regard, special attention should be paid to the internal moral imperative firmly rooted in the Shang-yin elite, which has become a custom to show respect to officials of previous rulers, even if several centuries have passed since their death. According to the inscriptions, it was an important part of the cult-religious and state-political life of society, reflecting its moral and psychological moods and principles. Victims were offered to the deceased officials, and they, along with the deceased rulers, were informed about the events that were taking place, they were asked for help, etc.:

"Shall I inform Da-jia [that] the Qiong-fang tribe has marched [against us]? Should I tell Huang-yin about the Qiong tribe?"

"On the day of Gui-wei (20) they were guessing. Que [asked questions]: "Should one boar and one ram be sacrificed to Huang - yin? Should I sacrifice three bulls by cutting them in half? Shall I sacrifice fifty oxen by cutting them into pieces?""

"On the day of ding-si (54), they were guessing: "Shall I sacrifice to the ten souls of 17 : I/- yin/and nine other [ancestors]?""

"The question was asked:' Should I join Hsien / -wu/ in the sacrifice to the Supreme Deity?'"

"The question was asked:' Should Da-chia be added to the Xian / - wu / sacrifice?' [Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 34-37].

The anthroponyms Huang-yin, Yi-yin, and Hsien-wu are just a few examples of the names of distinguished officials close to the rulers of Da-chia (1753-1721 BC), Cheng-tang (1766-1754 BC), and Tai-wu (1649-1638 BC). AD) or Yun-ji (1637-1563 AD).

15 I have given the last phrase, which does not contain any names, because it is part of the previous one (although it is placed in a different place in the source [see: Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan..., 1983, p. 835, N 9.3; p. 883, N 636.3], since the relics designated by inventory numbers HI: 16, H2:264 + 447 and H17:95 form a single whole. This is one example of the discovery of fragments of the same bone (or carapace) in different places of the monument. This circumstance gives reason to believe that the number "forty" determines the number of Qiangs intended as a sacrifice to " wu "from among those who were brought by shooter" x " on the previous day [see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, p.21].

16 See: Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan..., 1983, p. 835, N 9; p. 839, N 51; Chen Mengjia, 1956, p. 339]. Latin letters "a", "b", "t"," p "replace numbers that are not present in the original, and" x"," z " - unreadable characters.

17 In the original, the expression shi li is used, where shi means "ten", and li is the original grapheme of the wei sign, which later became a respectful counting word for people. In jiaguwen, it meant the place of the ancestor's soul in sacrifices, or more simply, the ancestor's soul [see: Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, ch. 10, pp. 1179-1181; Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 35, 136, 336; BKRS, vol. 2, N 3650, 865, 869, 870].

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B.C.), i.e. people who lived in the XVIII-XVI centuries B.C. In general, there are at least 15 such names in inscriptions, for example: Xue-wu, Wu-zhi, Jin-wu, Gan-pan, etc. [see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 34-41; Chen Mengjia, 1956, pp. 361-366]. Hence, they lived at different times, served different vans, and naturally did not do the same things, and their achievements were different from each other. It is easy to understand that they may have been highly valued and respected by their contemporaries and by the wangs whose advisors they served, but the earliest divination dice date back to the reign of U-din (1324-1266 or 1232-1180 BC), i.e. to the XIV-XIII centuries BC. the lives of these individuals were separated from the moment of performing rites in their honor by at least two centuries, and in fact by a much longer time.

What is also striking is the high degree of reverence that can be seen even in the few examples given. Let us recall that Huang-yin is described as a Qiong-fang tribe along with Da-chia, and 50 bulls are offered to him at the same time; their own ancestors are united with Yi-yin in one rite; Hsien-wu is agreed to be honored together with the Supreme Deity himself; and finally, Da-chia, one of the Hsien Van, added to the rite in honor of Hsien-wu, a subordinate of his ancestor. Isn't this a sign of great respect for the honored officials - servants of the dynasty?

Moreover, people gave the souls of some honored officials great power over society and nature, as is clear from the following inscriptions:

"On the day of ji-wei (56), they were guessing. Zheng asked, " Will Huang-yin harm [our] ruler?""

"On the day of ding-wei (44), they used to wonder,' Is it the I-yin that will harm the rain?'"

"Will Xue-wu harm the tribe?"

"The question was asked,' Will Dui-pan send down misfortune?'"[see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, pp. 34, 35, 38.40].

The mian-pei rite. In the problem of combining rituals, there are two more points that are of undoubted interest. The first one is related to the word "attach" used above, for example in the inscription " Should I attach Hsien-wu to the sacrifice to the Supreme Deity?" In jiaguwen, it is expressed by a sign identified with mian and explained in lexicons by the word wenhe - "match", "fit"," match"," converge", [see: BKRS, vol.3, N 7417]. And the second point is that the ritual expressed by this sign was continued and developed in the Zhou time, when the pei sign replaced mian - "make a pair", "match", "combine", "agree", "be equal"," compare with " [see: BCRS, vol. 4, N 12151]. The earliest entry on this subject is found in the preface to Sheng Min's song "The Birth of a People" by Shi Jing. It says: "[In the song] Sheng min [expressed] respect for the ancestors. Hou-ji was born to Jiang Yuan; the achievements of Wen [- wang] and Wu [- wang] have their origins in Hou-ji (i.e., they were made possible by the fact that Hou-ji, according to tradition, was the great-ancestor of Wen-wang and Wu-wang, the founders of the Zhou dynasty and the house of Zhou in general. - S. K.), so it is put forward (i.e. called. - S. K.) [the name of Hou-ji], so that [during the sacrifices] it can be attributed to the Sky (and Pei Tien yan)"; [see: Mao Shi, 1957, vol. 9, tsz. 17, p. 1417].

The expression Pei Tian used in the quotation is identical to Mian Di in Jiaguwen and means "to be worthy of Heaven", "on a par with Heaven (about the ancestors remembered at the sacrifice to Heaven)". The Chinese dictionary explains it as follows:" The rulers of ancient times, during their sacrifices to Heaven, included their ancestors in the sacrifice (pei ji) " [Lo Zhu-feng, 1992, vol.9, p. 1390; BKRS, vol. 4, N 12151]. Confucius said in this connection:" [Among all that] exists [between] Heaven and Earth, man is the most precious [in his spirituality]. [Among the actions of man there is nothing greater than the sons of reverence; in filial reverence there is nothing greater than respect for the father; in respect for the father there is nothing

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more co-counting it to the Sky (Pei Tian)" [see: Xiao jing, 1957, tsz. 5, ch. 9, p. 93]. It is obvious that the miang ceremonies in Shang-yin and pei ceremonies in Zhou times were a special kind of expression of respect for direct ancestors (father, grandfather, etc.) and previous generations (honored officials) in general, by mentioning their names at sacrifices to Shang-di, Tien and other objects of worship. The origin of these rituals occurred at least at the stage of the emergence of jia-guwen, where they were first recorded, but it is possible that this happened earlier, given the prevalence of this custom in the Yin era.

Philological expression of combined rites. A specific manifestation of the addition in the Shang-Yin era of the tradition of honoring several ancestors of the ruling house at once during one celebration is some language features that appeared in Jiaguwen. We are talking about the emergence of special, stable phrases that denoted groups of ancestors, in memory and in honor of which a sacrifice was made. The smallest was Er Shi-Two Shi, meaning Shi-shen and Shi-gui.

"On the day of Hsin-hai (48), the question was asked:' Should we make sacrifices to yu and ' x ' [in honor of] the Two Shi?'"

"On the day of I-si (42), [should I sacrifice] one bull to the twenty ancestors, starting with Shang-chia, and one ram to the Two Shi?"

"On the day of gui-si (30) they were guessing. Zhu (Xiong?) Asked the question :" Will the Two Shi harm [our] Wang? Whether to offer [them] a joint sacrifice to qiang!" " [see: Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 21, 29; Xu Zhong-shuidr., 1998, tsz. 1, p. 11, tsz. 2, p. 156].

The considered expression from the philological point of view was quite simple and understandable, since shi was part of the names of the corresponding ancestors - Shi - ren and Shi-gui. There are, however, phrases in which shi, apparently, should be read chi and translated as "ancestor, ancestor's soul", etc. [see: BKRS, vol. 4, N 14194]. One of them is San chi - "The Souls of the three ancestors". It is established that these are Da-yi, Da-jia, and Zu-yi (pl. 1 N 14/1, 18/5 and 27/14). There are also Si qi - "The Souls of the four ancestors". Its specific content is unknown, but scientists assume that it is San chi plus Shang-chia (Table 1, N 8/1). Then there is Wu qi - "The Soul of the five ancestors", for which there were already two transcripts in jiaguwen: 1. Shang-jia, Cheng-tang (i.e. Da-yi), Da-ding (Table 1, N 15/2), Da-jia and Zu-yi (i.e. Si qi plus Da - ding); 2. Ding 18, Zu-yi, Zu-ding, Qiang-jia and Zu-xin (Table 1, N 30/17, 29/16, 39/26). There are also larger numeric definitions: 6, 9, 10, up to 23 souls. Here are some examples:

"The question was asked:" [Regarding] Three ancestors, then should Yu Da-yi, Da-jia, and Zu-yi be sacrificed with five Lao? "19

"On the day of geng-u (7), they were wondering whether to sacrifice five bulls to the Four ancestors. [Whether to sacrifice] The five ram ancestors?"

"Shall we offer sacrifices on the day of I-yu (22) to the Five ancestors: Shang-chia, Cheng (i.e., Cheng-tan Da-i-S. K.), Da-ding, Da-chia, and Tsu-yi?"

18 In the corresponding inscription given below, after Ding is called Zu-yi ( Table 1, N 27/14, 1525-1507 BC), therefore, Ding can be meant Bao - ding (N 11/4), Da-ding (N 15/2), but, in my opinion, it is more likely to be a Ding. total Zhong-ding (N 24/11; 1562-1550 BC).

19 The lao character has the following dictionary meanings: "pen, stable, prison, sacrificial cattle, herd of sacrificial cattle" [see: BKRS, vol. 2, N 4070]. In the Zhou period, it was part of the terms that denoted a certain set of sacrificial animals: tailao (big lao) - bull, ram and boar; shaolao (little Lao) - ram and boar [see, for example: Sun I-zhan, 1987, tsz. 6, pp. 201-205]. However, in jiaguwen, its meaning was different. Making a pair to the sign, conditionally read yang, discussed in the note. 11, lao meant bulls that were specially raised for sacrifice: in the xiaolao variant, it meant a calf, and as dalao (or lao), it meant an adult (see Xu Zhongshu et al., 1998, zz. 2, pp. 82-83; Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 197).

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"On the day of ji-hou (26), they were guessing. Yes I asked a question: "Should I tell the Party to the ancestors of Ding, Zu-yi, Zu-ding, Qiang-za, and Zu-hsin when making a sacrifice?""

"On the day of Ren-xu (59), they were guessing: "Shall I offer sacrifices to yu and Sui and / -yin / and the twenty-three ancestral souls?""[see: Zhan-hou, 1954, vol. 3, p. 200, N 4101; Zhao Cheng, 1988, p. 29-31].

The examples given do not include all the numeric symbols, but this is not necessary, since the overall picture is clear enough. I will only note that another stable phrase of the Er Shi type, with a clear content, was San Bao-Three Baos: Bao-i, Bao-bin and Bao-ding, i.e. Hsien wan, appearing in Table 1, N 9/2-11/4.

"[If] Three Bao, Two Shi, and also Shang-jia [sacrifice wine, then] Wang will receive support? It's safe."

"Is it the ram that should be sacrificed to the Three Baos? "[see: Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan.. ., 1983, p. 994, N 2265 (H57: 13); Xu Zhong-shu et al., 1998, tsz. 12, p. 1391-1392].

Above, I have considered only a few important questions from the wealth of topics that can be studied on the basis of fortune-telling inscriptions. A number of other issues, such as the cult of women, human sacrifice, and the like, will be covered in the next part of this paper.

(To be continued)

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