The article describes the administrative-territorial division of the state of Mengjiang, which in the 1930s - 1940s claimed leadership in the world of Mongolian-speaking peoples. The article reveals the organizational basis of the functioning of the state apparatus in the local areas, highlights issues related to the legal regulation of territorial organization, the role and place of the Japanese side in the processes of territorial administration. Its territorial basis was made up of aimags, which included Khoshuns, and both of them retained their structure and management under the occupation regime. The article examines the transformation of the territorial organization, which served as a management tool for the occupation forces. Cities with special status were considered independent administrative divisions. Unlike aimags, their functioning did not depend on blood relations, and therefore the cities were headed not by Genghisids, but by appointed officials. In 1939, after the final merger with other fragments of the Chinese provinces - Chang'an and Jinbei - the territory of Mengjiang increased, and new formations appeared on its administrative map - provinces. Mengjiang itself became a federation and retained this form of territorial organization after becoming part of the Chinese territories under the administration of Wang Jingwei, but failed to realize its potential and was liquidated in August 1945.

Key words: Mengjiang, Inner Mongolia, aimag, Hoshun, administrative division.

Inner Mongolia, which is now an autonomous region of the People's Republic of China, has always played an important strategic role in relations between the Russian Empire and the Qing Empire, the USSR and the Republic of China, the USSR/Between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, its geographical position in the center of Inner Asia at the junction of the two largest states of the world has been of great importance for many centuries for the historical, ethno-cultural, political and economic development of the entire Eurasian space. Despite the region's heterogeneity and dramatic fate, Inner Mongolia has managed to preserve its territorial, religious, and ethno-cultural integrity. Having survived a series of serious regional conflicts and upheavals in the 1930s and 1940s, this territory was and remains one of the economically powerful regions, for the resources of which there was a fierce struggle on the eve of World War II. The borders of Inner Mongolia, including the eventful period of the existence of the state-like Mengjiang formation and its administrative divisions, changed repeatedly over the centuries until the middle of the XX century., however, no special studies of administrative divisions have been conducted.

In the Russian literature, we should mention the work of V. A. Ryazanovsky, who described in detail the system of territorial organization of the Mongolian lands after the Manchu conquest [Ryazanovsky, 1931]; the work of V. A. Bogoslovsky and A. A. Moskalev, which describes the administrative-territorial system of post-revolutionary China and analyzes the problems associated with the Kuomintang government's failure to take into account the territorial division of Mongolian lands within the borders Chinese provinces [Bogoslovsky and Moskalev, 1984]. Modern researchers (Golikov, 2013; Borders of China..., 2001; Mazhinsky, 2012) pay quite a lot of attention to the historical conditions in which the Khoshun-Aimach system was formed, but the period of Japanese occupation falls out of their field of view.

page 47
Since the mid-1980s, archival materials have become available to a wide range of readers. Memories of the participants of those events also appeared (Zahchid Setsen, 2005).

Among foreign, primarily Chinese, works, one can distinguish various kinds of reference books and almanacs describing certain areas, and modern researchers dealing with the pre-war history of China (see, for example: [Wan Qianren, 2011]). In general, the available material is fragmented and requires consolidation, further generalization and comprehension.

AIMAGS OF MENGJIANG

Since the declaration of independence and up to the liquidation of Mengjiang, aimags formed the core of its territorial organization. This was not a historical accident. The entry of Inner Mongolia into the first Qing Empire, and then republican China, could not but affect its administrative-territorial division. Initially, Inner Mongolia was divided into 24 aimags, united into six seimas, aimags included 49 khoshuns, which, in turn, were divided into somons. Some of the Mongol tribes-Barghuts, Chakhars, Tumets-had a special administration. Dzasaks (ruling princes, rulers of Khoshuns) militarily consisted of 6 corps (chulhan) - by the number of seimas and 49 divisions (husa) - by the number of Khoshuns [Ryazanovsky, 1931, p. 82].

The supreme body of internal administration of the aimag was the Seimas. The sejms met once every three years to resolve court cases, distribute in-kind duties among the khoshuns, and conduct a census of the people. The Seimas often mediated between the Manchu authorities and the Dzasaks (Natsagdorj, 1963). The chairman of the Seimas was the foreman of the Seimas (chugulganu-darga), who was elected from the princes of the aimag and confirmed by the emperor. He had an assistant or deputy (dead-chugulganu-darga). Under the Sejm foreman, the Sejm administration (Yamyn) consisted. The Sejm foreman had the right to monitor the state of the aimag, the activities of the Khoshun princes, and the right to appeal to the Lifanyuan (Chamber for Vassal Territories) all orders of the Manchu authorities in Mongolia [Ryazanovsky, 1931, p. 82]. However, aimags, as well as Khoshuns, in the first half of the XX century. They were not part of the administrative-territorial system of China.

In 1915, the main territory of Inner Mongolia was divided into three "special districts" - Zhehe, Chakhar and Suiyuan, which were transferred under the control of the commander of the garrison in Zhehe, the military ruler of Chakhar in Kalgan and the commander of the Suiyuan garrison, respectively. At the same time, the lands of the Alashan Mongols were incorporated into Gansu Province and transferred under direct control to the garrison commander in Ningxia (Bogoslovsky and Moskalev, 1984, p.29). In 1928, the Nanjing government announced the creation of six new provinces: Qinghai, Xikang, Zhehe, Suiyuan, Chahar, and Ningxia; the last four were located in Inner Mongolia. In the new provinces, governments were formed (except for Sikan), local counties began to be created, replacing the traditional systems of government (Khoshun, princely, "tusy" system). Under provincial and county governments, an administrative apparatus was created: tax departments, courts, departments for the protection of public order, education, etc. [Bogoslovsky and Moskalev, 1984, p. 29]. At the same time, the provincial borders did not take into account the aimach and Khoshun divisions of Mongolian lands.

During this period, the central and eastern parts of Inner Mongolia included: Edzin-gol, Alashan, Josotu, Jerim, Jouda, Ulan-Tsab, Chahar, Shilin-gol, Iheju, which had the status of aimags, and Hohhot district. However, only the last five territories were part of Mengjiang: the current Ulan Tsab with the center in Bailing Miao, Shilin Gol with the center in Shilin Hoto, Chahar and part of Hebei Province,

page 48
Part of Ordos in Dongsheng County, cities with central subordination to Baotou and Hohhot.

The aimag system and its organizational structure were identical, and management functions were performed by trusted individuals, supporters of De-wan Demchigdon-rov (Demchik-Gonrob), some of whom came from the ancestral aristocracy.

The Shilin-Gol aimag was headed by Lin Qingwandut, who was replaced in this post and until 1945 served as darga Sonjin Wangchuk, until September 1, 1939, deputy head of the aimag [Dorjiin Zorigt, 2011, p. 75]. After his departure from the post of deputy, these functions were performed by Buda Bala, who was the head of the Department of Affairs until September 1, 1939. The Department of Internal Affairs was headed by Maha Shili, and the head of administration was Chongsun Cengxi, who was replaced in 1941 by Tseoguang Chengan.

The entire Chakhar aimag was headed by Zhodovzhav [Dorjin Zorigt, 2011, p. 369]; his deputies were Temur Bolot and Silin Namzhil, who was the head of the Department of Affairs until 1941; Bolin Baligto was the head of the Department of Public Security, and Silin Pileynorov was the head of the Department of Education; the administration was headed by Zheng Nyugensanlan and Sen Ilan.

At the head of the Ihju aimag was Shagdurzhav, although his leadership was only formal: in fact, he was outside his fiefdom and did not begin to perform his duties. The role of the head was played by his deputy Altan-Ochir [Dorjiin Zorigt, 2011, p. 374]; the head of the Department of Internal Affairs was Ochir Huyagt, who also did not take up his duties, the head of the Department of Internal Affairs was Jargalan, and the functions of the head of administration were performed by Heitse Longji.

The Ulan-Tsab aimag was headed by Babao Dorji, who was replaced by Shalabu Dorji. The deputy head was Pandigunzhav, followed by Lin Qinseng, who had previously headed the Department of Affairs; the head of the Department of Internal Affairs was Mergen Batur or Bao Daoxin, and the aimag administration was headed by Shanbeng Xingqing and Muqiong Silan.

Bayan-Tal aimag was a new administrative entity that did not exist before the creation of Mengjiang in the structure of Mongolian territories. The aimag was formed by the decision of De-wang for his uncle and covered the territories adjacent to the cities of Hohhot and Baotou (the cities were not subordinate to the aimag authorities), as well as four khoshuns of Ulan-Tsab. The head of the Bayan-Tal aimag during the period of state construction in Inner Mongolia was Buyandalai [Dorjiin Zorigt, 2011, p. 368], his deputy was Mergen Batur or Kang Ren, and the aimag government included: the head of the Department of Affairs - Chokbatur; the head of the Department of Internal Affairs - He Yunzhang; the head of the Finance Department-Li Shusheng; the head of the Department of Finance-Li Shusheng; the head of the Department of Department of Education - Li Chunshou. The functions of the head of administration were performed by Zejing Tiema, who was replaced by Zheng Nyugengsanlan.

In 1943, the Government of Mengjiang approved the "Temporary Structural Organization of the Mongolian Banners". On the ground (in the administrative-territorial sense), the administration was organized by aimach state institutions. After the reform of 1943, provincial institutions appeared instead of aimach institutions. The head of the aimag performed administrative functions within his territory, as well as control and supervision of state institutions, receiving orders from relevant ministries and higher-level departments, exercising control over all state structures in the territory entrusted to him. His powers included the management of police structures, the development of industry within the borders of the aimag, and other administrative functions.

Since the state structure of Mengjiang was undergoing changes in 1939, 1941, and 1943, this also led to some changes among aimag officials, resulting in personnel changes that nevertheless excluded random individuals from the management process and made the entire state system of Mengjiang virtually closed.

page 49
KHOSHUNS AND SOMONS IN THE TERRITORIAL STRUCTURE OF MENGJIANG

Khoshuns and Somons did not have the status of administrative-territorial units of Mengjiang, but their importance in the process of state administration should not be underestimated.

After the conquest of Inner Mongolia by the Manchus, its entire territory was divided into banners, which were formed as military-administrative units, and they included troops, heads of clans and settlements, while in military terms during the Qing period, the hoshun was a banner. Each banner was administered by a titled person, who in turn swore allegiance to the Qing administration. In order to weaken Inner Mongolia, the Qing government implemented administrative reforms in 1691, 1741, and 1765. As a result, the number of administrative divisions increased, meaning that the South Mongolian society was further fragmented and its political weakening continued [Mazhinsky, 2012, p.32]. In 1789, the Qing administration completely forbade princes and residents of Inner Mongolia to leave the banners without special permission [Borders of China..., 2001, p. 259]. The historical period of the banners ' existence ended in 1928-1929. [Golikov, 2013, p. FROM]. In Inner Mongolia, the Khoshun division was not eliminated after the independence of Mengjiang, but rather integrated into the general system of government.

After the actual separation from China, the Khoshun system in the Mongolian territories did not undergo major changes. At the head of the hoshun was dzasak. The position of zasaka was hereditary. For a long time, the dzasak had assistants in civil affairs - tusalakchi, who were usually appointed from non-serving princes or taiji hoshun and were the actual stewards of the hoshun under hereditary princes. The khoshun military affairs were managed by a special commander - zahirakchi; he had two assistants in large khoshuns (the senior one - tsalan - the regimental commander, and the junior one - meiren), and in small ones (less than 6 somons) one assistant (meiren). Tusalakchi, Zahirakchi, tsalan and Meiren form the Management Council (tamga). Khoshuns, or divisions, were divided into somons (squadrons), six somons made up a regiment; there were 150 adults in the squadron, of which 50 had to perform military service (Ryazanovsky, 1931, p.82). The same structure of the Khoshun administration was incorporated into the system of territorial organization of the new state.

Banners as military formations united the Hoshuns, in which the Zasaki princes were still considered full-fledged masters, determining the organizational structure in the territory entrusted to them, although in fact this structure during the Japanese occupation was more symbolic, trying to emphasize the continuity of traditions and generations. In an effort to maintain the ancient tradition, the Zasaks still appointed the youngest of their sons as their successor, who also performed administrative functions during the prince's absence.

At the same time, there was a significant departure from the ancient foundations. There is a well-known situation when the newborn son of Prince Lin Qinseng, named Xiong No, was recognized as his successor at the request of his father. This was especially evident in the Chahar province. There are cases of overstating the age so that the children of princes can hold important government positions in Hoshun. Such digressions were almost always approved by the President of the Republic of China, despite the grumbling and discontent of others, if only because the son of De-wang took one of the managerial positions in the state apparatus in the same way [Narration in the presentation of Demchigdonrov, 1984, pp. 128-129]. Dae-wan himself was forced to balance between the ancestral aristocracy and the Japanese command, due to the fact that with all the demonstrative actions to support Japanese politics, he tried in every possible way to maintain the ancient foundations and preserve the loyalty of the princes, even if not to the open-

page 50
that, but resistance to the Japanese tactics of promotion and introduction into the Mongolian environment.

In accordance with the system of administrative divisions adopted since the Qing, the dzasak was in charge of affairs in the territory entrusted to it and ensured (guaranteed) the inviolability of the main riches - livestock and pastures. The Western Sunud was one of a dozen banners of Shilin Gol's right hand. The znamenny bodies were autonomous and existed independently of the aimachs. The banner had 9 main powers: 1) administrative management and religious affairs; 2) protection of military secrets and management of military affairs; 3) management of the population within its territory; 4) customs control when crossing the Mongolian border; 5) maintenance of banner border points; 6) management of somons, including collection of taxes and other funds; 7) settlement of legal disputes criminal and civil cases, implementation of conciliation procedures; 8) office management and document management; 9) convocation of congresses and organization of the current work of the banner. Four yurts were allocated for the implementation of administrative affairs, where the administrative apparatus was located.

Below the Khoshuns were the somons (villages) in the east (left hand): Damdinsuren, Yida, Jirigal, Alibin, Aoyu and Bayanmanlai, and the somons in the west (right hand): Hotolijirigal, Genden, Renqing, Debo, Dorjipalam and Batunashun. In 1943, the number of somons increased to 18, while the division into left and right hands was abolished.

The composition of the tamga of Western Sunud in 1939 was represented as follows: dzasak was Dugar Suren, the eldest son of De-wan, tusalakchi-Altan-Ochir and Nashunba (Nashun Bayar), zahirakchi-Bao Andy, tsalan and meiren - Balatsin Dorji and Jirigal, respectively, in addition to them, members of the tamga were Zhalangzi Demiddorji, Galsan Dondok, Zhigmid and Amur Zhargaltsyren.

During the Qing period, a princely salary was established, which was 100 silver coins and 4 pieces of silk annually. In addition, the prince received 100 rams and 100 pieces of canvas cloth, his deputy-20 sheep and 20 pieces of cloth, the head of the office (chancellery) - respectively 15. The assistant manager received 8 horses and 4 camels, the banner manager received 6 horses and 2 camels, but this good was usually returned upon retirement.

Upon retirement, the official could be rewarded with camels or horses for good work. As a rule, all such expenses were covered by the in-kind tax levied by livestock. The only exceptions were military salaries, which were taxed in cash, usually in silver coins, and the remaining amount was spent on military taxes, tuition fees, and expenses related to religious worship.

In 1943, it was established that a tax of 2 yuan was charged for each unit of cattle, but if the farm had less than 5 units of cattle, it was exempt from paying the tax, which significantly reduced the tax burden and helped improve the situation of the population.

The" temporary banner structure " of the Dzasaks was combined into a single management system to increase control over the occupied territories and at the same time to consolidate their legal status. Thus, traditional relations have found support and legal formalization from the Japanese side.

This was also done in order to secure support from the local aristocracy, and support was possible only if the traditional way of life and established foundations were preserved. Dae-wan himself has repeatedly said that he always felt the support of the Knyazen-Dzasaks, which helped strengthen the administrative fortress of the state and ensured manageability [Data on

page 51
ARVM..., 1984, p. 67]. However, the Japanese side did not find unequivocal support and approval, meeting rather compromise and secret resistance to the imposed models of behavior on the part of the Mongolian political elite. While in the east of Inner Mongolia, Japanese advisers were actively part of management structures, concentrating some power in their hands [Zahchid Setsen, 2005, p.386], in the west they failed to do so and were in the position of invited consultants without the possibility of obtaining administrative positions.

CITIES AND CAPITALS IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL STRUCTURE OF MENGJIANG

The legal status of cities in Mengjiang was different. First of all, there were cities that were administratively subordinate to the aimag authorities; in this respect, they were similar to counties. County chiefs and mayors monitored the implementation of laws and the implementation of decrees and orders of higher authorities. Counties and cities were responsible for local administration, organizing the work of law enforcement agencies, resolving internal issues, keeping records, collecting taxes, etc.

In the system of territorial division of Mengjiang, there were cities with a special administrative status - the largest settlements, headed by mayors - economically and politically influential people who were subordinate not to the aimag authorities, but directly to the central government. The powers of the city included the maintenance of the police, as well as judicial functions.

The city with a special administrative status of Hohhot assumed the position of mayor, which was held first by Hae Bin-eun, and then by Lee Chunshou. In 1939, Li Chunshou became the head of the city [Local History Almanac of Inner Mongolia, 2007], Xiaodao Yuinan was the adviser to the head of the city. The Business Department was headed by Liu Haochong, the Finance Department was headed by Ah Yutai, and the Construction Department was headed by Li Wendin.

The head of the city with the special administrative status of Baotou until 1939 was Liu Jiguang, who was replaced in 1939 by Jing Chaoweng; the duties of a consultant were performed by Chaochang Xiexi; the head of the Administration of Affairs was Wang Hanming; the head of the Finance Department was Zhao Pingqing; the head of the Justice Department was Gao Wenlong; the head of the Police Department was Wang Wenchi.

With the unification of Mengjiang with Chang'an and Jinbei and the transfer of the capital to Zhangjiakou, this city received the status of a city of central subordination, headed by three mayors in turn: Han Guangsen [Selected data..., 2002], Li Shusheng [Official Data of the Chinese People's Archive, issue 5, Part 2, book 4, 1991, p. 90] and Cui Ilan [Lu Minghui, 1980, p. 273].

A distinctive feature in this case was that the administration of cities, regardless of their status, was carried out not by representatives of the ancestral aristocracy, as was the case in aimags and khoshuns, but by appointed officials. This was due, firstly, to the fact that cities as separate territories were never an independent subject of tribal claims; secondly, they played a strategic role in the administration of the new state, and therefore the process of replacing key posts had to be centralized and, depending on the importance and significance of the city,they had to be controlled by the state itself. it was in the hands of either the aimag authorities or the central government.

A special place among the cities was occupied by the capital, which moved several times in the relatively short time of Mengjiang's existence. Despite the fact that both Hohhot and Zhangjiakou were major cities and administrative centers of Mengjiang, it was Bailing Miao, Zhangbei and Huade that laid the foundations of the "capital" of the young state, and therefore they should be discussed in more detail.

Bailing Miao, or the Lark Temple, as the British newspaper "Manchester Guardian" calls it, gathered under its roof Mongolian princes who proclaimed

page 52
In 1933, the Western press was very reserved and used the term "administrative center" [Autonomy in Mongolia..., 1933, p. 3]. Bailingmiao appeared as an administrative center when declaring independence on December 23, 1935 [Area in Mongolia..., 1935,p. 9] and on April 29, 1936., when the new Political Council was formed by De-wan (Inner Mongolia, 1936, p. 6). The Eastern press called the monastery the capital [All-sheep banquet..., 1933, p. 3]. The temple itself at this time turned into an impregnable fortress. Bailing Miao was home to the Mengjiang Army's 7th Division of about 1,800 men and cavalry of more than 1,000 men reporting directly to De Wang.

At the same time, Bailingmiao was not perceived in the West as the only center of political influence. As early as 1933, immediately after the congress, Tientchih was considered an administrative center [Inner Mongolian Autonomy, 1933, p. 1]. New York Times correspondent Hallett Abent, who traveled from Kalgan via Bailingmiao to Guisui, presented a travel report on the pages of the publication, where he indicated that the capital status of Bailing Miao is temporary [Mongols building self-ruled state, 1934, p. 22], and named Zhangbei as a possible capital.

It should be added that the main political figures-the head of the Mongolian Autonomous Region, Prince Yun, and General Secretary De-wan-were not permanently in the monastery, following the ancient Mongolian custom of shifting the political center of the country to the place where its leader resides.

At the initial stage of the state-building process, the monastery successfully fulfilled the metropolitan functions assigned to it, which ensured the success of the autonomist movement and its monolithic character. The very name of the temple complex for the whole world at that time became synonymous with the movement for independence of the Mongolian people and ensured its loyalty from the foreign press.

Due to the special attitude of the Mongols to the concept of "capital-rate", Mengjiang at the initial stage of state construction had three capitals, one of which, Bailingmiao, was a compromise and rather acted as a symbol of the autonomist movement, with the name of which it was associated. The other two capitals could be called such due to their actual significance and the fact that they were the headquarters of the Prince of Yun and the Prince of De.

In early 1936, when De-wan refused to comply with the decision of Nanjing to transform the Mongolian Autonomy, the capital's functions were moved from Bailingmiao. The New York Post, with reference to the North China Daily News, reported that the new government of independent Mongolia, established in May 1936 under Japanese protection, would be organized by De-wang in Pangkiang (Second Manchoukuo..., 1936, p. 9). Panjian was mentioned by the New York Times a month earlier, in April 1936 [Japanese Retort to British, 1936, p. 9].

Already on June 30, the location is indicated as Chiaboshi (Chia Pu Su) on the border of Chahara and Suiyuan [Japan Cuts Herself..., 1936, p. 9]. At the same time, these variations were considered on the condition that Inner Mongolia manages to achieve complete independence from Nanjing. However, in the end, the place of temporary residence of the Mongolian capital turned out to be two inconspicuous and not playing any significant role before: Zhangbei [History of the Communist Movement, 2011] and Huade [Wang Jianghong, 2002].

On February 1, 1936, the Union of Chahar Banners was proclaimed in Zhangbei, and after the decision of Nanjing to eliminate the Mongolian Autonomy and divide it into Chahar and Suiyuan, the temporary residence of the autonomists who did not agree with the decision of the central government was moved here. Due to the fact that the governing bodies were largely formal in nature and did not have a pronounced administrative and managerial basis, the city was in the capital status for a short time and in many respects formally, losing it with the proclamation of the City Council.-

page 53
the Mongol military government and the relocation of capital functions to Huade.

On May 12, the establishment of a Mongolian military Government was proclaimed in Zhaijaboxi. The temporary capital became Huade, receiving the status of a city and the name Dehua. This had a sacred connotation and symbolized the possibility of turning bad luck into good luck and the possibility of universal salvation. It was here that the first flag of Mengjiang was approved. The city's capital status lasted less than a year.

On August 14, 1937, Dehua was occupied by Fu Zuoyi troops, members of the Military Government fled, and the territory was given the status of a county, but on September 15, joint Mongol-Japanese troops returned the city. After the establishment of the Mengjiang Autonomous Government in October of the same year and the relocation of the capital to Hohhot, the city served as the administrative center of the county. On September 1, 1939, the creation of a single Autonomous government of Inner Mongolia was proclaimed, with Zhangjiakou as its capital.

The importance of Huade as the center of the Mongol state is extremely important. The city became the first static capital of Mengjiang, from now on all administrative structures were concentrated in it. The practice of duplicating the capital's functions had ceased, and although the Prince of Yun still spent a significant part of his time in his residence, his role and importance at this stage of state construction were insignificant, all the main control levers were in the hands of Te-wang, who, unlike his rival, now chose Huade as his residence.

CHANG'AN AND JINBEI ARE AUTONOMOUS STATE ENTITIES AND PROVINCES WITHIN MENGJIANG

Chang'an and Jinbei were among several state-like entities created with the participation of the Japanese occupation forces in the territory of Northeast China, and ensured the manageability and control of the occupied territories. They are particularly interesting because, having formed a confederate union with Mengjiang in November 1937, they became part of it in 1939 and received the status of provinces.

The state-like formation of Chang'an existed from 1937 to 1939, as a result of the occupation of parts of Northern China by Japanese troops. On August 27, the Kwantung Army captured the capital of Chahar, Zhangjiakou (Kalgan), and almost immediately large trade organizations and local political elites turned to the Japanese command with an expression of submission and a request to restore order. As a result, on September 4, it was decided to form self-governing government structures that unite 10 counties of Southern Chahar with a population of about 2 million people: the counties and cities of the same name in Southern Chahar Zholu, Xuanhua, Chicheng, Yangyuan and Yanqing, the counties of modern Hebei Province Wanquan, Wei, Longguan, Huai'an and Huailai [Selected data..,, 2002, p. 640]. Zhangjiakou was designated as the capital. The priority political tasks were: following the Japanese political course, eradicating communism, ensuring interethnic harmony and national prosperity.

The structure of the autonomous government included departments, and the members of the Government who headed them supervised various areas of state activity. Among their colleagues, they elected two representatives who served as co-chairs of the Government. They were Du Yongyu, who began his career as secretary of the Chahara Finance Department [CCP Central Archive..., 2004, p. 97], who served in a number of ministries [Historical Data..., 1986, p. 75] and headed the state structures of Mengjiang after 1939, and was arrested after the surrender of Japanese troops [Lu Minghui, 1980, p. 338] and died in prison in 1960 [Nadezhdy Autonomous Region..., 2008]; as well as Yu Pingqing, while the main role was assigned to him, who later made a career in the united government

page 54
Mengjiang, who was arrested on August 25 and executed by the Extraordinary Court on December 21, 1945 [Asahi Shimbun, December 21, 1945]. Posts were also provided:

- head of the People's Welfare Department, this post was taken by Lu Jingru, who in 1939 headed the Iron Ore Mining Concern with a center in Kalgan, in 1942 died of an illness, after which his functions were transferred to Japanese consultants;

- Head of the Finance Department, who became Yang Jingsheng [Liu Shoulin, 1995, p. 1227], one of the organizers of the Autonomy [Selected data..., 2002, p. 384], who retained this post after unification with Mengjiang; captured by the Kuomintang, was subjected to severe torture, and executed on July 24, 1940 [Wan Qianren, 2011];

- Head of the Department of Public Order Protection, which post was taken by Takagi Ichiya, who headed the Chang'an Police Department after merging with Mengjiang [Official Data of the Chinese People's Archive, issue 5, part 2, book 26, 1991, p. 8];

- head of the Civil Affairs Department, which was Cheng Yuming, who combined the position of head of the Chancellery, in 1939 headed the provincial government of Chang'an and went missing after the defeat of the Japanese;

- members of the government-ministers without portfolio, they were Ruan Zinan; Bai Kuixiang (Bai Chuwu), who later headed the Mengjiang Electric Networks Joint-stock Company [Dictionary of Modern Chinese History, 1987, p. 100]; Buddhist monk Yuan Chi; businessman Han Yuin; Muslim Zheng Renzhai and Han Yufan.

As in Mengjiang, a consultant from the Japanese side was attached to each government structure, who had key administrative and administrative powers in decision-making. Of the four departments, only one, the Finance Department, was headed by a representative of the local elite, while the other three were representatives of the Japanese side.

At the head of the corps of advisers was Takeshimoto Taira, who carried out scientific research in the field of agriculture in Shanxi until the 1930s [Local History Almanac of Shanxi Province, 1998, p. 188], then moved to Zhehe Province and from 1937 to 1939 controlled the activities of the Chang'an Autonomous Government [Liu Shoulin, 1995, p. 1227 - 1229]. Japanese army units were stationed in Kalgan, and all consultant personnel reported directly to Kanai Akiratsugi.

After unification with Mengjiang in 1939, the territory of Southern Chahar acquired the status of a province, which was headed by Cheng Yuming. Junei Yuanyin, Wuteng Gongping, and Da Yuanchangxi served as his alternate deputies.

In 1943, an administrative reform was carried out, as a result of which the province was renamed Xuanhua (after the city of the same name, which was its administrative center), and the governor was appointed: Li Huangying, Weng Hua-jun [CPC Central Archive..., 2004, p.91] and Liu Zhiguang. Deputy governors in the civil service were Zet'en Chengyi and Sen Ilan [Official Data of the Chinese People's Archive, vol. 5, part 2, book 26, 1998].

The state-like formation of Jinbei was created in the north of the Chinese province of Shanxi and represented another strong point of the Japanese military command in matters of advancing into the interior of the country. As mentioned above, on September 13, 1937, the Japanese occupied Datong, and on October 15, the creation of an autonomous government was announced. Datong became the capital. In total, the new political entity includes 13 counties of Northern Shanxi with a population of about 1.5 million people: within the borders of the modern counties of Shanxi province - Datong, Tianzhen, Huairen, Yang-gao, pre-communist administrative divisions-Guangling, Ying, Linqiu, Hongyuan, as well as Pinglu, Zoyun, Shanying, Shoxian and Youyu counties Chahar province. The main program settings were appreciation and gratitude to the Japanese army for independence, the destruction of red criminals (communists), strengthening moral foundations and building an ideal society.

page 55
A distinctive feature of this regime from the regime in Chang'an was, firstly, the presence in each district (county) of its own self-governing authorities, and secondly, the political formation had an associated character [56 historical facts..., 1988, p. 47] - there was not the creation of a central government by proclamation, but the unification of 13 districts, resulting in the creation of Jinbei. That is why in post-war everyday life this regime was referred to as the regime of 13 puppet counties.

Jinbei was headed by Xia Gong, who headed the Jinbei Council, along with Ma Yongkui, Shi Weiting, Gusi Yao, Wen Huachin [CCP Central Archive..., 2004, p. 91]and Wang Shouxing. The corps of councillors was headed by Tseng Daosheng, who was transferred from Manchukuo, where he was one of the councillors of one of the counties [Selected archival materials..., 2004, p. 79]. Oba Seisho, a staff officer of the Japanese Armed Forces, was appointed as a consultant to the Council [Description of Wankui County, 1989, p. 14], who simultaneously became the commander of the Jinbei Armed forces.

Government structures included: the People's Welfare Department, headed by Liu Dengying and then Tien Ruby, with Iwasaki Nama as a consultant; the Finance Department, headed by Cui Xiaoceng and Hono Tsutsugi as a consultant; and the Public Security Department, headed by Mori Ichiro.

Immediately after the regime was established, the Department of Public Security established Rules for the Unification of settlements and their residents, according to which a set of measures was implemented, mainly including surveys of the population in order to find out anti-Japanese sentiments and identify people involved in anti-Japanese propaganda.

Japanese sentry posts were established near important objects, whose powers included checking documents and establishing the identity of citizens, and citizens, in turn, were obliged to greet the Japanese military by taking off their hats [56 historical facts..., 1988, p.47]. Control was established over the production of silk, cotton and cotton products, grain, other food products and goods in order to create a controlled system of trade turnover in the region. This process was also under the control of the Department of Public Security.

On September 1, 1939, the regimes of Mengjiang, Chang'an, and Jinbei were merged, giving Northern Shanxi the status of a province within Mengjiang, and Xia Gong became the country's vice president. Tien Ruby became the head of the provincial government, and his deputy was first Qing Daoshin, and then Senjinsen Silan.

Beginning in 1941, anti-communist and anti-Japanese sentiment increased in Jinbei, which in turn led to an increase in the number of searches and increased repressive measures.

In August 1943, administrative changes took place and Jinbei became Datong Province. The post of governor for several months was still held by Tien Ruby [Historical Data..., 1986, pp. 78-79], who was replaced by Liu Zhiguang, and then by Li Shusheng; Senjinsen Silan retained the post of deputy governor of the province.

After the elimination of Mengjiang, Chang'an and Jinbei suffered the same fate - for a short time their territories were the subject of fierce battles between the forces of the Kuomintang and the Communists, and after the victory of the latter and the creation of the PRC, these lands were included in the newly formed non-Mongolian provinces.

* * *

page 56
Analysis of the administrative and territorial structure of Mengjiang reveals a number of features. First, it was not static and developed along with Mengjiang during the entire period of statehood formation. The increase in territories and territorial units occurred at the expense of the annexed lands, while each administrative unit retained its own administrative and organizational structure. The old system of division into aimags and khoshuns was preserved. This was done in order to ensure the loyalty of the princes. At the same time, the Japanese command was constantly instilling Japanese foundations and interfering in the life of the Khoshuns and aimags, which could not but cause protest moods among the local aristocracy. Finally, after the transformation of Mengjiang into a federation, its constituent entities did not undergo significant changes in their status, except for the fact that they secured legal consolidation at the national level. However, in practice, autonomy in resolving certain issues referred to the competence of the subjects still turned out to be a fiction due to the Japanese presence, as a result of which the federal state of Mengjiang failed to realize its potential.

list of literature

Bogoslovskiy V. A., Moskalev A. A. The National Question in China (1911-1949). Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1984.

Golikov A. P. Sistema eight znamens: khronologicheskie parametery (opyt konstruirovaniya istoricheskogo vremeni) [The System of Eight Banners: chronological parameters (experience in constructing Historical time)]. Regional studies. 2013. N 1(24).

Borders of China: the history of formation / under the general editorship of V. S. Myasnikov, E. D. Stepanov. Moscow: Pamyatniki istoricheskoi mysli, 2001.

Mazhinsky S. V. Kitayskaya politika v Vnutrennoi Mongolia v XIII-XIX vv.: istoriko-politicheskiy ekurs [Chinese Policy in Inner Mongolia in the XIII-XIX centuries: a historical and political excursion]. 2012. N 358 (May).

Ryazanovskiy V. A. Mongol'skoe pravo (predstavno obshchennoe): istoricheskiy ocherk [Mongolian law (with special reference to the custom law)]. Harbin: N. E. Chinareva Publishing House, 1931.

Asahi Shimbun. December 21, 1945. ()

Доржийн Зоригт. Dae wan. Улаанбатаар: Адмон, 2011.

Нацагдорж Ш. Манжийн эрхшээл байсан уеийн Халхын хураангуй туух (1691 - 1911). Улаанбаатар, 1963.

56 historical facts of Shanxi province. Taiyuan: Shanxi People's Publishing House, 1988. ().

Wang Jianghong. Li Shouxin. Publishing House of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Institute of Modern History. Biographical data on the People's Republic of China, vol. 11. Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 2002 ().

Wan Qianren. Kuomintang military intelligence-yesterday. Beijing: Science and Technology Publishing House, 2011 ().

ARVM data from the History and Literature Research Commission of the People's Political Consultative Conference of China. Inner Mongolia: Cultural and Historical Data, vol. 13. Hohhoto: Publishing house of the shop of books on the history and literature of Inner Mongolia, 1984 ().

Захчид Сэцэн. My memories of De-wan and Inner Mongolia. Chinese History and Literature Publishing House, 2005 ().

Selected archival materials of the Japanese Imperialist aggression: puppet modes. Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 2004 ().

Selected data based on handwritten historical material: Japanese puppet regimes. Beijing: Chinese Historical Literature Publishing House, 2002 ().

Historical data on Inner Mongolia, ch. 7-8. Hohhoto: Narodnoe izdatel'stvo Vnutrennoi Mongolii, 1986 ().

History of the Communist Movement of Zhangbei County (1933-1949). Vol. 1. CCP History Publishing House, 2011.1st ed. (in Russian).

Local history almanac of Inner Mongolia. Issue 4. Hohhot: People's Publishing House of Inner Mongolia, 2007 (in Russian).

Local history almanac of Shanxi province. Geographical information. Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 1998 ().

page 57
Lu Minghui. Complete history of the Mongolian "autonomous movement". Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 1980 ()

Liu Shoulin. Official Chronicle of the Republic of China. Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 1995 ()

Hopes of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Striving for security. Beijing: Public Security Institute of China Publishing House, 2008 (, )

Description of Wankui County. Wankui County History and Local History Literature Committee, 1989 ()

Official data of the Chinese People's Archive. Issue 5. Part 2. Book 4. Nanjing: Jiansu Historical Literature Publishing House, 1991 (,)

Official data of the Chinese People's Archive. Issue 5. Part 2. Book 26. Nanjing: Jiansu Historical Literature Publishing House, 1998 ()

Narration as presented by Demchigdonrov. Inner Mongolia: Cultural and Historical Data, vol. 13. Hohhoto: Publishing House of the History and Literature Store of Inner Mongolia, 1984 ()

Dictionary of Modern Chinese History. Section on personnel (3). Publishing House of Modern China, 1987 ()

Collection of archival material about the official history of the Chinese people. Issue 5. Part 2. Finance and Economics. Jiangsu Historical Literature Publishing House, 1997. (,)

Central Archive of the CPC, the Second Historical Archive of China / Editorial Board of the Academy of Social Sciences of Jilin Province, data of puppet regimes. Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 2004 ()

All-sheep banquet. Mongolian chiefs welcome to Chinese envoys // The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser. November 16, 1933.

Area in Mongolia splits From China // The New York Times. December 24, 1935.

Autonomy in Mongolia: The Princes' Plans // The Manchester Guardian. November 22, 1933.

Japan Cuts Herself. Another Piece of Chinese Cake // New York Post. June 30, 1936.

Japanese Retort to British // The New York Times. April 30, 1936.

Inner Mongolia // The Manchester Guardian. April 29, 1936.

Inner Mongolian Autonomy // The New York Times. October 30, 1933.

Mongols building self-ruled state // The New York Times. May 27, 1934.

Second Manchoukuo // New York Post. June 4, 1936.

page 58

Permanent link to this publication: