Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2014, 328 p.

Drugov's monograph is devoted to the most important problems for this country, since the social, cultural and political image of Indonesia was formed by the interaction of religious, primarily Muslim, traditional (pre-Islamic) and modern political values. It is difficult to overestimate the role of Islam in the largest Muslim country. The book is the result of the author's many years of work on analyzing the country's political development based on constant monitoring of periodicals in Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries. This feature of the monograph should be emphasized, since this method allows you to feel the pulse of the country's political life. When developing this topic, the author relied on the works of foreign and domestic researchers, including general works on Oriental studies by R. G. Landa, V. V. Naumkin, L. R. Polonskaya, as well as on Indonesia - Yu.A. Aleshin, L. M. Efimova, A. I. Ionova, V. A. Tsyganov. The topic of power, society, and religion has been repeatedly addressed by A. Y. Putin in his numerous articles and monographs.

The researcher asks what is the degree of influence of Islam on the political landscape, how it has changed in different periods of the country's development, and how religious and other historical factors relate in the modern political culture and political system of Indonesia.

Prior to the study of the current political field, the author refers to the history of the formation of Indonesian statehood and the country's political system. Due to the historical and religious peculiarities of the formation of the national elite and the state of colonial Indonesian society, there was a dilemma of ideological justification of the future independent Indonesian state, whether it would be secular or religious. These two trends developed in the struggle and interaction. The author shares the opinion that in the colonial Indonesian society, at a certain stage, Islam began to play a unifying role and fulfill the function of the ideology of the national liberation struggle, consolidating different social strata and ethnic groups. At the same time, a number of Indonesian politicians were impressed by the idea of secularization of state power. Throughout its history, the Republic of Indonesia was formed, according to the author, not as a secular, but rather as a polytheistic state, where the role of religion (including, but not exclusively, Islam) is recognized. This was discussed by Presidents Sukarno and later B. Y. Habibi. The principles of "Pancha Sila", adopted as the ideological basis of Indonesian statehood, provide for the role of religion in society, but do not single out Islam.

The author of the monograph shows the emergence and evolution of political organizations focused on religion, and above all on Islam. He analyzes the policy of the authorities towards Islam and Muslim parties and movements. It describes the internal transformation and state of the Muslim Ummah and examines the problem of Muslim radicalism and extremism in Indonesia. All this adds up to a picture of the complex interaction and confrontation between different elements of Indonesian society and allows us to identify trends in the development of Islamic radicalism in modern society, as well as demonstrates the principles and techniques implemented by the authorities in order to establish a political balance in the country.

The Islamic movement in Indonesia has experienced periods of ups and downs. The author considers it possible to generally accept the classification of Indonesian political scientist Deliar Nur, emphasizing that until the fall of the "guided democracy" regime of Sukarno, the evolution of Muslim movements took place in three directions. Radical Islamic organizations, such as the Dar-ul-Islam movement, which operated in the west of the island. Java was mostly regional in nature and fought against the central government. The regional nature, limited means of struggle, and the changed political situation led to the extinction of this trend by the mid-1960s. In the legal field, the far-right Mashumi party operated, which sought to come to power by parliamentary means. Later, its leaders fled to Sumatra and Sulawesi and joined the separatist insurgencies, which led to the dissolution of the state.

Mashumi in 1960 by presidential decree. Sukarno's attempts to unite all political movements in Indonesia into a harmonious political community under the President's leadership under a "guided democracy" regime ultimately led to the fall of his power.

The military's wariness of radical Islam, which was involved in the armed separatist struggle, did not prevent them from relying on the Nahdatul Ulama Party, which had previously split from Mashumi, to carry out a brutal terror campaign against supporters of the Indonesian Communist Party after the 1965-1966 coup.

The military, which seized power, carried out a radical reform of the political system, combining the weight of the party into tri-Golkar, which was considered not so much a party as a non-party public organization and was the main pillar of the military regime, the Democratic Party based on secular and Christian parties and the Muslim Unity and Development Party (PER). The new order authorities pursued a dual policy towards Islam: on the one hand, they made concessions, trying to rely on Muslim organizations in the moral, ethical and social spheres, and on the other, they actively fought against Muslim extremism.

Considering the further development of political Islam, the author emphasizes that under the military regime, Islam has become a means of social protest, opposition to globalization and alien Western culture, as well as the dominance of ethnic Chinese in the economy. By the end of the 20th century, there were changes within the Ummah itself, a new generation of Muslims became more educated, and their religious identity was strengthened. But the Ummah was not united, social stratification deepened in its ranks, and if the elite found its place in the "new order" regime, showing slight opposition,then radical sentiments and religious extremism spread in the Muslim grassroots. In the context of the radicalization of the Ummah, the role of religious extremism began to increase. So, in just three years, 200 Christian churches were burned down.

The government and a number of politicians put forward the idea of depoliticizing Islam. Prominent Muslim political figure A. Wahid, President of Indonesia in 1999-2001, spoke about the positive role that stable religious institutions should play in reconciling religious truths with changing conditions.

The monograph is decorated with vivid political portraits drawn by the author of such figures as A. Vahid, N. Majid, A. Rais, in whose views, despite the differences, the ideas of Islam were combined with modern ideas about ways to solve socio-economic problems.

The author states that the growth of Muslim radical sentiments was based on social and economic reasons, the inconsistency of the political regime with the needs of society, i.e. not issues of faith, but worldly problems. At the same time, the religious form of protest was very attractive to many adherents of Islam, giving rise to the belief that their protest was motivated by the desire to achieve the highest truth and justice. It is here, according to the author, that the source of fanaticism lies. This remark is true for all radical movements, many of whose adherents, having passed the appropriate indoctrination, commit brutal acts of terrorism, are ready to renounce themselves and even sacrifice themselves in the name of what they think are lofty goals.

Considering the alignment of political forces, as well as the role of mass protests in the fall of Suharto's authoritarian power, A. Drugov emphasizes that the financial and economic crisis of 1997-1998 was accompanied by a crisis of power. In the context of the crisis and the accompanying radicalization of Islam in Indonesia, the PER. Of the breakaway elements, only Nahdatul Ulama has survived as a religious association. Suharto's attempts to find support for his regime in the Muslim community were unsuccessful. On the contrary, anti-government sentiment was growing in the country, and Muslim politicians and organizations were actively involved in the reform movement. The main symbol of the opposition was Amin Rais, the leader of the Muhammadya organization, whose radicalism found support in society. The crisis caused mass unrest, demonstrations of students who advocated political renewal and democratization. It was also expressed in anti-Chinese pogroms, robberies and murders committed by the city's lower classes. The government was afraid to organize a mass shooting of demonstrators and retreated before the threat of political Islam in the person of A. Rais to bring a million of its supporters to the streets. This ultimately led to the fall of the authoritarian military regime.

Considering the reforms of Presidents B. Y. Khabibi (1998-1999) and A. A. Khabibi (1998-1999). Vahida (1999-2001), the author emphasizes that after the fall of Suharto, it was necessary to implement a more modern approach to the relationship between the individual, society and power. The reforms were carried out under the following conditions:-

of the sharpened ("breaking out") contradictions in society. First, as a result of the crisis, the situation of the masses has worsened, and the number of citizens living below the poverty line has increased. Secondly, the immaturity of society and the predominance of traditional ideas in political culture have led to a lack of potential for creating a civil society. As a result, political forces were dispersed into numerous parties that formed around more or less charismatic personalities. The lack of clear political programs and the inability of the secular elite to take a leadership role in implementing reforms opened the way for Islamism, which had a history of anti-government protest, Islamic ideology, ethical norms and rhetoric, and also had an extensive network of mosques and Muslim educational institutions where it was possible to conduct active work among the population. The author examines in detail the special role of Islam in the life of Indonesia in the context of modernization and globalization, taking into account its moral, social and political components.

The author's conclusion that authoritarianism does not prepare a society for democracy seems fair. The habit of relying on the fact that everything is decided by the authorities does not develop a sense of personal political participation and responsibility among citizens.

According to the author, it was the lack of a subjective personality, the fragmentation of the political field in Indonesian society at the time of the crisis and regime change that led to the fact that the country did not have an Islamic revolution, but a huge number of political organizations emerged, including 40 Muslim ones. A new party system began to take shape. During this period, as the author emphasizes, radical Islam became sharply more active. Along with Muslim parties, radical Islamist organizations emerged that considered strict compliance with the requirements of Sharia law necessary, professed the ideas of jihad and often consisted of marginal and semi-criminal elements. Some of these organizations, such as the militant Islamist Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia with the idea of a worldwide caliphate, the Mujahideen Council of Indonesia, and Jama'a Islamia, were formed outside the official political field.

Already in 1998, conflicts began to occur on the "outer islands" between Muslim settlers and the local, mostly Christian, population. The author analyzes the causes and features of these conflicts in Indonesia as an island state inhabited by many ethnic groups. These conflicts, being inter-ethnic and inter-confessional, were largely determined by socio-economic problems, when Muslim migrants - strangers in the areas where they moved and where Christians traditionally lived-occupied the economic niches of the local population. The bloody clashes claimed the lives of thousands of people.

The author raises the question of why during the years of independence in Indonesia there was no national rule of law, and comes to the conclusion that the authoritarianism of the previous period did not create conditions for the development of the legal consciousness of citizens, for their ability to act independently in times of crisis without strict state coercion. In the context of the post-crisis plight of the masses and the growth of separatist sentiments, militant groups formed under the banner of Islamism. Russian experts on Indonesia attribute their radicalization in the country to the international anti-terrorist struggle proclaimed by the United States after September 11, 2001. It aroused sympathy for al-Qaeda among the Muslim public in various countries, including Indonesia, and a desire to resist "US attempts to dictate its will to the whole world," as Abu Bakar Bashir, a well-known radical Islamic preacher, put it.

Despite private successes, the government of B. Y. Habibi failed to stabilize the situation as a whole. Politicians, political parties, military, religious associations, and groups of citizens of various socio-political orientations actively participated in the complex political struggle, which included the party-political campaign for the country's presidential election. As a result, a compromise figure of A. Wahid, the spiritual leader of Nahdatul Ulam, was nominated for the post of president. A. Y. Another highly appreciates the contribution of this politician to the reform of Indonesian society, who defended the idea of compatibility of Islam with democracy and human rights during the period of radicalization of Islam. The army was strongly opposed to the reformist president. He was removed as President, replaced by Megawati Sukarnoputri (2001-2004).

The daughter of President Sukarno showed a willingness to engage in dialogue with the army and the Muslim elite, whose opinion she had to constantly take into account. Thus, anti-American sentiments in Muslim circles forced it to change its official position in relation to the events of September 11, 2001 and maneuver in connection with the US declared war against international Islamic terrorism.

It should be noted that when describing the political development of Indonesia in the period from the last quarter of the 20th century to the present, the author has to constantly turn to the topic of radicalization of Islam, terrorism, and the influence of political Islam on the balance of power, especially during election campaigns. All this shows that the Islamic factor is a permanent feature of the socio-political life of Indonesia, influencing its foreign and domestic policy. The author reveals many nuances of political maneuvering, subtle election moves, which in Russia, perhaps, today no one knows better than him.

In Indonesia, militant Islamist groups were formed that operated not only inside the country, but also outside its borders. The Government faced great difficulties in the fight against terrorism, given the foreign policy situation and the balance of power inside the country. It has shown restraint towards radical Islamists and granted significant autonomy rights to the province of Aceh. A special problem is the terrorist attacks on Bali with numerous human casualties. The transition to terror, according to the author, is evidence that one of the parties (in this case, Islamist radicals) does not see prospects for a political dialogue with the authorities. At the same time, it was assumed that they were connected with the US special services and aimed to push M. Sukarnoputri to take more decisive actions against Islamic radicals. Naturally, the Government has taken legal and organizational measures to prevent rampant terrorism in the country.

A researcher of Islamism is interested in the analysis to which the author subjects the political views of the ideological mastermind of Islamic extremism in Indonesia, Abu Bakar Bashir, who was arrested by the authorities, which allow us to understand the value orientations of Muslim terrorists.

The author connects the growth of Muslim radicalism with acute socio-economic problems, corruption at all levels of the state, lack of faith in the justice of the court, i.e. with a combination of various reasons that generate a sense of injustice in the surrounding world and push Muslim preachers into the arms, offering their adherents an alternative in the form of Islamic values.

In the context of growing Islamic radicalism, the issue of education has become particularly important. Islamists within the ruling elite used their influence to promote Muslim values in educational institutions, so that the training of the younger generation was carried out in the spirit of Islam.

Analyzing in detail the nature of persistent anti-American sentiments in Indonesia, the author shows how the American invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan raised the question for Indonesia's foreign policy: to join the international anti-terrorist struggle at the request of the United States or to abstain. Mass demonstrations against American aggression in Iraq and the desire of Indonesians to go to Iraq as volunteers led Jakarta to distance itself from US policy. In general, Indonesia's foreign policy in connection with the military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan was inconsistent, since the government is forced to take into account the internal political situation and look back at Western countries, primarily the United States. At the same time, the Indonesian Government is seeking to develop international cooperation that can counter U.S. hegemony. Indonesian leaders attach great importance to Indonesia's cooperation with Russia in order to create a new, more just international order that would avoid escalating tensions between Muslim countries and Western civilization and moral violence on the part of the West against countries that adhere to traditional values.

The bloody terrorist attacks in Jakarta in 2003 led to the internationalization of the problem of terrorism in Indonesia, to the recognition of Jama'a Islamiya as an Al-Qaeda affiliate in Southeast Asia. In Indonesia itself, terrorist attacks and separatist movements did not stop, which became a permanent political factor in the country.

Drugov analyzes in detail the electoral behavior of Indonesian voters in the post-Suharto period, taking into account, in particular, the religious factor.

During the government of S. B. Yudhoyono, the struggle of radicals with the government for the legislative consolidation of Sharia norms at the state level became very important. This problem was actively used in the struggle for votes. The failure at the national level did not deter them, and the promotion of radical Islamist views increased, which was facilitated by an environment of greater political openness. In provinces and at lower levels of territorial administration, sharia law was often imposed without legal justification, especially in schools and other educational institutions. The threat of radicalism and terrorism caused concern not only to the Government, but also to the Ulema Council, but the leaders of the main Muslim organizations did not develop a unified line. The government's attempts to soften radical sentiments, including passing a lenient sentence to Abu Bakar Bashir, were unsuccessful. A. Y. Drugov traces in detail the growth of radicalism, accompanied by more and more acts of terrorism, strengthening ties with international terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda.

The author analyzes the current social processes in the country and their correlation with the growth of radical Islamism. At the same time, he refers to how the Indonesians themselves see it. "So far, there are 9.8 million people in the country. There will always be angry young Indonesians who are attracted to Islamic radicalism" (Yu.B. Sudarsono, a prominent sociologist and statesman). The article examines in detail the influence of official and radical Islam on the course of presidential election campaigns.

Proselytism of Protestant churches in Indonesia and the conversion of young Indonesians to Christianity are noted. The percentage of Christians is incomparably lower - according to various sources, from 9 to 15% of the country's population. Nevertheless, the problem of Christianization has become a real factor in political life in the country. As well as the confrontation between Muslims and Christians on the ground.

Drugov's monograph shows that in the Indonesian state and in the daily life of the country's citizens, there is a constant struggle between secular forces and supporters of Islam, who seek to consolidate certain provisions of Sharia law in legislative acts and implement them in life. The government has to reckon with official Islam, make some concessions and build relations with more radical political forces, as well as fight against terrorism. Islamist movements in Indonesia are influenced by international radical Muslim organizations, which in turn influence Indonesia's foreign policy.

Muslim parties participate in parliamentary activities, and in recent years there has been an active process of creating Muslim wings under secular parties. The author emphasizes that the rise of extremism is largely due to unresolved socio-economic problems. Often, social discontent is clothed in a religious form. Interethnic and inter-confessional conflicts often break out under a religious banner, claiming human lives, which spill out beyond the borders of individual states and create chaos.

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