Moscow: Institute of Oriental Countries, 2011, 308 p.

The book under review by A. Y. Drugov, a well-known orientalist, one of the leading scientists who heads the national school of Indonesian studies, is devoted to the crucial stage of Indonesia's development at the turn of the XX - XXI centuries, which is extremely important from the point of view of its significance for the present and future of this country-a giant in the region of Southeast Asia and one of the largest states in the world. Chronologically, the text covers the period from the fall of the authoritarian military-bureaucratic regime of President General Suharto in May 1998 to the transition to the process of reforming the political system in the direction of its certain liberalization.

In a brief introduction, the author defines the task of research as follows: "not only to describe the events of the period under consideration, but also to try to understand their internal logic, to find their roots in the minds, political culture, historical and social experience of Indonesians" (p. 4). A serious advantage of the work is the author's support based on the principle of research that combines a specific analysis of events and changes in Indonesia during the period under review with an appeal to the problems of the influence of cultural and historical factors on the modern political process and political behavior of the elite and the masses, as well as the peculiarities of the psychology and national character of Indonesians.

If we proceed from the author's definition of the research task quoted above, then, in my opinion, in the scientific, theoretical and methodological sense, chapter I "Prerequisites for the crisis and the fall of the military-bureaucratic regime"occupies a special place in the work. The scientist has repeatedly addressed the study of the specifics of the Indonesian authoritarian model of the "new order", having developed his own convincing concept of the formation and evolution of the political system and features of the political culture of Indonesia during the 32-year dictatorship of General Suharto. Drugov's concept can and does serve as a methodological basis for many studies of domestic Indonesian scholars, which is confirmed by modern literature on Indonesia.

In this chapter, the author summarizes the results of three decades of authoritarian military-bureaucratic regime, focuses on its last phase of agony and collapse. Moreover, this is not just a summary of this most difficult period in the history of the country and the life of Indonesians that goes back to the past,but also a special analytical approach of the author, his view from the point of view of historical retrospect. Most interesting in this regard are the conclusions about the essential deep causes of the unusually rapid ("overnight", p.42) fall of Suharto and the subsequent collapse of the "new order"created by him.

In the complex of reasons that are crucial for accelerating the fall of the Sukhartovsky regime, the author identifies the most significant ones. They are associated with a change in the social psychology of Indonesians (from traditionally patriarchal to more realistic and pragmatic), the expansion of the politically active stratum in society, and as a result of the above-mentioned processes of "some desacralization of power, rationalization of political thinking" (p. 43). The author draws attention to the fact that Suharto and the top of the army, who held power in their own hands, could not create a self-regulating system. A regime based on violence, coercion, and repressive methods of governance could not but alienate the authorities from society. With the onset of the 1997-1998 Asian crisis, which hit Indonesia's financial and economic system hard enough, alienation reached a critical level, contributing to the regime's downfall.

I will quote the main conclusion of the author, which draws a line under Sukhartovsky's version of authoritarianism that ended so infamously. "The New Order has shown an inability to adapt to the current situation.-

to adapt to the social changes that he himself brought to life by economic development. Apart from minor details, General Suharto's regime came to its end in terms of its philosophy of power and methods of its implementation the same as it was in the late 1960s, while the society that this regime intended to govern indefinitely changed, without changing the methods and approaches between the authorities and citizens " (p. 45).

Four chapters dealing directly with the initial 8-year transition phase of Indonesia's development deal successively with the four successive presidencies of four post-Suharto top leaders (II - "The Presidency of B. Y. Habibi: The Beginning of Political Reforms", III - "The Presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid", IV - "The Presidency of Megawati Sukarnoputri", V- "The beginning of the Presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2006)"). In this main part of the monograph, the main vector of research is the problem of forming, or rather, searching for a new model of Indonesia's development, the multidirectional nature of changes related not only to overcoming the legacy of the authoritarian past, but also to solving new problems that arise in almost all spheres of life of an already post-authoritarian society. The author's attention is drawn to the key cardinal issues facing the country in the context of an acute political crisis, which reflected the deepening discrepancy between the paternalistic type of power (especially expressed in the concept of "father-president") and the capitalist and, as A. Drugov calls it, "quasi-liberal basis" (p.46).

In this part of the monograph, the chapter devoted to the presidency of B. Y. Habibi deserves special attention, since it actually began a new modern stage in the political development of Indonesia. Engineer Habibi, a former vice-president of Suharto, his closest associate and official successor, by definition could not enjoy the popularity and trust of Indonesians, remaining in their minds a direct successor to the repressive and corrupt policies of the"new order".

Drugov shares the view that the formal legitimacy of Habibi "was not confirmed by public recognition" (p. 99), but at the same time takes a more subtle approach to the assessment of this figure, believing that the changes taking place in society and the state will not allow Indonesia to be governed by the same people. methods. Moreover, as the author notes, "Habibi understood better than most generals that the situation had changed, and took steps that sometimes caused discontent among military leaders" (p. 54). These steps include many activities: the release of political prisoners, the lifting of the previous regime's bans on a large number of print publications, the elimination of political censorship of the media, and the creation of new political parties. The latter was accompanied by a rapid politicization of society, in particular, a rapid increase in the number of political parties (the author names 200 parties that emerged in the summer of 1998, and this figure naturally declined in the following years).

The chapter on Habibi, I think, is also notable for the fact that it was during this two-year period that the challenges and threats that Indonesia faced in subsequent years were outlined: the aggravation of conflicts on ethnic and religious grounds, the expansion of Islamism, and the growth of separatism. As for separatist sentiments and movements, it was under Habibi that a new round of struggle began for the secession of Aceh, a large province rich in natural resources, including oil, in northern Sumatra (and the roots of Aceh separatism go back to the distant historical past).

The author highlighted a story about the achievement of independent status in October 1999 by East Timor, a peripheral territory that was under the control of Portugal until 1975, and then annexed by Suharto Indonesia. In my opinion, the author's interpretation of this event is somewhat inclined to an Indonesian-centric approach. A rather rare phenomenon remains out of his attention, when a country (Indonesia), which was subjected to many years of colonial oppression, itself moves to a tough colonial policy. I think we should briefly mention the fate of the island, whose inhabitants, showing rare resilience, from 1975 to 1999 waged an unequal liberation struggle against the Indonesian colonialists (this is how they perceived the Indonesians).

The changes associated with the beginning of political reforms can be attributed to the positive side of the development of society under Habibi, who, if not initiated them, then did not resist changes in politics. All of this signaled a real increase in Indonesian political participation. The decision to hold early (1999) presidential elections indicated an obvious tendency to build the electoral process on democratic principles.

But the author also examines other aspects of the country's life during the years of Habibi's presidency, demonstrating the impossibility of rapid stabilization of society and reform efforts with the continuing heavy legacy of the authoritarian regime. He draws attention to the continuing intensity of mass protest movements from below (not only citizens, but also peasants), often in extremist forms, new bursts of anti-Chinese protests, rampant crime, etc.

After the 1999 elections, three heads of state were replaced for a short period of time until 2004, as described in sufficient detail in the book by A. Y. Drugov, which in itself indicates the continuing tense and unstable, dysfunctional situation in Indonesian society.

When reading the text of the three chapters devoted to the second, third, and fourth post-Suhart presidents, I was very impressed by the way the author manages to recreate their political and psychological portraits, introducing a kind of "humanized" elements into the context of scientific research, making it more convincing and reliable. In this portrait gallery, my preference is given to the personality of the liberal (by Indonesian standards) Abdurrahman Wahid, who directly replaced Habibi. Wahid is the founder and leader of the National Revival Party (PNV, July 1998), which acts as a political organization of the Islamic-Traditionalist Union of Muslim Theologians (Nahdatul Ulama), a well-known major theologian. The author calls him one of the most controversial and tragic political figures in post-Suharto Indonesia. The PNV led by him opposes the transformation of Indonesia into an Islamic state, and supports the separation of state power and religion.

The inconsistency of Vahid as a person was manifested in the fact that his understanding of the need to reform and modernize relations between the authorities and society was combined, according to Drugov, "with an instinctive commitment to patriarchal views on these relations, a well-known messianism combined with Javanese mysticism" (p.107). He was characterized, as the author notes, by extravagance, a tendency to impromptu, shocking and rude humor. These traits brought him popularity, but also caused confusion among politicians and religious circles, since such a style of behavior contradicted the traditional Indonesian ideas of a "wise and prudent ruler" (p. 109). The author agrees with the assessments of some Western scholars about the unpredictability of Wahid's behavior, inconsistency and generally weak political potential, as a result of which sincere reform initiatives eventually turned against him, reducing his credibility and popularity rating. So, for the first time, when Vahid took office as president, he raised the issue of millions of innocent victims as a result of the terror of 1965-1967. He apologized to the victims for the participation of members of the Nahdatul Ulam in the mass killings, and suggested creating a commission to establish the true roots of this tragedy and national reconciliation. Moreover, he called for the repeal of the Congress decree (1966) banning Marxist-Leninist ideology, as this decision violates human rights. In March 2000, he ordered the creation of a human rights commission, and another large group of political prisoners was released from prison.

All these actions could not but cause discontent and opposition on the part of the conservative civic elite and in certain traditionalist circles of politicians and clerics. But the strongest resistance (often hidden) to Wahid's policy of democratizing the political system was met by the generals, since the center of the president's reform program was military reform, which meant the gradual transformation of the army from an autonomous political force into one of the state institutions controlled by the civilian authorities (p.110). As a result, Wahid was powerless to resist the onslaught of a motley and active opposition, in which the military played a major role, and as a result of impeachment, he was released from the presidential post ahead of schedule.

Prior to the 2004 elections, Habibi was succeeded as president by Vice-President Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of the first President of Indonesia, Sukarno, who heads the Democratic Party of Indonesia (fighting) - DPI(b). The author is reserved, but very clearly describes her as a person and leader. Notes a lack of political experience, indecisive, evasive behavior as a party leader and head of state, initially compensated by the charisma of her father. I would add her personal purposeful aspiration to the top of power. With the presidency of Sukarnoputri began a departure from the liberal course of the detached

from the power of Wahid. This was primarily reflected in the suspension of military reform to transform the army into a state institution subordinate to the civil authorities.

In the context of political instability, the unreliability of the civilian political elite, and the weak positions of Sukarnoputri and DPI (b) in Parliament, she was forced to seek the support of her power as president. Muslim parties were excluded, most of which were opposed to a woman leading the Indonesian state. Sukarnoputri found support in Golkar and the army, who, as the author writes, represented "precisely those segments of the political spectrum in the fight against which she came to the forefront of this struggle" (p. 160).

In the chapter on the Sukarnoputri presidency, I would like to highlight for the first time a generalized and multidimensional analysis of the complex of problems that are most relevant for Indonesia related to the spread of Islamism (internal and external aspects). Drugov has repeatedly addressed the problems of Islam in Indonesia, but here is a complete picture of the ambiguous processes that make up the essence of the current religious situation. The author does not draw any far-reaching conclusions, does not exaggerate, but also does not underestimate the potential danger of active radicalization of Islam, the spread of Islamism and, accordingly, Islamist terrorist methods of struggle, but rather raises a hypothetical question about the threat of turning Indonesia into an Islamic state.

The final chapter of the monograph is devoted to the beginning of the presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2006). For the first time since the fall of the Suharto regime, the head of state was a general, the Coordinating Minister for Political Affairs and Security in the cabinet of Sukarnoputri. He won the presidency in the 2004 elections, defeating his rivals, General Wiranto (Golkar) and Sukarnoputri, running for the new little - known Party of Democrats (PD). A. Y. Drugov makes a reasonable assumption that the PD, created shortly before the parliamentary elections in April 2004, also played the role of a tool that, based on the results of the parliamentary elections in the Republic of Uzbekistan. part of the military structures, it was intended to ensure the victory of S. B. Yudhoyono in the presidential elections in July 2004, which did not exclude rivalry within the military elite, hence the appearance of the candidacy of General Wiranto.

S. B. Yudhoyono has a reputation as a general reformer, and he would position himself as the heir to the most liberal of the post-Suharto presidents - A. B. Yudhoyono. Wahida. In particular, he continued Wahid's policy of rotating military leaders of various branches of the armed forces in top military posts. At the same time, having no solid support in parliament and facing permanent opposition from the civilian elite, he was interested in supporting the army. The author makes a logical conclusion that his reform efforts in the military sphere will be psychologically and politically limited (p. 229).

The fact that only seven years after the collapse of authoritarianism, a military man found himself at the top post of the state is associated with changes in the mood of Indonesians, disillusionment with reforms that are not being implemented, and nostalgia for a strong government that can stop destabilizing processes. Therefore, it is possible to restore the political role of the army as the most effective and reliable force. "At the same time," the author writes, "it was forgotten that for more than thirty years of its rule, the army failed to give society a self - reproducing stability and there are no reasonable guarantees that it will succeed on a new attempt" (p.305).

Drugov's book goes beyond narrow-country research. His conclusions on many issues based on the experience of Indonesia, related to the specifics of the evolution, then the collapse of the Indonesian version of authoritarianism, and the study of the features of the difficult and contradictory transition to a new political model that has not yet been clearly defined, are also projected on the general problems of modern development in the countries of the East. As an illustration, we can refer to the author's arguments about the historical potential and historical function of authoritarianism. It should be noted that the problem of authoritarianism in developing countries has not lost its relevance and now remains one of the most studied in the world of Oriental studies. Based on the experience of Indonesia, the author takes an unusual approach to the interpretation of this topic. In his opinion, stability for the sake of certain political and social goals formulated by the elite, provided by the use of violence, implies "the presence of latent or explicit rejection of these goals in society" (p. 44). Moreover, the latter, as a rule, objectively correspond to the strategic interests of society's development (most often, economic modernization, economic growth, acceleration of capitalist transformation).

The author puts the question on a different plane: is the ruling elite able to convince at least the politically and socially active part of society that the chosen strategy coincides with the long-term needs of society's development and, on this basis, gradually abandon violence in favor of expanding the political participation of citizens? He calls a positive solution to this problem "a certain ideal path" (p. 44), along which authoritarian regimes are not really able to move forward. Indonesia gives the most negative answer to this question, when the army and its leader Suharto, as symbols of power, became "a symbol of corruption and favoritism" (p. 44).

In the Southeast Asian region, a positive response can be given to the example of strict authoritarian rule in Singapore, but with a conscious policy of the ruling elite aimed precisely at creating conditions for a fairly broad political participation of Singaporeans. But Singapore, which occupies a special position in the region, with its status as a developed country, is a rare exception in the third world.

The author's conclusion concerning the aggravation of the political crisis in Indonesia immediately after the fall of the Suharto regime is of general problem significance. In order to stabilize the situation and reduce the intensity of political and social tension in society, a new, responsible, strong government was needed. Assessing the current situation, the author comes to the conclusion that authoritarian regimes in general are incapable (by their very nature) of nominating large, authoritative personalities in the highest echelons of the political elite. Hence the inevitable lack of effective leadership after the collapse of authoritarianism. This idea, as applied to Indonesia, can be traced in each Other's assessments of the state policy being formed by post-Suharto presidents over the past eight years and the creation of new political structures.

More broadly, the monograph raises questions about the nature and features of transitional stages of development after the fall of authoritarian regimes. Based on the experience of Indonesia, which has experienced, as we know, one of the most protracted and severely repressive variants of authoritarianism, it is obvious that the majority of developing countries in the East have a pattern of unstable, contradictory, painful movement in the post-authoritarian space under the standard slogans of democratization and renewal of political systems, which are usually not fully implemented.

Drugov's book, covering a wide range of problems and subjects united in a single logical whole, I repeat, is distinguished by high professionalism and a special analytical mindset of the author. It is necessary to mention the proportionality and harmony in the distribution of the material, the emphasis in each of the chapters on issues and topics that are most important for the entire study.

The monograph, whose text is chronologically limited (1998-2006), is also of scientific value from the point of view of the author's conclusions about possible prospects for the development of Indonesia in the following years. Even today, we can say that the author's forecasts, especially on the search for a new political model, the alignment of political forces, the intergroup and interpersonal struggle within the ruling elite, the expansion of Islamism, the threat of separatism, and the foreign policy aspects of Indonesia's state course, are fully confirmed in the country's development in the second half of the first decade of

I would like to note the impeccable style of research, the use of a wide range of sources and literature, and the author's special, I would say, correctness and care in handling scientific material (a model for young aspiring scientists).

Here is a fundamental, extremely relevant, original in design and implementation, a talented book that represents a new serious contribution to the national Oriental science and can be rightly attributed to world-class Indonesian studies.

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