Moscow: Eksmo Publ., 2012, 432 p., ill.

In the preface of the book, the author notes that despite all the attention that seems to be paid in the current cultural studies to the problem of the corporeal, the body itself (human flesh) "strangely appears disconnected from the historical process" (p. 7). But it is the movement of bodies (carriers of this very corporeality), of which the human community consists in the present-day world. in the world and in each individual region, and is history: "without the human body, human history would simply be impossible" (p. 8). And A. N. Meshcheryakov takes a certain "focus" in order to give the reader the opportunity to see each individual Japanese and understand how he is in the flesh, in his body it is included in the historical process. And it turns out the author is very bright and clear!

It is valuable to note the importance of the features of bodily behavior that can serve both to "speed up" and "slow down" history, "if we understand by "history" incremental information related to the social sphere." The author argues, and it is very well proved, that Japanese examples clearly show how universal and strict prescriptive behavior (the so-called etiquette, or ceremoniality) clearly "slows down" history, blocking antisocial and anti-state behavior, whereas in the absence of such behavior, events are generated in society, and therefore conflict situations escalate, which leads to the development of social relations. There is an "acceleration" of history (p. 8). However, from the first contacts with the country, the ceremoniality of Japanese behavior noted by foreigners was condemned as evidence of "stagnation", a sign of "feudal" lifestyle and was not considered at all worthy of careful study and unbiased understanding from the point of view of its influence on the history of the country. The researcher came to the conclusion that ceremonialism is not a consequence of the backwardness of the social and state structure, but an active factor in the movement of Japan in history (p.9).

Within the framework of the topic, the author first of all considers the question of the" belonging " of the body. Despite the obvious answer to this question for modern people," administrative powers " in relation to one's own body were practically never possessed by a person: in Christian culture, the body belonged primarily to God (hence the condemnation of suicide), and at various stages of the development of European society - to the head of the family, the owner of the means of production, the state. At the same time, the author notes, the degree of ownership of the corresponding "owner" in Japan was much higher than in Europe, "the question of free will and body in Japanese culture and history was simply not discussed" (p.10). In certain circumstances, in peacetime (in the Tokugawa era), the body belonged primarily to the parents and functioned in the care of aging parents; in other circumstances, when merging with the social "organism", the awareness of the low value of one's own body led to sacrifice (up to voluntary death). During the "nationalization" of the body (late XIX - first half of XX century). The state, which previously did not interfere in the reproductive process, began to encourage the birth rate, and the subsequent overpopulation of the country, according to the author, contributed to the expansionist aspirations of Japan.

A. N. Meshcheryakov's remark that bodily skills are fixed at the level of the spinal cord and are difficult to recode using verbal means is very important (p. 11).

The initial dates of the presented research are the foundation of the Tokugawa Shogunate (1603), because this event marked the beginning of an era that is sharply and essentially different from the past (which undoubtedly left its mark on the subconscious of culture). The author divides the entire period under study into three main parts.

In Part I ("The World of Tokugawa. A body bestowed by Heaven and parents"), covering more than two and a half centuries of the country's history, on 134 pages it tells about the accumulation of those features and characteristics "that will serve as a prerequisite for the formation of the "Japanese" (his image) " (p. 13). Despite the author's remark that he" necessarily briefly " describes "the state, social and intellectual circumstances under which the Japanese and his body had to live in the Tokugawa era," this is extremely succinct. The titles of the five chapters in this part are very informative, as well as in the whole book (at the same time

it is necessary to note a certain "elegance" of these titles, which refer to a different hypostasis of the author - as a participant not only in the scientific, but also in the literary process). Chapter titles are the key points that the author highlights as significant for the topic of his thoughts.

Interestingly, it is already in the title of chapter 1 "Power and society: loyalty, order and economy") the emphasis is on moral and ethical issues. The economy (traditionally leading in the current characteristics of the state/society) is at the last place on the list, but all economic parameters are described very concisely, but more than adequately to the requirements of the topic.

A special feature of the situation in Japan during this period of its history, the author notes almost complete isolation from the rest of the world. The sea did not promise discoveries and acquisitions, but was perceived only "as an environment that is a conductor of bad fluids, influences, dangers, invasions" (p. 18). But, according to the author, this allowed the authorities not to be distracted by external affairs, but "to direct all their energy" to ensure the inviolability of the established order" (p.40).

Tokugawa Ieyasu built a strong political system, which by the XVIII century had found final stability. This was facilitated by a number of" not only political, but also ideological "beliefs," bequeathed to Ieyasu's descendants." The main thing, the author notes, is the construction of Japan as a confederation of principalities. No less significant is the system of relations between the shogunate and the imperial court, where the emperor was "the main source of rituals and ceremonies", the patron of sciences and arts, i.e., in the spirit of neo-Confucianism, he personified the primacy of secular and spiritual power over the military (p. 28). The author carefully examines the strictly regulated social structure of the country, as well as the demographic policy: clear control over the movement of its subjects, but the predominant interest is more in "quality" [moral values, degree of obedience], rather than in the number of the population" (p.31). The transformation of temples (including those that are required to register births and deaths) into one of the divisions of the administrative apparatus predetermined the mandatory addition of each to the nearest Buddhist temple. In the XVII-XVIII centuries. "hard work" was considered a universally recognized virtue and even became "the equivalent of Buddhist practice" (p. 33). The established type of economic management, social structure, and traditional food diet ("close to vegetarian") guaranteed the local nature of famine cases, and the fact that" the elite [with an immutable code of conduct] made rather high demands on themselves " significantly reduced corruption and lawlessness and minimized mass protest movements (p.49).

The title of chapter 2, " The body as an instrument of service and a vehicle of ceremoniality: don't think about yourself, bow more often and more deeply," states the most essential thing about a Japanese person's attitude to his body. The most complex and strict regulation of the behavior of each Japanese person in accordance with his social status and age in any situation (at home, on the street, on a visit, in an official setting) seemed incomprehensible to foreigners and often caused biased judgments. As an example, the words of I. A. Goncharov are cited: "The study of decency is an important science for them [the Japanese], in the absence of others so far" (p. 52). Many Tokugawa-era thinkers were involved in developing and preserving the rules of ceremonialism, and a large number of manuals were published. And in relation to the instrument of etiquette (i.e., to the body), every Japanese was obliged to tirelessly show care, for both the sons of respect and the loyalty of the samurai to the suzerain forbade "spoiling health and welcoming diseases, shortening the years granted by Heaven and dying before the deadline" (p. 55).

In chapter 3, "The body clothed and the body naked: Meeting and seeing off the clothes", the author emphasizes the main difference in attitudes to the body in the Christian and Japanese traditions. For the Japanese, the body was not at all a concentration of sinfulness. Sexuality was considered "a manifestation of the creative potentials of Nature and Heaven" (p. 84). However, the exposure of the naked body and its image were seriously limited (p. 80): the higher the status of a person, the smaller the part of his body exposed. At the same time," ordinary "Japanese" were calm about the nakedness of the body and its specific parts", which "did not offend the" subtle" feelings of representatives of the Japanese elite", but rather irritated foreigners (p.209). There was no place for purely aesthetic admiring of the body and its forms in Japanese culture. Common in the arguments of Japanese (following Chinese) thinkers about the nature of the human, the author confirms, was the idea that clothing distinguishes a person from an animal, a person from a barbarian. For the choice of clothing, it was not convenience that was recognized as necessary, but "hiding" the body. The country's literature and paintings reflect that "the soul of the Japanese (in any case, having a certain status) was contained not so much in the features of the face or in the eyes, but in the clothes, their accessories and hairstyle" (p. 102). So much so

the tradition was also irreconcilable with other manifestations of individuality, such as facial expressions (for an impenetrable facial expression was prescribed).

The idea expressed in the title of Chapter 4, "Prolonging life: nurturing the body," was presented as "a condition for the proper functioning of the socio-state organism." This special discipline is about " feeding life "(kit. yang sheng, Japanese yojie), coming from ancient China, became widespread in Japan during the Tokugawa period (p. 111): it is not the treatment of diseases that is important, but the training of people in the prevention of various diseases. The medical profession, however, was more than common, while attitudes towards all sorts of healers, miracle cures, and eccentric Taoist practitioners were negative.

Since the Japanese recognized the primacy of Japan in all respects and everything in Japan was recognized as the norm, it is predictable - "The body of a foreigner: everything is wrong", which is what chapter 5 is devoted to.

Part II, "The Body in the Age of Modernization: Goodbye Asia!" begins with Chapter 1, " Country: From Arrogance to Complexes, from Immobility to Movement." Japan, which considered itself under the protection of Heaven, did not have the managerial, scientific and technical, and therefore military potential to repel direct military aggression. Under the pressure of Western powers, the country was forced in 1854 to open several ports for "free trade" - and already in 1868, the Tokugawa Shogunate fell as unable to guarantee the security of the emperor and the independence of the country. As a result of the outbreak of civil war, forces that demanded modernization came to power (from those "several aristocrats and low-ranking samurai of the southwestern principalities" who were defeated in the early 17th century). Young Meiji (1867-1912) was elevated to the throne. As the author writes, for Europeans, Asia was " a 'sleeping' archipelago, which should be 'awakened' as soon as possible for those types of 'civilized' activities that were considered the most prestigious in the West (industry, trade, war)." As a result of too abrupt change of orientation, the psychological trauma of the Japanese turned out to be deep: "for a while, they stopped being proud of their history, culture, and even geography (p.153).

The pronounced difference in the physical development of the Japanese served as a confirmation of racial theories for some scientists. European items, tools, vehicles and weapons were clearly not designed for the "puny" Japanese. "The identity crisis was all-encompassing" (not least because only the bodies of "despicable " rickshaws" beautifully built, with muscular bronze bodies " corresponded to European ideas of bodily beauty) (p. 156). Japan had already experienced an inferiority complex much earlier in relation to China, but then the "unit of comparison" was the "country", not the individual... In this reflection, corporeality was completely absent, the inferiority (superiority) complex did not affect the body" (p.158), i.e., it did not apply to each individual person. Now the physical and behavioral characteristics that recently terrified the Japanese in Europeans have become a sign of a" civilized " person, accepted as an ideal, and they should be imitated. "It was not an easy task" (p. 159). Yes, there were also technical reforms: the desire to "add dynamism" also led to the development of transport (in 1872). the first railway line connecting Tokyo and Yokohama is being put into operation). The famous thinker of the Meiji era, Fukuzawa Yukichi, in his program article "Escape from Asia" in 1885, argued that Japan is not on the road with its neighbors, but with the countries of the West. However, " the 'reform of the body' was slower, but, as it seemed for quite a long time, it was moving in the right direction " (p. 163).

The titles of the following chapters seem to list the main points of this very "body reform": chapter 2 - "The Japanese body: from kimono to uniform", Chapter 3 - "The Japanese woman's body: teeth and skin whitening", Chapter 4 - "The Japanese: the exposed body", Chapter 5 "Getting taller: from rice to rice". meat, stand, not sit", Chapter 6 - "Physical education and sports: rough strength and soft strength", Chapter 7 - "Sick body: ailments old and new", Chapter 8 - "Ceremonial body: let it be as always".

Of course, first of all, this reform concerned the " elite (citizens)", which had to abandon physical inactivity. And since the state itself was the main carrier of progress, in 1871 all state officials were ordered to put on European dress (as "in the distant VIII century, when Japan was modernizing according to the Chinese model, the main motive for introducing Chinese dress was also the desire to resemble the cultural donor of that time", p.170). The" highest model " was the emperor himself: in a European uniform, with

mustache and beard, which were now a measure of "civility", and previously were considered an attribute of "barbarians" (p. 188). Since there was an opinion among the Japanese that" the 'weakness' of their body is due to long-term peace", and "constant wars in Europe led to an improvement in body conditions", militarization "turned into a systematic requirement for reform not only of politics, but also of the body" (p.175). Direction of smell of clothing, pockets (not containing Japanese smoking pipes and fans), materials used for sewing clothes and shoes (wool, leather were considered "unclean"in Japan) - everything was embarrassing and traumatic (not only morally, but sometimes physically). But most importantly, European clothing "largely concealed the" status "of its owner" (p. 176).

Commoners also had to change such an important parameter as clothing. A noticeably growing layer of industrial workers dressed in European style, just by their appearance caused a sharply negative attitude, and not least for this reason they were attributed to immoral behavior. (And most interestingly, this was also the self-assessment of the workers. According to one of them, "dressing a peasant in European clothes is like giving a knife to a maniac", p. 176). Clothing evoked behavioral innovations: the style and pace of the gait changed, it was not easy (the emperor even in a European uniform "dragged his legs"). But Japanese soldiers, according to Europeans, learned to march quite successfully. However, there was no complete abandonment of the national costume, because " European clothing did not fit life "on the floor", which required a radical reform of the interior of the Japanese house." But it was a very long process (p. 178).

European clothing could not disguise differences in the body, and failures in this area led to statements that "such imitation is shameful" (p.184). In addition, what "was perceived in Japan itself as an indicator of familiarity with "real" civilization turned out to be a useless talisman against the ridicule of Westerners " (p. 189), and the lifestyle in Europe and America was disappointing. The Japanese "traveled to distant lands to return to their own origins," the author explains the sentiments of some who, after traveling abroad, became "champions of the national, rather than Western, structure of thought and life" (p.190).

For Japanese women, wearing a European dress was even more difficult. In addition to the cut of clothing, European shoes for women became mandatory corset, which not only restricted movement, but also made it difficult to breathe. European clothing could sharply contradict the status of a woman: the cleavage exposed the neck, which was considered a provocative sign of sexuality, an attribute of geishas and prostitutes. Despite the Empress's appeals, women eventually "became the guardians not only of the hearth, but also of traditions" (p. 194). Of course, Japanese women were changing: hygiene requirements led to a short haircut (beautiful, complex hairstyles did not allow Japanese women to wash their hair often, they did it no more than twice a year); the complete plucking of eyebrows, blackening of teeth (indicating married status), which was recognized as uncivilized, was becoming a thing of the past. Western cosmetics and hygiene products are advertised and consumed; appropriate societies are created, and European lecturers come. Japanese men are convinced that in addition to reforming their bodies, they also have a crucial role in reforming the female body and are encouraged to abandon the former ideal of beauty. At the same time, the primary requirement for Japanese women was the birth of healthy offspring and in greater numbers: after all, now the Japanese woman had obligations not only to her parents, to her husband, but also to the whole country, because "people (their bodies) were considered as the most important resource" of the state (p.195).

In part III, "The Body in the Age of Totalitarianism: Between Yellow and White, between Flesh and spirit," I find most interesting chapter 1, " The Yellow Danger." The author notes that in the West " Japan was poorly known (much worse than the Japanese knew the West)", and therefore " the inertia of the perception of Japan as an "Asian" and "backward" country was enormous " (p. 282). (And this is despite the country's great achievements in almost all spheres of life. Thus, in 1889, the constitution was introduced in the country, in 1890, the first parliamentary elections were held; compulsory four-year education was introduced, and two imperial universities were established. It is necessary to note the successful development of industry, the growth of exports of goods and natural resources, such as coal and copper; the merchant fleet competed in the Far East with the American one. A well-developed network of railways and highways was created in the country, and the telegraph and post office connected the remote corners of the country. The army and navy already " posed a threat to their neighbors.") And it sounds like a refrain in the country: Japan "must show 'courage', aggressiveness and expansionism, that is, competence in the military sphere, which was so valued in the West at that time " (p. 282).

In this sense, the victory in the war with China (1894-1895) caused great enthusiasm in the country. Now China was no longer a hegemon in the Far East, and this military triumph was widely seen as a prologue to future world power. "The carefully nurtured concept of 'dynamism' has been interpreted in an expansionist way." There were voices saying that "war is needed only for one thing - for the Japanese to feel like Japanese", " back to the days of noble antiquity!" And Japan's victory in the war with Russia not only led to talk in Europe about the brilliant qualities of the Japanese soldier, but "someone even began to think that he [the Japanese soldier] had become taller" (p.283). (The author makes a reservation that this was not without some gloating over the defeat of Russia.)

In Japan itself, the body discourse during the war was associated not "with bodily dimensions, but with sacrifice, with a willingness to part with one's body" (how can one not recall the traditional "death for the master" in samurai culture!). The heroism and sacrifice of the Japanese made an indelible impression on the whole world. And in Japanese works of art of that period, "sacrifice, readiness for bodily suffering and parting with the body were interpreted as generic and unique features of the Japanese people" (p. 286). Japanese eugenicists argued that, while inferior to Europeans in physical and even psychological terms at the individual level, the Japanese "surpass them in 'innate' (i.e., transmitted at the genetic level) collectivism" (p.287).

Ordinary people, and even some political figures in the West, still called the Japanese "monkeys", capable only of imitation. But in 1895, Emperor Wilhelm II first used the term "yellow peril" to refer to Japan's military threats to Western hegemony. (Previously, this term was used in America to refer to Chinese immigrants who compete with the local working population.) It is interesting to note that the Japanese "thought of themselves as white-skinned, while at the same time they portrayed representatives of other Asian peoples as yellow-skinned." Despite the constant statements of the Japanese government that the war with Russia "has nothing to do with the clash of races and religions," Japanese public opinion "largely perceived this war as a racial one, it had a distinct "color" coloring" (p.291). In Japan, military victories were seen as evidence that the "country finally" left "Asia" and became comparable to world powers. However, in the West, "discrimination has taken on a qualitatively different dimension." Evidence of this was the following circumstance: to the Japanese as representatives of the "yellow" (i.e. At the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, they refused to include in the charter of the League of Nations a clause on racial equality of foreigners in the member countries of this organization. The United States and Great Britain were the toughest on this issue. "Just a few decades ago, it was the United States that showed special zeal in the "opening up" of Japan, now Japan demanded more openness from the United States. But Japan did not have the power capabilities to achieve this goal at that time " (p.293).

A. N. Meshcheryakov notes that the racist-anthropological conceptual apparatus, which was developed outside Japan and is acutely perceived in relation to their compatriots, was used by the Japanese in a mirror image in relation to peoples with a different skin color ("red and black").

The desire to get rid of their Asian identity, which did not lead to results, actualized the ideas of pan-Asiatism. And this was due "not only and not so much to geopolitical considerations, but to a complex of bodily resentment against the white man," the author concludes the chapter. At the same time, the above statement makes this conclusion very convincing (p.295).

In chapter 2 ("Becoming a European"), the author states that while" war brought back archaic and Samurai ideals, ""peace conditions brought Westernization again and again." I got the impression that the author has a certain negative connotation of this concept. (However, even if I am mistaken in this case, I can nevertheless attest that this is a very common phenomenon, including among Orientalists. A new confirmation of this is a certain opposition on this issue among the participants of the Xinhai Revolution conference held by the China Department in December 2012. At the same time, it should be recognized that the confrontation between "modernization" and "Westernization" began much earlier than the 1950s, as some believe.) According to the text, Westernization is understood as "further destruction of the traditional picture of the world and the environment", in the absence of dialogue

cultures, since "the information flow came from the West and was unidirectional" (p. 296). Recognizing modernization as a natural and generally positive phenomenon, many (both Orientalists and residents of countries where cardinal reforms are taking place) reject modernization in its humanitarian aspect, which, in fact, is usually called Westernization. I think it is more appropriate to believe that modernization is not limited to the purely material side of the problem (equipment, technologies and others like them). Modernization is, first of all, the reproduction in a different historical context and by different parameters of such a process of overcoming the medieval tradition, which was first carried out in the European West. Modernization causes a "civilizational revolution" (underlined by me - E. S.), lasting in time and affecting various public institutions, social psychology, and culture" (Strada V. Russia and Europe: yesterday and Today // New and recent stories. 2005. No. 3, p. 74).

According to Westernization in Japan, there was "an increase in individualization, i.e., a sharp awareness of one's personal and bodily interests, preferences and tastes." Lively discussions have begun in the country, including on marital relations. Other phenomena also emerged. An excellent knowledge of Japanese culture in general and literature in particular (which, in fact, can only provide material for understanding the problems of self-identification and reaction to changes in society at the personal level) allows A. N. Meshcheryakov not only to very subtly, accurately and colorfully describe changing fashions, behavioral styles, forms of social existence and the formation of consumer culture. culture, but also talk about the emergence of new stresses and complexes at the individual level from the inability to achieve the desired compliance with European standards.

Chapter 3, " To remain Japanese, "shows how by the end of the 1920s, the fear of" losing its face, its culture, "and "in its peaceful and weak-willed dissolution into the world's"materialism"was growing in Japan. The author, in my opinion, quite accurately describes the situation in the country as "fatigue from complexes" (p. 311). Now more people listen to the opinion that a person who blindly copies other people's models (including in the requirements for his body) and, most importantly, abandons his own traditions to oblivion, never succeeds (p. 312). However, such opinions were expressed at the end of the XIX century, but then they were not in demand. Works dealing with the "specialness" of the Japanese are becoming very popular: evidence of a "tactile" or "tactile" theme in the country's culture that is inaccessible in the West; the dependence of the behavior, character and lifestyle of a person and people on natural conditions and climate (while there was no thought of testing such theories in practice). And the less the Japanese differed from the Europeans in their lifestyle, "the stronger the desire for self-identification became" (p. 331).

Chapter 4, " Nationalization of the body, "is devoted mainly to casuistic attempts to get out of the specific contradiction of"creating a people's state, the core of which is formed by a monarch undergoing increased sacralization." "It is not the 'people' - through elections or bloody revolutions - that are the source of their [the emperor's] power (which is typical of Western civilization), but they themselves (their body and blood) are the source of life for the people" (p. 334). There is a likening of the state to the human body; depending on political and ideological beliefs, different and even conflicting meanings are attributed to the state-body; politicians believe that "the ruler is like the spirit, the people are like the body"; in the depths of universities, a postulate is born - "an integral property of the [political] system of the Japanese people is that it is blood formation... Our common ancestor is the awe-inspiring Heavenly Imperial Ancestor "(p. 337). And in 1934 it was written that " the 'personality' belongs to the state, just as the hands, feet, and heart muscle belong to the human body" (p.339).

Chapter 5, "Abolishing the body shell: Becoming a Japanese", shows that even sports, which would seem to be a means of developing the physicality of an individual and fostering a competitive spirit, became only, on the one hand, a way to participate in the ritual of worshipping the emperor (p. 371), on the other hand, it was considered as an instrumental tool for raising and hardening the collective national spirit rather than each individual. Japanese ideologists argued that the primacy of the spirit over the body is the property of a unique Japanese culture, and this is its superiority over the "materialistic" West (p. 386).

The author writes rather sharply that "the complex of physical inferiority, which was passed off as a complex of spiritual superiority", "the complex of resentment that the West continues to consider Japan as an Asian country, discriminates against it on the basis of race", provoked

unpredictable and logical "behavior of Japanese men". The "emotional" factor, which consists in a bizarre combination of "these feelings," had great power " (p. 396). A country at war with half the world was not motivated by rationalistic considerations. Western leaders, based on geopolitical considerations and achievability of goals, did not believe in the possibility that Japanese politicians would come up with the idea of getting involved in a world war.

In a postscript, A. N. Meshcheryakov admits that the work on the book presented the author with "many problems - both research and existential." "The events and sources considered suggested that" the prevailing idea of body ownership largely formed a more general cultural and historical background " (p. 404). While the prevailing idea of a "body state" is ingrained in order to ensure the unity of all people ("potential "Japanese"), nevertheless" each individual cell (human body) has a certain autonomy, functionality, interests and place in the state (body) hierarchy." But in the second half of the Meiji period, the "nationalization" of the body began, when "the interests of the state (the"Great Empire of Japan") were declared superior to the interests of the "organs" forming it" (p.405). We should not forget that the totalitarian culture also "abolished" everything material, including the personal body with its "egoistic" needs and manifestations " (p. 409). "Having stripped off the body shell from the soul, the author writes, they gave out the result for a "real" Japanese " (p. 410). But after the Second World War, the "increasingly widespread opinion" about the "belonging of the body to the individual" is gaining ground, which, according to A. N. Meshcheryakov, leads (not only in Japan alone, but throughout the world) not only to immeasurable indulgence of the body's desires, pleasing it, but also to the deprivation of oneself life ("just because you want to"). In the conditions of " autonomous existence of the body, caring for the body of "another" is perceived as a burden and hindrance to the existence of one's own body," as evidenced, the author believes, by the increase in the number of homes for the elderly, the "dramatic drop" in the birth rate. But, he concludes optimistically, according to the law of the pendulum, after a while "unlike today, when the most sustainable business in Japan is funeral services, maternity hospitals will once again become a more visited place."

A. N. Meshcheryakov's book is rich in factual material, it is beautifully written and read with exciting interest. Not only does the author's knowledge, talent, and style play a role here, but the point of view he chooses is most important: consideration of an individual's life, living conditions (including relationships with higher - ups at all levels), environment, hopes, and disappointments. Unfortunately, we admit, not the most popular view of the main thing - the human individual in the millstones of history. In addition, these studies are now more than relevant, because the "ordinary" person of any country during periods of reform and dramatic social changes experiences something similar to what A. N. Meshcheryakov so beautifully showed in different periods of the Meiji era. The author's research suggests that the rulers of other countries often do not take into account the historical information that is stored in the "spinal cord" of their subjects.

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