Yu. V. CHUDODEEV. KRLH OF THE MONARCHY IN CHINA, Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Kraft+, 2013, 392 p.

The publication of Yu. V. Chudodeyev's popular science book is timed to coincide with the centenary of the Xinhai Revolution of 1911-1912. The work covers the history of China from ancient times to the fall of the monarchy. It can be divided into two content parts. The first one is of an introductory nature and is devoted to the history of the formation and development of monarchical structures in China (Chapters 1-2). The second, main part tells about the growing crisis of the Ping dynasty, the activities of the opposition and the opposition of supporters of the monarchy, the overthrow of the dynasty and attempts to restore it. The author recalled the origins and consequences of the Taiping and Yihetuan uprisings, and considered in detail the role of foreign powers in weakening China and undermining the authority of the dynasty. The story of the complete extinction of the Chinese monarchy ends with the events of the mid-twentieth century related to the fate of the last Puyi Emperor (ch.3-6).

Based on extensive historical material, the author traced the correlation between the impulses to update the Chinese socio-political system and conservative trends. The development of Chinese statehood is considered against the background of the history of the formation of the Chinese mentality and ideas about the surrounding peoples, the formation of nationalism and the "Chinese"-"barbaric" dichotomy. Special attention is paid to Confucianism as the ideological basis of an effective public administration system. At the same time, the author emphasizes the difficulties in introducing China to Western civilization associated with the perception of the threat of undermining the traditional order.

Attempts to reform the monarchical system from within were met with resistance from the system, which made the prospects for its survival more and more remote. Another cross - cutting theme of the work is the relationship between linearity and cyclicity in Chinese history, considering the causes of crises and the fall of dynasties, among which the central place is occupied by the decline of the Qing Dynasty. The author emphasizes that the ruling elite of imperial China feared internal turmoil much more than external conquerors, but in the 19th century, the combination of unprecedented pressure from foreign powers and internal unrest dealt a crushing blow to the foundations of the dynasty.

Yu. V. Chudodeev notes: "If for foreign scientists this question belongs to the sphere of hypothetical reasoning and speculative assumptions, then for China it is very sensitive, since it automatically entails another topic - the degree of legitimacy of the current government. After all, if the" mistake "was the Xinhai Revolution, and China could have developed evolutionarily, then the idea immediately arises that the revolution of 1949 may not have been historically inevitable" (p.379).

Stories from a century ago remain a hot topic of discussion in China. Speaking out against the politically erroneous interpretations of the Xinhai Revolution has become an integral part of the Chinese ideological campaign to criticize" historical nihilism " (lishi Xuuzhui)^.1

An article prepared by the Center for the Study of the Theoretical System of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics of the Autonomous Non-Governmental Organization of China, published in the autumn of 2013 in the party theoretical journal Qiushi, calls for preventing the denial and distortion of history under the banner of" returning to history "or"writing history again". Chinese social scientists claim that "historical nihilism" is aimed at undermining the leadership of the CCP, splitting the socialist state and "changing the banner". Earlier, something similar happened in the USSR, where the denial of history was one of the reasons for the "death of the party and the death of the state". At the same time, adherents of the " historical nih-

^{Zhunga shehui kexueyuan Zhongguo tese shehuizhui lilun tisi yanjiu zhongxin.} 1 Qizhi xianming fandui lishi xuuzhui [Clear stance against historical nihilism]. "Qiushi", 2013 No. 19. Publication date: 2013, Oct 1. http://www.qsthcory.cn/zxdk/2013/201319/201309/t20130927_275397.htm; Yang Jun. Lishi xuuzhui de mihoshin [The disorienting nature of Historical nihilism]. Renmin Luntan, 2013, September 29. - http://www.qsthcory.cn/zz/gcysk/201309/t20130929_275746.htm"; Ван Юйчжоу. Jingti he dizhi lishi xuuzhui sichao [Be vigilant and resist the ideological current of historical nihilism]. Qianxian, 2013, September 26. - http://www.qsthcory.cn/zl/bkjx/201309/t20130926_274898.htm.

They start with a more distant past, target the history of the Chinese revolution of modern times, deny the importance of the struggle of the Chinese people against foreign aggression, and belittle the significance of the Taiping and Yihetuan uprisings, as well as the Xinhai Revolution that followed them. The Chinese publication mentioned "nihilistic" views on the Xinhai Revolution: as if it "brought more destruction to society than creation", "after the Xinhai Revolution, a continuous revolution began", which created social chaos and economic stagnation in Chinese conditions, and revolutionary radicalism divorced from practice "hindered social progress".

Similar arguments are expressed by other Chinese researchers who belong to the main trend in social thought. Professor Yang Jun (Wuhan University School of Marxism) stressed that" historical nihilism " attracts people by offering them a different perspective on the events of the past, but at a deep level it undermines the confidence of the masses in Chinese socialism, denies the historical roots of the Chinese political system and the historical merits of the CCP. The scientist recalled that "historical nihilism" has been developing since the early 1990s, and its symbol was the theory of "farewell to the revolution "(its source was the famous book-dialogue between Li Zehou and Liu Zaifu "Farewell to the Revolution a View of China in the XX century", first published in Hong Kong in 1995).

From the point of view of" historical nihilism " after the opium wars, Chinese society was not semi-colonial and semi-feudal, as the official historiography of the PRC claims. Therefore, the anti-monarchical revolution was not necessary, it was not the only choice, it was arranged by a few revolutionaries. As a result, "the Chinese revolution destroyed modernization", "the Xinhai Revolution came early and brought trouble". In the same vein, there are claims that the Western invasion was useful for China's development, since it gave a chance to master advanced production methods and modernize. Against this background, there is a "nihilistic" relativization of assessments of historical characters, attempts are made to emphasize the merits of" bad people": Cixi, Yuan Shikai, Zeng Guofan, Li Hongzhang and others are credited with political wisdom, understanding of tactics, love of the motherland, responsibility to the country.

Professor Wang Yuzhou (Institute of Marxism of the University of Defense) notes that "historical nihilism" attributes only a destructive role to the revolution. Supporters of this trend call the revolutionary struggle "fanaticism and childishness", considering that the Chinese revolution of modern times was a "history of bloodshed", which resulted in the "restoration of absolutism". As a result of a "historical reassessment", it turns out that the Taiping movement "did not have any progressive historical meaning", the Xinhai Revolution "brought misfortunes", and the May 4 Movement "interrupted the national cultural tradition". Putting historical blame on Hong Xiuquan and Sun Yat-sen, the "nihilists" call the anti-revolution Cixi and Yuan Shikai the" founders of modernization " in China.

An appeal to the materials of contemporary Chinese disputes about history clearly emphasizes the relevance of the topic of Yu. V. Chudodeev's book. The reader can independently make a conclusion about whether monarchical China had a chance for evolutionary development.

According to the author of the book, until its fall, the Chinese monarchy retained its medieval appearance, it could not embark on the path of renewal, the dynasty was greatly weakened from within, when its counterbalance was provincial military and bureaucratic structures (p.308). The dynasty was caught up in its own nationalism and xenophobia, it did not respond to the changing situation and the growing critical attitudes of the educated strata of society towards the Manchus who were in power. Tax increases, corruption, arbitrariness, and the decline in the intellectual potential of the bureaucracy, which was the traditional pillar of the state's system of ideology and education - all this created space for the radical revolutionary opposition, which opposed not only the dynasty, but also the creation of a full-fledged sovereign state. Hypothetically, the author assumes that the Taiping had the opportunity to create a new" purely Chinese " dynasty, but they were defeated, because "they turned against themselves the traditional Confucian elite with a rather restrained attitude towards them of the majority of the peasantry" (p. 176).

Yu. V. Chudodeev notes that the" opening " of China to trade with the outside world was forced, it became "a process of national humiliation, a" loss of face " for China, an infringement that is extremely sensitive to Chinese national self-esteem. From " prices-

"China was turning into a semi-colony of Western 'barbarians '" (p.161). According to the author, the position of the dynasty in the face of external pressure was not completely capitulatory, but the difference in potentials was so great that China had to retreat (from 165). Attempts at "patriotic resistance" to foreigners, as was the case during the Cixi alliance with the Yihetuan against the Western powers, only led to even greater losses.

These historical subjects are important for studying the politics and ideology of modern China, including the popular slogan "the Chinese dream". In late 2012, Chinese Party leader Xi Jinping declared that " realizing the great rebirth of the Chinese nation is the greatest dream of the Chinese nation since modern times." To understand the historical context of this slogan, you need to get an idea of why foreigners were able to defeat the Qing Dynasty, why China was in trouble, and what recipes for saving the country were offered by the then elite. Yu. V. Chudodeyev's book gives the reader the opportunity to find answers to these questions. The author notes that "modern Chinese historical consciousness still preserves many images of the past, including stories about the former greatness of the imperial-monarchical formations of old China" (p. 381).

Today, Chinese publicists often recall that even at the beginning of the XIX century. China was the world's largest economy, but this did not save the country from humiliation. The lag behind the Western powers was so significant that the system could not withstand a direct military clash with foreigners. Today, this thesis is used to call for continued reform and warn against being overly optimistic about the economic success of modern China. However, Chinese proponents of accelerating systemic political transformation often use reminders of the causes of the demise of the monarchy (corruption, lack of democracy, the presence of interest groups in power, the desire to isolate themselves from society and critical opinions) in order to express their negative attitude to the problems of our day. A century ago, the policy of "self-reinforcement" without political concessions turned out to be a dead end for the Chinese authorities.

On the pages of the book, Yu. V. Chudodeev introduces the reader not only to the views of the ruling elite of the last dynasty, but also to various versions of the political conservatism of those years. For example, Liang Qichao warned about the danger of prematurely creating a republic in China, and Kang Yuwei advocated a constitutional monarchy. From the point of view of Chinese modernity, in which the one-party system coexists with the market economy, the story of the views of the businessman, supporter of the revolutionary movement and parliamentarism Zhang Jian, who defended "the unity of the interests of the state and private entrepreneurship" (pp. 270-272) is noteworthy.

The theme of Japanese influence on revolutionary events and moods in China is particularly interesting in light of the current aggravation of tensions between Beijing and Tokyo due to the ongoing territorial dispute. Yu.V. Chudodeev reminds the reader that the image of Japan in China over the past century and a half has been complex and contradictory. Japan was perceived both as a dangerous enemy and as a role model demonstrating the importance of democratic transformation and borrowing Western experience, while Chinese revolutionaries tried to enlist Japanese support in the fight against the dynasty.

In the history of the overthrow of the Qing, the author sees "the peculiarity of China", since instead of a brutal massacre of the former monarch and his entourage, the Chinese revolution allowed the former emperor to remain in the palace, retaining formal titles and very substantial funding from the state treasury (pp. 326-327). Later, the Chinese authorities attempted a soft "re-education" of the former emperor, without resorting to the scenario of a show trial and a harsh sentence. These reflections can be included in the broader question of finding the historical roots of the CCP's attempts to force its opponents to go through a process of self-criticism and internal transformation, followed by a declaration of loyalty to the authorities.

"The Collapse of the Monarchy in China" is a timely and relevant book, and the historical subjects covered in it are important for understanding the present. The advantage of the work is the author's ability to present the problems of the past in a clear language, highlight the" intrigue " of events in them, clearly explain to the reader how dynasties and emperors changed, and understand how one dynasty differed from another. The publication can be addressed to students and undergraduates of Oriental studies, as well as anyone who would like to expand their understanding of the political history of China, adding to their knowledge of the path of evolution of Chinese statehood.

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