The article offers the first commented translation into Russian of the 5th-century Devaniki inscription from Wat Luong Kay near Wat Phu in Southern Laos. Contrary to the traditional view that Wat Phu was the center of Early Chenla and that Devanika was one of its kings, and contrary to the concept of Jh. Based on the comparison of the epigraphy of Early Chenla, Funani and Champa with the Devaniki inscription, the author concludes that an independent kingdom existed here during the reign of Devaniki.

Key words: inscription, epigraphy, Devanika, Wat Phu, Laos, Chenla, Champa, kingdom.

Wat Phu is an ancient Khmer temple complex located in the south of Laos, included in the UNESCO World Heritage List as part of the Champassak cultural landscape [http:// whc.unesco.org/en/list/481; http://www.vatphou-champassak.com/]. Not far from it, at the confluence of the Hui Ca Hua River in the Mekong, is the village of Wat Luong Kay, from where the stele with the inscription of King Devanika originates [CdDès, 1956, pp. 210-211, fig. 4].

The text is written in Sanskrit and is inscribed on the four sides of the stele. There are 16 lines on each side. The inscription has both poetic and prosaic parts. The first stanza of side A is written in the size of a siddhar, followed by a prose text, and from side B there are poetic stanzas of the size of a sloka. The font of the inscription is "early pallava", similar to the font of the Gunavarman K. 5 inscription and clearly older than the font of the inscriptions of the kings of Early Chenla Bhavavarman and Chitrasena-Mahendravarman [CdDès, 1956, p. 211]. The translation offered below is based on the edition of Zh. Sedes [CœDès, 1956, p. 215-217]. Stanzas are numbered in Latin; the line numbers on each side of the inscription are given in parentheses.

The name devanika means "heavenly host" or "divine splendor" (Monier-Williams, 1899, p. 495, 30). Unlike the inscriptions usually attributed to the Funani rulers of Gunavarman K. 5, Rudravarman K. 40, and Kulaprabhavati K. 875 [CdDès, 1931, pp. 1-12, pl. III V; CdDès, 1937, pp. 117-121, pl. XI], the Devanika inscription K. 365 contains a prose part. Epigraphic monuments of Early Chenla differ formally and meaningfully from the Devaniki inscription. These include the inscriptions of the kings of Bhavavarman and Chitrasena before the latter adopted the middle name Mahendravarman. The Sanskrit inscription of Bhavavarman K. 213 on the base of a lingam from Phnom Banteay Neang in Battambang province is a trishtubh-sized verse, occupies only one line of text, and reports the construction of this lingam (Barth, 1885, p.26-28). The pre-Mahendravarman Chitrasena inscriptions, K. 116 from Kruoi Ampil in Stung Treng Province, K. 122 from Thma Kre (Kratiye), and K. 514 from Tham Pet Thong (Nakhon Ratchasima or Khorat Province, Thailand), are similar inscriptions commemorating the construction of a lingam in honor of Shambhu, i.e. Shambhu, in verse and sloka.e. Shiva [CdDès, 1942, p. 134; Leclère, 1904, p. 739; Finot, 1903, p. 212; Seidenfaden, 1922, p. 92].

In contrast, the Devanika inscription demonstrates a deep knowledge of Hinduism, including the Hindu triad of trimurti and Mahabharata subjects. Devanika had the title" great King of kings " (maharajadhirajd). The authors of the inscription compared him to the heroes of the Mahabharata and emphasized his similarity to Arjuna, who achieved victory over many enemies. They used not only the sloka size, but also the incomparably more complex sragdhar size. The main act of Devanika is the foundation of a tirtha (a sacred place, a place of pilgrimage), and not the construction of a lingam. Therefore, this is a monument of another kingdom, and not of the Early Chenla.

The inscription says that Devanika was brought by the god Lingaparvata "from another country" (duradesad), in which the French researcher Cl. Jacques sees an indication of the arrival of Devaniki from the Si Thepa region in Thailand (Jacques and Lafond, 2007, p. 68-69). However, this is no more than an admission-

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This assumption is based on the identification of Devanika with a certain Chakravartin mentioned in the inscription K. 978 from Si Thep [Zakharov, 2010(2), p.197; Zakharov, 2013, p. 9; CdDès, Vol. VII, 1964, p. 158]. The identification is unsuccessful, because K. 978 is a dated text, although the date has not reached it, and K. 365 is undated. The title of Cakravartin's grandson in K. 978 is" king "(rajan), not "great king of kings" as in Devanika. K. 978 glorifies Shiva, and the Devanika inscription praises all members of the trimurti. Therefore, the hypothesis of Claude Jacques cannot be considered valid. As for the area from which the god brought Devanika, nothing is known about it. Since no other inscriptions of this king have been found, it can only be stated that he founded a tirtha in the Wat Phu / Wat Luong Kay area.

Zh. Sedes, based on the absence of a reference to the gods at the beginning of the text and the presence of a prose part, suggested that the inscription from Dewanika was left by one of the kings of the Linyi kingdom that existed in north-Central Vietnam, which he identified with Champa, most likely Fang Chencheng, since the early inscriptions of Champa in the Thubon River Valley were written in prose [CdDès, 1956, p. 212 213]. But if J. Sedes ' statement "the style and composition of the Wat Luong Kay inscription are completely different from those of the Funani inscriptions", i.e. K. 5, K. 40 and K. 875, is correct, then his hypothesis about the Cham origin of the Dewanika looks unconvincing.

The arguments against this hypothesis are as follows. The prose inscriptions of King Bhadravarman from Mishon p. 72, from Honkuk p. 105 and p. 41 from Tedin begin with invocations to the gods, and the first of them is Maheshvara or Mahadeva Bhadreshvaraswamin (Shiva) [Finot, 1902, p. 185, 187-189; Bergaigne, 1893, p. 199-206; Zakharov, 2011, p. 17, 20-21], while the Devaniki inscription, firstly, does not contain a proclamation, and secondly, it calls Brahma the first of the gods, Shiva in it bears the names Ishvara and Shankara, and the mentioned god Lingaparvata is not found in the inscriptions of Champa. The Champa kings of the fifth and eighth centuries, according to their inscriptions, were not compared with the heroes of the Mahabharata (see Zakharov, in print; Majumdar, 1927; Goodall and Griffiths, 2013, p. 419-440). Moreover, the first inscriptions of Champa have no poetic parts, poetry appears only in the inscription P. 73A (published by Shambhuvarman or Prakashadharma-Vikrantavarman) and reliably - in the inscriptions of King Prakashadharma. They do not mention Kurukshetra. All this indicates that the Devaniki inscription of K. 365 and the early Champa inscriptions belong to different communities.

Thus, the Devaniki inscription is the only monument of a certain kingdom that existed in the south of Laos. This kingdom, according to the text of the inscription, was familiar with the Indian script, Sanskrit, Indian mythology and literature (poetry, epic), the priesthood that could perform rituals (agnshotra, ashvamedha, vajapeya), the ideology of royal power. The appearance of this knowledge in a remote area from the sea indicates developed contacts with the outside world.

Of course, from a single text, it is hardly possible to make any statements about the political organization of this kingdom. But comparing the Devaniki inscription with the inscription of King Sanjaya from Changgal in 732 from Central Java (Zakharov, 2010(1), pp. 34-45; Zakharov, 2012, pp. 100-112), we can see the coincidence of two circumstances: in both cases, kings are glorified for gifts and victories over enemies. Therefore, we can assume that these are monuments of similar early political systems.

Side A (north)

I. "This king performed this proper rite for the sake of... these Brahma, Upendra and Ishvara, because at different times the three of them are going to divide this world into a thousand visible forms and complete destruction, and they are also saving the existence of purity 2 and the human race."

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[prose part]:

"So, for example, this king, crowned 3 by the grace of the gods Shankara (Shiva), Narayana (Vishnu), Pitamaha (Brahma) and others, whose superhuman deeds and all other actions are the results of accumulated merit in the past, solid in Dharma 4 as Yudhisthira, in the protection of his subjects like the king of the gods (Indra), in defeating many enemies like Dhananjaya (Arjuna), in performing many sacrifices like Indradyumna, in giving and "great gifts"5 like shibi, in the love of brahmanyabhava6 like the brahmanyata servant of the beautiful Mahapurusha; in the defense of justice like Kanakapandya, 7 like the Ocean in depth, 8 like Meru in constancy-brought from a distant land and placed in this supreme power and dominion by the happy Sri Lingaparvata, 9 worshipped here for a long time, called by the auspicious, distinguished name of the eight sounds 10, who achieved victory over many enemy troops like Vijaya (Arjuna)11 - The great king of kings, the magnificent Sri Devanika, has ordained a great sacrifice to Agni (Fire) with many thousands of cows for everyone to cross the endless ocean of rebirth.

Side B (West)

[The text is not read until the 7th line; individual words are read in 8-10 lines, and the poetic text is read from the 11th to the 16th.]

Translation:

Line 8: "He made this mahatirtha13 that is flourishing... and cleanses great sins..."

Line 9: "... a thousand cows...".

II. "A country led by ... (Linga)14 with all the riches, cows, and goods... with statues of Hari and Isha (Vishnu and Shiva)... more sacrifice.

III. Together with the sadasyas and the twice-born 15, the king (performed) agnihotra16, then (for) supreme liberation made a supplication:

IV. "The merit I have gained... which may be the fruit (of liberation) of the tirtha.

Side B (South)

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Translation:

V. Those who live at the mahatirtha, those men who died there, and those who perform ablutions17, may they receive this fruit!

VI. Let the fruit be equal to merit from actions previously performed in Prabhasa [tirtha] and other places... today will fall to my lot here!

VII. May the gods Brahma, Upendra (Vishnu), Ishvara (Shiva), and others who have come here to share in the sacrifice and ascended once to heaven, call out this name!

VIII. This is the king's first plea: You care about ...by the name of Kurukshetra, equal in fruit...18.

IX. May the heavenly fruit previously proclaimed in Kurukshetra and celebrated by the divine sages 19 be found in the new Kurukshetra!

X. Before, a field was made by the Kuru sage... 20. Therefore this tirtha, which bears great fruit, is called Kurukshetra.

XI. May those whom Vasu has called here on Kurukshetra lead to the highest state of those who have committed a great sin.

XII. I go 21 to Kurukshetra, I live in Kurukshetra, those who live in Kurukshetra live in heaven.

XIII-XIV. On earth, merit is Naimisha 22, in heaven, Pushkara 23, for men and kings, the best is Kurukshetra | / from the mere pronunciation of her name to the seventh generation: what else do Dharma-savvy people revere?24.

Side D (East)

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Translation:

XV-XVI. This fruit of a thousand ashwamedhas25 a hundred vajapeyas26 and a gift of a hundred thousand cows | / this fruit, which is difficult to achieve spontaneously, is obtained by those who perform ablutions and other (rites) here on Kurukshetra.

XVII. May the multitudes here in Kurukshetra enjoy this prosperity, starting from this (fruit), proclaimed in ancient times by the gods and sages-puwu27!

XVIII. These are the fruits of thousands of tirthas on Kurukshetra-may they be fully present here 28!

XIX. The length of this tirtha is half of yojana29. Anyone who comes from any direction is cleansed of great sins.

XX-XXI. Those who leave (their) body, those who perform ablutions, those who earnestly revere the 30 [tirtha], and those who drink out of thirst-all together / these people may fully receive all the fruits of these abundant gifts from sacrificing to Agni (Fire) and others !

XXII. From the veneration of the great tirtha, all the most sinful people, how much stronger (kim ripag) are those who enjoy the Dharma, may they be freed from many sins 31!

XXIII. Having the incense of Great Sri, which is difficult to get; whose beautiful head is decorated with a garland 32, famous for the strength of his hands, owning a prosperous place 33, where he washed his whole body in a water stream, who received the name of Devanika on earth, created the best tirtha on earth."

notes

1 According to Zh. Sedssa, the reading is unacceptable and unreliable [CœDès, 1956, p. 217, p. 1]. In the word adhrnnr pata, the roots of adhr "hold, support" and pg "man, humanity; male world" in the genitive plural nr nam seem to be guessed.

2 Zh. Sedee does not specify the reading, but the "condition of existence" (la condition d'existence) in his translation is obtained only under the assumption that one should read sattvabhava [CdDès, 1956, p. 217].

3 У Ж. Sdssa "agitated" (ondoyé) [CœDès, 1956, p. 217]. 4 U Zh. Ssdssa - "in Law" (Loi).

5 Zh. Sedee added "seize" because sixteen great gifts are known, according to the Pancharatras (Monier-Williams, 1899, p. 796)

6 J. Sedee proposed the translation" brahman by position " (sa condition brahmanique).

7 The meaning of the compound word "Golden Pandya" cannot be explained satisfactorily. Pandya is the name of a country in southern India. Does this mean the area of Sanskrit borrowing and / or King Dsvanika's origin?

8 Zh. Sedee wrote" the great ocean " (grand Ocean).

Lingaparvata9 (literally "Mountain-lingam or Mountain with lingam") is often identified with the Linjiabopo Mountain mentioned in the Chinese dynastic history "Sui Shu" by Wei Zheng (581-643) and in the encyclopedia "Wenxian Tongkao" by Ma Duan lin ("Study of All major sections of the History of China", =1254-1323), which was located in the ancient Chinese city of Sui Shu. near the capital Chenli [CdDès, 1968, p. 65-66; Bsrzin, 1995, p. 120]. But, as I wrote earlier, this identification is based on the incorrect belief that there was only one Lingaparvata [Zakharov, 2013, p. 6-71.

10 У Ж. De quatre syllabes intelligible et caractéristique.

11 Vijaya is the name of the Mahabharata hero Arjuna (Monier-Williams, 1899, p. 960).

12 Zh. Sedee wrote: "(performed the rites) at the beginning of the great Fire sacrifice and gave innumerable (gifts) out of thousands of cows...". Possible translation "fire sacrifice, fire sacrifice".

Tirtha 13 is a sacred place, a place of pilgrimage, often on the river (Monier-Williams, 1899, p. 449). Mahatirtha means "great tirtha".

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14 Reconstruction of the Railway Station Ssdssa [CœDès, 1956, p. 218, n. 5].

15 У Ж. Sedssa: "with the brahmanas, including sadasya." Sadasya is an observant priest whose task is to correct errors in worship [Monier-Williams, 1899, p. 1138]. A dvija is a member of any of the three higher varnas, especially a brahmana [Böhtlingk, Roth, Vol. III, 1861, p. 828; Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 506].

Agnihotra is a fire sacrifice [Böhtlingk, Roth, T. I, 1855, S. 36].

Snavana -17 read snapana here and further in the text.

18 У Ж. Sedssa: "This is the king's deliberate plea... named Kurukshstra, equal in fruit" [CdDès, 1956, p. 218].

19 The compound word devarsi has a stable meaning "divine sage" [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 494; Böhtlingk, Roth, Vol. III, 1861, p. 756]. J. Sedee leaves it without translation.

20 The genitive plural of santlsat [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 1134].

21 У Ж. Sedssa is the desired mood: "Let me go to Kurukshstra..." (Puissé-jc aller au Kurukshtra) [CœDès, 1956, p. 219].

22 Naimisha is the name of the forest and the sacred spring in it (tirtha); it was in this forest that the sage Sauti told other rishi sages the Mahabharata [Böhtlingk, Roth, T. IV, 1865, P. 323].

Pushkara is the name of a sacred pond near Ajmir, a place of pilgrimage [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 638; CœDès, 1956, p. 219, n. 2].

24 У Ж. Sedssa: "What else do people who often come to it with an understanding of the Law say well?" [CdDès, 1956, p.219].

Ashwamedha 25 - horse sacrifice, one of the most important royal rituals [CMM, 2000, vol. 1, p. 143; Dumont, 1927; Hecstcrman, 1957].

Vajapeya is the "drink of battle or strength", one of the seven sacrifices of the sacred drink soma, preceding rajasuya (the anointing of the king) and brihaspatisava (the ordination of a purohita - the king's household priest) and performed by kings or brahmins [Böhtlingk, Roth, Vol. VI, 1871, S. 895; Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 938].

27 The compound word surarsi is formed by combining the roots sura " god "and rsi" sage "and can mean" divine sage", as well as devarsi, or" gods and sages " at the same time, especially when used in the plural. J. Sedss writes "Surarshi". See: [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 1234; Böhtlingk, Roth, T. VII, 1875, S. 1111-1112; CœDès, 1956, p. 219].

28 Following Zh. CdDès, 1956, p. 219], who interpreted nissesatas as "completely, completely" (au grand complet).

Yojana is an ancient Indian measure of length, the meaning of which is not precisely determined. In the translation of the Arthashastra by V. I. Kalyanov, the approximate length of "about 14,630 km" is indicated; G. M. Bongard-Lsvin and G. F. Ilyin probably proceed from the same. Roth wrote that yojana is approximately two geographical (German) miles, i.e. about 17,000 m, counting in one mile =7420.44 m, which is repeated by V. A. Kochergina. They also retaliated, which, according to another calculation, yojana is equal to two and a half English miles, i.e. =4022 m. The M. Monis-Williams dictionary will give you three options: about 9, 4-5, or 2.5 English miles, which corresponds to =14481, 6436-8045, and =4022 m. A. L. Beshov was inclined to the middle variant (7.2 km, or 4 1/2 miles). See: [Arthashastra, or the Science of Politics, 1993, p. 614, note. 37; Bongard-Levin and Il'in, 1985, p. 554; Böhtlingk and Roth, Vol. VI, 1871, p. 194; Kochergina, 1996, p. 534; Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 858; Beshsm, 1977, p. 513-514].

30 У Ж. CсDès, 1956, p. 219, "visiting" (fréquentent).

31 У Ж. Sedssa "Law" (Loi).

32 У Ж. Corona / wreath cross (couronne).

33 J. Sedss did not translate the term desas of the 14th line of side G and put an ellipsis instead [CdDès, 1956, p. 219]. It can be interpreted as a secondary word formation of the bahuvrihi type "having/owning a place" [Monicr-Williams, 1899, p. 496; Zaliznyak, 1996, pp. 923-924, § 194-195].

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