The article deals in detail with one of the elite Xiongnu burial structures studied in 2012 in Suzukte Padi (Mongolia). The good preservation of the tree made it possible to reconstruct the structure of the burial chamber and coffin, and the study of this burial complex by hand-to recreate all the details of the burial. Burial rite of mound No. 22 does not differ from the previously studied burial complexes of the Xiongnu nobility in Mongolia and Transbaikalia. It demonstrates the commitment of the upper stratum of nomadic society to Chinese traditions. Presumably, by the turn of the century, the Xiongnu were able to create quite complex engineering structures with the help of the Han Chinese. During the study of mound No. 22 in Noin-Ul, a unique collection of objects made of organic materials was obtained, including silk and wool fabrics of Chinese and Western origin, lacquer and wood products, as well as highly artistic silver and gold products.

Keywords: Xiongnu funeral rite, Noin-Ula, Han traditions, Han chariot "yao che", silver falars.

Introduction

All currently known funerary monuments of the Xiongnu elite were probably built at the end of the first century BC-the beginning of the first century AD (for more details, see [Miniaev and Elikhina, 2009, p. 21-28]). What is the reason for the appearance of these burial complexes, which are very similar to Han burials? W. Brosseder, trying to answer this question, relies on the main provisions of the cultural model of the so-called demonstrative burials of the elite, proposed by G. P. Blavatsky. Kossak. According to these propositions, the social elite of peripheral societies, under the influence of contacts with developed civilizations, at a certain historical stage began to identify themselves with a consciously chosen partner, following, in particular, the funeral rite borrowed from him (for details, see [Brosseder, 2011, p.349-354]). However, these arguments, although quite appropriate, do not give an exhaustive answer to the question posed.

In order for the graves of the Xiongnu elite to appear in the steppe in the form in which they are known to us today, in addition to the desire of the Shanyu and their entourage, it was necessary to combine several factors, the most important of which is the presence of people who can create such structures, as well as know the details and subtleties of Han Probably, by the end of the first century BC - the beginning of the first century AD, there were opportunities for the construction of these rather complex structures with the help of Han Chinese, who were able to provide engineering support for the project. It would have been impossible to dig huge burial pits with a depth of without the experience of extensive earthworks

This work was supported by the RFBR grant N 13 - 06 - 12026, Programs of Fundamental Research of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences N 33.1.2.2 and the Herda Henkel Foundation. Drawings and reconstructions were made by V. E. Kovtorov.

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sometimes more than 20 m in clay soils or sand and without carpentry skills, build strong sealed double wooden burial chambers with a floor and columns with capitals. Already S. I. Rudenko, analyzing the excavation materials of P. K. Kozlov's expedition, noted that "it is very likely that the coffins and burial chambers for the noble Huns were the work of Chinese masters" [1962, p.21].

The influence of Han funerary rites can be traced in the burials of not only the nobility, but also ordinary members of the Xiongnu society. In the Trans-Baikal burial grounds of Ilmovaya Pad, Cheryomukhovaya Pad, and Dyrestuysky Kultuk studied by P. B. Konovalov, as well as in the Ivolginsky burial ground excavated by A.V. Davydova, "burial structures, burial rites, and inventory of Xiongnu burial grounds demonstrate an amazing combination of elements of pastoral, agricultural, sedentary, and construction culture" (Konovalov, 1976, p.209). In the Dyrestui burial ground, as in the Noin-Uly mounds, plank coffins of a special design were found, the walls of which were connected by spikes at the ends, and the coffin lid could consist of two blocks fastened to each other with shaped bow-shaped spikes [Ibid., p. 167].

With the increase in the number of Chinese items in the Steppe, their importance in everyday life and in the culture of the top (and not only the top) of the Xiongnu society increased. Judging by the materials of the Trans-Baikal burial grounds, Chinese objects were used by ordinary Xiongnu. Thus, in the burials of Ilmovaya Pad, G. P. Sosnovsky found three lacquer cups, and P. B. Konovalov - four more [Ibid., p. 160]. According to P. B. Konovalov, fragments of the lacquer coating in most of the burials of Ilmovaya Pad studied by him belong to the lacquer ware that was previously located here [Ibid., pp. 160-161]. In addition, bone chopsticks were found in seven burials in Ilmovaya Pad and four in Cheryomukhovaya Pad. Fragments of Chinese bronze mirrors are also found in ordinary burials [Tamzhe, p. 161]. It should be particularly noted that in three ordinary graves of Ilmovaya Pad, G. P. Sosnovsky recorded coffins decorated with dense colored silk cloth. The material was fixed in the same way as in the elite mounds of the Xiongnu - with small metal studs, and decorated with four-petaled metal rosettes. Traces of cloth upholstery on the coffins, according to P. B.'s observations. They were preserved in many graves of Cheryomukhovaya Paddy and Ilmovaya Paddy [Ibid., p. 158]. Archaeological sources show that high-ranking Xiongnu dressed in Chinese silks, drank from lacquer dishes, wore Chinese jade and gold jewelry, and their horses ' harnesses were decorated with silver plaques made in Han workshops. They were accustomed to Chinese food, made ceremonial trips in Han chariots, and often had Chinese wives and advisers. The Chinese population - defectors and prisoners-lived in the territory of the Xiongnu, engaged in agriculture and crafts. Imitation in the funeral rite was a logical continuation of what had already happened in the minds of nomads - they fell under the charm of Han culture. If at the first "heroic" stage of their history, the Xiongnu of Maodong asserted themselves by force, then at the beginning of the last stage, at the turn of the century and during the reign of Wang Mang, they were strongly influenced by Chinese culture, which came to the Steppe.

So, archaeologically recorded that appeared in the Steppe at the turn of the I century BC-I century AD burial structures of the Xiongnu Shanyu and their entourage are an imitation of the Han burials. But these tombs are in many ways inferior to similar structures of Han emperors and even the highest nobility. Compared to the latter, even the largest Xiongnu mounds are insignificant structures that can only impress the imagination of nomads, but not the Han people, who by this time had already created the rock tomb of Prince Liu Sheng, the tombs of the rulers of the Chu appanage principality, the mausoleums of Mawandui, the tombs of Han nobles, etc. In other words, the luxury of "demonstration" Hun graves was relative. The Xiongnu's capabilities were small and certainly insignificant compared to the resources available to the Han Chinese. The burial complexes of the Xiongnu Shanyu and their surroundings clearly demonstrate the unbridgeable gap that separated the two civilizations during their greatest power and confrontation.

Description of the excavation site

Mound No. 22 was located in the central part of the burial ground located in the Suzukte Paddy in the Noin-Ula mountain range, 100 m south-west of mound No. 20 and 100 m north-east of mound No. 31 (Fig. 1). The burial structure was a blackened flat quadrangular platform. 18x21 m, elongated along the north-south line, with protruding fence stones at the edges (Fig. 2). In the center there was a large predatory funnel with a diameter of approx. 6 m and 4 m deep. From the southern wall of the fence, a dromos (corridor) branched off in a southerly direction; on the surface, it looked like a low (no more than 0.5 m) embankment, delineated by a row of stones. The length of the dromos is 17 m. In ancient times, the stones of the fence formed stone walls, their height is supposed to be approx. 1 m (fig. 3).

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1. Mounds of the Sutsukte burial ground (based on the results of P. K. Kozlov's expedition [2003]).

1-excavated in 1924-1926 by the expeditions of P. K. Kozlov, S. A. Teploukhov, and G. I. Borovka; 2-excavated in 1927 by the expedition of A. D. Simukov; 3-excavated in 2006, 2009, 2011, and 2012 by the Russian-Mongolian expedition; 4-undiscovered.

2. Mound No. 22 before the start of excavations. View from the south.

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Fig. 3. Plan of the tomb structure.

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4. View of the mound at the level of the cleared crepida. The arrow indicates a predatory miscarriage.

The inner part of the ground structure was covered with soil, there were also stone calculations, and the upper part of the dromos was covered with small fragmentary stone (Fig. 4). The grave pit, the edges of which adjoined the fence, occupied the entire area of the mound. The pit was dug in steps (no more than 1.2 m wide) in a dense layer of red loam and pebbles (Fig. 5). There were five steps (this is the number of steps recorded in all the Noin-Ula burials studied [Polos'mak, Bogdanov, Tseveendorzh, 2009, 2012]). At the northern wall, almost the entire first (upper) step was destroyed in ancient times. A special feature of mound No. 22 is the presence of steps on both sides of the dromos (in the upper part). Obviously, it was left to prevent the collapse of the high walls. The dromos cliff was recorded at a depth of approx. 10 m, where layers of red loam were replaced by a sandy layer. Further, the walls of the grave were steep. The space along the walls of the grave pit turned out to be filled with sand, in the central part - stone, crushed stone and continental loam of various densities and consistency. The entire filling of the grave pit was heavily saturated with water. No permafrost layers were found in the mound. Almost at the level of each step there were various stone partitions and layouts (Figs. 6-11). Stone partitions dividing the grave pit into compartments are found in almost all mounds of the Xiongnu nobility in Mongolia and Transbaikalia. They were first identified by P. B. Konovalov during excavations in 1970-1975.

5. Stratigraphy of the burial structure. Continental layers: 1 - layers of crushed stone, clay, and dark-colored sand; 2-layers of red loam; 3-layers of coarse-grained sand. Filling of the grave pit: 4-turf (humus layer); 5-humus filling of the predatory pit; 6-light yellow mixed layer (predatory waste); 7-dark sand; 8 - dark gray layer (crushed stone, clay, sand); 9-light yellow sand; 10 - a dark-colored layer of crushed stone and sand with humus inclusions; 11 - a rammed layer of dark gray color; 12-a layer of red crushed stone with sand; 13 - filling of the burial chamber saturated with water; 14-wooden structures; 15-clay coating of the log house; 16 - parts of the burial structure that do not fall into the section; 17 - chariot.

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6. The northern part of the grave pit and the predatory pit after stripping the stone structures. View from the south.

Mound No. 54 of the Ilmovaya Pad burial ground [1976, pp. 153-154]. However, in mound No. 22, structures made of large and small stones stacked on top of each other, as well as slabs, were located rather haphazardly. Nevertheless, they formed a "framework" that helped to fill the grave pit tightly with soil. Thanks to the stone structures inside the pit, the ground did not sink over time.

7. Plan of the first stone structure (partitions).

In the upper part - a cluster of stones thrown out of the robber's passage.

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Figure 8. Plan of the grave pit at the level of the first stage.

9. Mound after stripping of stone structures at the level of the first stage. View from the northeast.

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10. Plan of the grave pit at the level of the second stage.

11. Grave pit after the fourth stone structure was cleaned. View from the north.

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12. Grave pit at the level of the first stone floor. View from the north. In the center are the polished spokes of a Han chariot umbrella.

The partitions were traced up to the chariot, the stone lining of the umbrella of which was found at a depth of 9 to 10 m, at the level of the fourth stage (Fig. 12). A Chinese chariot with an umbrella and wheels stacked side by side (Fig. 13) was located in the southern part of the grave pit; it was practically not damaged during the sinking of a predatory pit (see Fig. 5). Separate publications are devoted to this find (Polos'mak and Bogdanov, 2012a, b). It is worth noting once again that this is the first time that a Chinese chariot has been found intact in Mongolia. Due to the good preservation of the find, it was possible to reconstruct its original appearance and determine its size with great confidence: the height of a wheeled chariot with a width of 2.2 m is-

13. Han chariot. 1 - plan of the umbrella; 2-spokes of the umbrella with metal tips; 3, 4-chariot after stripping.

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14. Grave pit after the first stone floor was cleared.

la 2,5 - 2,6 m. It was found that the wooden base of the body was assembled from flat boards. The "flying lattices" mentioned in Chinese sources are recorded (Huan Kuan, 2001, pp. 356-357)- an additional rectangular frame made of wooden slats, covered with red silk (traces have been preserved), on the side walls.

At a depth of 0.5 m from the level at which the chariot was located, the first overlap of large stones and slabs was found, tightly laid in one layer over the entire area of the grave pit and at the "entrance" to the dromos (Fig. The entire floor surface was covered with a 5 - 10 cm thick layer of charcoal. At a depth of 13.0 - 13.5 m (2 m below the first floor), the entire area of the grave pit was covered with small detrital stones (Fig. Among the stones of this ceiling along the eastern wall, metal parts of chariots were found: two bronze and one iron axles, iron studs, clamping axial rings.

All intra-grave structures in the center were disrupted as a result of the appearance of a predatory pit (see Figure 5). The Predatory mine was filled with large stones, continental loam, and thick humus layers. The depth of the burial pit of mound No. 22 was 16 m, the walls in its lower part were steep. The hole, carefully dug into the coarse sand, had slightly rounded corners.

The wooden structures of the burial chamber appeared at a depth of 14.8 m. Above the outer log house (made of pine) there was a powerful wooden floor, which consisted of 16 half-logs (some up to 20 cm thick), laid along the west - east line on three load - bearing beams (Fig. 16). The beams rested on the walls of the outer log house and on nine internal pillars-columns. The space between the pit walls and the outer log house was tightly packed with small stones (Fig. 17). The dimensions of the pit in the lower part are 4. 65x6. 1 m.

15. The second stone floor after stripping.

1-iron parts of the wheel; 2-bronze wheelset N 1; 3-bronze wheelset N 2; 4-iron wheelset; 5-fragments of sharpened stakes with clay and fragments of cloth in a robber's pit.

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16. Grave pit and burial structure after stripping the wooden floor of the external log house. In the northern part, you can see two cut holes. The arrow marks the location where the tortoiseshell hairpin and the remaining fabric were found.

The walls of the outer log house were made of six half-logs with a thickness of no more than 30 cm, and the inner one - of four blocks measuring 15x25 cm. The logs of the short (northern and southern) walls of the log houses were inserted into the grooves of the long (eastern and western) ones. The height of the external log house did not exceed 1.4 m,dimensions 3. 35x5. 20 m.

At the inner log house, under the weight of the ground and due to the actions of robbers, logs from two rows of the eastern and western walls were squeezed out. The reconstructed height of the internal log house is not more than 1.1 m,the dimensions are 2. 15x3. 10 m. The blocks of the internal ceiling rested on the walls of the internal log house and on the supporting beam, which, in turn, rested on two pillars. Pillars inserted in special slots-holes in the floor blocks, were located in the center of the southern and northern walls of the internal log house. Only 12 blocks (no more than 15 cm thick) of the internal floor were preserved in situ. In the northern part, the logs of the outer and inner floor blocks were cut by robbers (see Figures 16, 17). Through two rectangular manholes, they entered the log cabin and reached the coffin. Scraps of silk cloth and a tortoiseshell hairpin were found near the entrance.

Log cabins were installed on the floor of pine blocks (21 pieces) laid along the west-east line. The scaffolds were hewn on four sides and quite large

Fig. 1 7. Burial structure after removing the wooden ceiling of the external log house.

18. Western corridor filled with blue lake clay.

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19. Burial structure after removing the wooden ceiling of the internal log house. In the center is a wooden coffin broken by robbers.

tightly fitted to each other. The width of the block is 25-30 cm, the thickness is 15 cm. The walls of the log cabins and the ceiling of the outer chamber from the outside were "sealed" in ancient times with blue lake clay, a large amount of which was found inside the burial chamber (Fig.

In mound No. 22, as in the previously studied Noin-Ula mounds (Teploukhov, 1925, Fig. 7; Rudenko, 1962, fig. 5, 10, 12, 15], there were "corridors" between the log cabins (fig. 19). In the northern "corridor" of mound No. 22, fragments of coarse cloth were found-probably the remains of bags containing millet. In the north-eastern corner, ornaments and details of horse equipment were found (silver ornaments with images of animals, bronze buckles, plates, piercings, broken wooden parts of pack saddles), a large number of braids and braids made of human hair, scraps of silk cloth and human ray bones (Fig. 20). On the bones and silver ornaments, traces of fire were recorded, which may be related to the actions of robbers On the floor of the western "corridor" there were varnished knitting needles with metal tips and a wooden umbrella pommel, fragments of silk and woolen fabric, wooden parts of pack saddles,

20. North-eastern corner of the outer log house. On the floor are fragments of human hand bones, remnants of carpet, scraps of cloth, silver ornaments of horse harness, braided braids of human hair, wooden fragments of a pack saddle.

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metal ornaments of horse equipment, small wooden pointed stakes with scraps of silk fabric (flags) and laces woven from hair (figs. 21, 22).

The upper half of the pine coffin was broken by robbers and thrown nearby (see Figure 19). The coffin, measuring 0.8 x 2.3 m, stood on two transverse blocks; it was pushed almost close to the western wall of the inner log house (see Fig. It is similar in design to other coffins found in the Noin-Ula burial mounds (Teploukhov, 1925, p. 16-17; Rudenko, 1962, p. 11-12, figs. 7, 8; Polos'mak, Bogdanov, and Tseveendorzh, 2009, p. 375; 2012, p.73). The bottom, walls and lid of the coffin were assembled from thick boards (2 pieces each) and connected using butterfly-shaped fasteners (Fig. 23, 2). To prevent the boards from diverging, the pegs were additionally fixed with transverse wooden rods. Short boards with a square tooth were inserted into the corresponding grooves and holes of the long ones. Side panels

21. Burial structure (1) and finds from the internal log house (2-8). View from the southeast. 2-umbrella spokes and fragments of a pack saddle; 3 - wooden ornaments of the coffin in the form of a four-leaf leaf with scraps of gold foil; 4-a wooden mallet (a tool of robbers); 5 - umbrella spokes with finials and fragments of silk fabric; 6 - fragments of textiles and a metal rod (handle from the coffin?) on the fabric floor covering; 7-remnants of a felt carpet with a spiral pattern near the eastern wall of the coffin; 8 - pieces of fur (fragments of clothing?) and cloths at the bottom of the coffin.

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22. Plan of the burial chamber with finds. 1 - a cluster of silver plaques with the image of a unicorn, fragments of cloth and scythes; 2-a cluster of silver plaques and phalars with the image of a unicorn, fragments of cloth, scythes, plaques and threads from the bridle set; 3 - fragments of a pack saddle; 4, 15-fragments of human hand bones; 5-scythes, plaques, buckles and threads from the bridle set; 6 - pigtails made of human hair; 7 - fragments of jade products; 8-wooden ornaments of the coffin with scraps of gold foil, fragments of jade products; 9-spokes and pommels of an umbrella, fragments of a pack saddle, fragments of silk fabric; 10-scraps of silk fabric and a metal rod (handle from the coffin?11-wooden stakes with scraps of silk fabric, braids in cloth covers, bronze horse harness plates, fragments of gold foil for coffin decoration; 12-fur, fragments of wool and silk fabric products, fragments of gold foil for coffin decoration; 13-bronze horse harness decoration plates, fragments of fabric products; 14 - remnants of a felt carpet with a spiral pattern; 16 - fragments of a lacquer product (products?); 17-a wooden mallet (a tool of robbers?);18 - braids of human hair, gold ornaments of clothing; 19-small gold ornaments of clothing (headdress?); 20 - wooden ornaments of the coffin with scraps of gold foil.

the walls were attached to the bottom with iron nails (six on each side). Next to the coffin, near the western wall of the inner log house, were found: a metal rod with hemispherical ends, fragments of a silk robe with a lining of silk wool and fur trim, silk embroidered fabric and fragments of lacquer products (see Figs. 21, 22). On the outside of the north wall of the coffin were jade ornaments (some of them in fragments), as well as some ornaments of the coffin made of gold foil in the form of four-petaled rosettes and strips (Figure 24), which were apparently attached to the silk fabric covering the coffin with small gold studs. Nearby was a pile of fragments of the wooden base of these ornaments. Inside the coffin, in the headboard, only small gold ornaments were found (Fig. 25, 11).

The entire floor of the burial chamber was covered with a thin felt carpet covered with a woolen cloth and also lined with wool (see Fig. Since the water washed away and pulled into the burial structure not only the clay specially laid between the walls of the grave pit and the burial chamber, but also the soil from the upper layers of the grave pit filling, the safety of this product leaves much to be desired. We found on

23. Wooden coffin in situ (1) and coffin reconstruction (2).

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24. Coffin decorations (gold foil and wood).

25. Finds from mounds No. 22. 1-3-horse harness ornaments: silver plaques with the image of a unicorn (before restoration); 4-8-copper details of horse harness; 9, 10-bronze oosniks; 11-gold clothing ornaments.

the floor of the burial chamber was covered with layers of clay and soil, from which individual threads, parts of woven products and pieces of felt were visible*.

Interpretation and main conclusions

In general, the burial rite of Mound No. 22 does not differ from the previously studied burial complexes of the Xiongnu nobility in Mongolia. Interesting structural details of the mound. N 22 are small niches in the western and eastern walls of the grave pit and in the dromos at the cliff level (Fig. 26). Small flat stones were placed in the niche of the dromos. Similar depressions were recorded in mounds N 20 and 31 (Polos'mak, Bogdanov, and Tseveendorzh, 2009, p. 374; 2012, p. 59, Fig. 2, 25). Apparently, load-bearing beams were inserted into them for the wooden floor, created in order to pull the soil out of the pit, and then carry it out along the dromos from the mound. The presence of such a design allowed ancient builders to dig deep vertical shafts in the sandy soil.

The high status of the buried person is indicated by a double burial chamber (Fig. 27) and a lacquered chariot found in the mound. Similar chariots, but much worse preserved, were found in mound No. 20 in Noin-Ul and in border T20 of the Gol-Mod 1 monument (Polos'mak, Bogdanov, Tseveendorzh, 2012, pp. 77-89; Desroches, 2007, pic. 21). These chariots belong to the "yao che" type with "flying bars", which was widespread in the Eastern Han period (Liu Yonghua, 2002).

A special feature of mound No. 22 is the absence of ceramic dishes. In the Xiongnu burials, including all the previously studied mounds of Noin-Ula, it is located in the northern sections of the Ob'ino. Not a single fragment of pottery was found in the predatory pyramid.

Mostly various items of horse equipment and fragments of textile products were found from the burial inventory. Horse harness decorations from almost all known mounds of the Xiongnu nobility are made in the same style (Polos'mak, Bogdanov, Tseveendorzh, 2012). Their set from mound No. 22 consisted of three types of silver plaques, on which a unicorn is depicted (see Fig. 25, 1 - 3). These are two round shoulder phalars with a diameter of 14 cm, more than ten (some in fragments) gourd-shaped plaques with a length of 13.5 cm, four small round plaques with a diameter of 5 cm. A composition of two unicorns facing each other in a mirror image, depicted on falaras, in Xiongnu and Chinese

* At present, a set of items from Mound No. 22 is under conservation and restoration at the Institute of Electrical Engineering of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

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26. Mound after the completion of work in the burial chamber

It was first encountered in the ancient world. The thickness of products made by hammering does not exceed 3 mm. On a number of plaques, traces of gilding are noticeable. A large number of fragments of various fabrics were also found in mound No. 22, including fragments of a silk dressing gown with a lining of silk wool and fur trim, embroidered silk, and an umbrella cover. The restoration work has not yet been completed, but we can already conclude that in the burial, along with numerous and diverse silks of Chinese production, there were fine woolen tapestry fabrics of Mediterranean origin. The inventory of elite Xiongnu mounds from the beginning of the first century AD allows us to present not only the variety of" gifts " of the Han court to the Shanyu, but also the range of goods that were delivered to China via the Silk Road from the West.

During the excavation of mound No. 22, it was possible to trace in detail how the looting of the burial took place. The fact that the mound was looted in ancient times is obvious. As in all other Noin-Ula mounds, there was a huge crater in the center of the rectangular mound of mound No. 22. In the course of moving deeper, the robbers threw out stones of stone structures. At the level of the ground structure, near the entrance to the predatory mine (funnel), there was a large number of stones. Over time, some of the stones slid down into the pit, some of them (the largest) were at the bottom of the pit, on the floor of the burial chamber. In the lower part of the grabitelskaya mine, at the level of the second stone floor, thick birch stakes, not sanded, were found, sharpened and burned at one end. They were used by robbers to get to the burial site, wedging the floors and walls of the log house. This is indicated by pieces of blue clay and scraps of textiles on stakes.

Fig. 27. Reconstruction of the burial structure of the mound. N 22.

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In the ceiling above the external and internal log cabins, holes were cut in two places, but the main beam-matica was preserved so that it was possible to stay inside the log cabins without threat to life. A large number of splinters and characteristic traces on the logs indicate that the robbers used an axe. Near the northern wall of the inner log house, they left the same birch (only thinner) stakes and a wooden mallet made from a tree trunk (see Figs. 23, 4). Similar stakes were found during the excavations of mounds N 20 and 31. In the burial chamber of mound No. 24, S. A. Teploukhov also found several birch stakes up to 10 cm in diameter. He associated their appearance in the burial site with the activity of robbers [1925, p. 17].

Entering the grave was also an act of desecration of the person buried in the mound. This is probably why the bodies of Xiongnu nobles (or what was left of them) were dragged from great depths to the top. In all the Noin-Ula burials studied, only individual bones were found on the floor (see [Polos'mak, Bogdanov, Tseveendorzh, 2012, p. 75]). It was believed that as a result of dismemberment and destruction of the body, the buried person was deprived of the possibility of posthumous existence, he could no longer help his fellow tribesmen, and the mound itself, like the entire burial ground, ceased to be a marker indicating that these lands belonged to the Xiongnu.

List of literature

Kozlov P. K. Diaries of the Mongol-Tibetan expedition of 1923-1924. - SPb.: Nauka, 2003. - Vol. 30. - 1037 p.

Konovalov P. B. The Xiongnu in Transbaikalia. Ulan-Ude: Buryat, Publishing House, 1976, 247 p.

Yonghua. Liu Ancient Chinese chariot and horse harness (equipment). - Shanghai: Tsishu chubanyn, 2002. -201 p. (in Chinese).

Polos'mak N. V., Bogdanov E. S. Kitayskaya kolesnitsa iz 22nd noin-ulinsky kurgan [Chinese chariot from the 22nd Noin-ulinsky Kurgan]. Problemy arkheologii, etnografii, antropologii Sibiri i sopredel'nykh territorii: mat-ly of the Final session of IAET SB RAS. Novosibirsk: Publishing House of IAET SB RAS, 2012a, vol. XVIII, pp. 267-269.

Polos'mak N. V., Bogdanov E. S. Sled kitayskoy kolesnitsy [The trail of the Chinese chariot]. Nauka iz pervykh ruk [Science from the first hands], 20126, No. 4, pp. 6-17.

Цэвээндорж Д. Polos'mak, N. V. and Bogdanov, E. S., Issledovanie noin-ulaskogo kurgana N 31 (Severnaya Mongolia), Problemy arkheologii, etnografii, antropologii Sibiri i sopredel'nykh territorii: mat-ly Godovoy sessii IAET SB RAS, Novosibirsk: Izd. IAET SB RAS, 2009, vol. XV. 372-376.

Polos'mak N. V., Bogdanov E. S., Tseveendorzh D. The twentieth noin is Ulinsky kurgan. Novosibirsk: Infolio Publ., 2012, 184 p. (in Russian)

Rudenko S. I. Xiongnu culture and Noinuli mounds. - M.; L.: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1962. - 203 p.

Teploukhov S. A. Raskopka kurgana v gorakh Noin-Ula [Excavation of a mound in the mountains of Noin-Ula] / / Kratkieye dokl'ty expeditsii po issledovaniyu Severnoi Mongolii v svyazi s Mongolo-Tibetskoy expeditsiey P. K. Kozlov. - L.: Izd-vo AN SSSR, 1925. - pp. 13-22.

Huan Kuan. Dispute about salt and iron, Moscow: Vostochny lit., 2001, vol. 2, 829 p.

Brosseder U. Belt plaques as an indicator of the east-west relations in the Eurasian steppe at the turn of the millennia // Xiongnu archaeology. Multidisciplinary perspectives of the first steppe empire in Inner Asia. - Bonn: Wilhelms-Universitat, 2011. -Vol. 5. -C. 349 - 424.

Desroches J. -P. The French Archaeological Mission in Mongolia // International symposium in celebrations of the 10-th anniversary of MON-SOL Project. - Seul: National Museum of Korea, 2007. - P. 190 - 202 (на англ. и кор. яз.).

Miniaev S., Elikhina J. On the chronology of the Noyon uul barrows // The Silk Road. - 2009. - Vol. 7. - P. 21 - 35. "

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