Pre-colonial Burma reached its highest development under the Konbaung dynasty (1752-1885), the creators of a centralized sovereign state. By this period, Burma had developed system-forming principles for the construction and functioning of the supreme power, the administrative elite, the structure of state, religious and public institutions, interrelationships within society itself and the dominance of Buddhist ideology in them, approved through the sangha - the Buddhist community.

Keywords: Burma (Myanmar), Konbauns, Mindon, Thibault, palace etiquette.

Burma, along with other neighboring countries of Southeast Asia, adopted the southern Buddhist religion of Hinayana at the dawn of statehood. Buddhism, which originated in India, became a world religion, spreading beyond its borders, adapting to the specifics of other peoples, cultures and religious beliefs. It became the ideology of the original and distinctive cultural and historical structures of the Indochina Peninsula, the so-called Indianized states (Burma, Siam, Cambodia, Laos). Buddhism had the greatest impact on the elite strata of the new Southeast Asian states, on the ideas of divinity and the absolute nature of central power (the cult of Devaraja, Buddhayaza) [Vsevolodov, 1978, p. 78; Deopik, 1995, pp. 93-95; Yi Yi, 1961, p. 85].

The spread of Buddhism among the rural population was slower and led to the influence of folk spiritual traditions on this religion - animism, ancestral worship, and belief in spirits (nats). Theravada (Hinayana) Buddhism has become a folk, Burmese, as in other Buddhist countries of Southeast Asia, remaining a philosophical and religious teaching only for monasticism.

During the Konbaung dynasty, Burma was one of the most powerful and largest states in the Indochina Peninsula. It is considered to be centralized, considering first of all the strengthening of the supreme power of the Burmese rulers (Ming-ji) throughout the country, who managed not only to conquer the Mons in the south, who, like the Burmese, historically claimed to dominate the country, but also to unify the state structure of all Burma: the marginal territories were put under strict control of the Burmese people. the center, but under the control of their own leaders as vassals [Kozlova, 1962, pp. 79-85]. Along with military force, which consolidated the territorial unity of the country, measures to eradicate separatism of the local elite by turning it into a bureaucracy completely dependent on the central government played a huge role [Kozlova, 2004, p.205]. Secular high officials now received a monetary salary instead of land holdings, and the only hereditary stratum of Burmese society was the small and medium-sized feudal lords (Myotuji), who became

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the mainstay of the authorities, which the latter included in the unified official hierarchy of the administration as officials, which defined the Burmese socio-economic model as an Asian feudal-bureaucratic one (Tyurin, 2004).

Under the Konbauns, the creation of the center-periphery system was completed, practically implementing the postulates laid down in the Indo-Buddhist political doctrine of the state about building a centralized state through the absolutization of supreme power and structuring all subjects by class (ahmudata - managers, sinyeta - managed) and categories without the right to change them, strict regulation along the vertical of the official administrative ladder and the integrating role of the Buddhist religion. Placed in economic dependence on the monarch, the Buddhist community (sangha), uniting the people in loyalty to the throne, was an effective factor in the unity of the state.

The absolute power of the minja (great king) was emphasized by his titulature-first of all as "master and master of life, heads and hair of all living beings", as well as land and water in his state. He was the "king of kings", mintayaji - "king of justice", dhamma-yaza - "king, bearer of Buddhist morality". The main function of the minja was to maintain order and justice by observing the dhamma not only in the state, but also in nature, as well as contributing to the subjects in achieving nirvana (posthumous bliss), well-being, and encouraging the people to comply with the norms of Buddhist ethics.

Burmese monarchs, being theoretically "orthodox" Buddhists, sometimes deviated from the letter of the Theravada law - "thou shalt not kill or do evil", so as not to spoil their karma (i.e., their existence in the future); this was especially true of military campaigns that were conducted almost constantly, even against their co-religionists, such as neighboring Siam, and even for seizing Buddhist relics. Such acts were closely related to the Minji of the Konbaun dynasty's commitment to achieving the ideal of a Buddhist conqueror of the universe, the chakravartin, or the messiah - Buddha Maitreya ("The Coming Buddha"), although, according to doctrinal Buddhism, the chakravartin conquers the world, i.e. converts everyone to Buddhism, by peaceful means.

In other words, despite the absence of gods in Buddhism, the image of the Burmese minji was close to the divine: for example, some of the Konbauns considered themselves to belong to the Sakyas, the solar dynasty ruling in the cosmic abode of the Indian gods; others pointed out directly that the Burmese minji on earth is the incarnation of the god Indra in heaven (Sarkisyanz, 1963, p. 4). 81-82]. The cosmological ideas about the state, laid down in Theravada, existed until the end of the Konbaun period. According to them, the state was associated with the universe, the forces of attraction in which diverged from the center (or core) to the periphery, just as the power of power in the earth state decreased from the capital to the marginal territories. In the center of the universe was fr. - Yambudwipa with Mount Meru and the Bodhi tree that grew on it, under which the Buddha was believed to have achieved enlightenment.

Great importance in the structure of the state was attached to the central (nuclear) zone. Here was the capital, the court of Minji, and himself, the Buddhist absolute, whose throne and other regalia had, in accordance with religious symbolism, magical power that could give its owner power, increased to cosmic proportions, to destroy chaos and establish order (Heine-Geldern, 1963). That is why Burmese monarchs perceived the concept of such a state structure not only as the main factor in its existence, but also as a priority task of their activities: immediately after ascending to the throne, they began to build a new capital or move the old one to another city. In Burma, a whole "metropolitan area" has even emerged between the middle reaches and tributaries of the Irrawaddy (with the most fertile soils and high population density). This was the area with Goro-

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dami Shuebo, Ava, Amarapura, Sagain, Mandalay, and Ava and Amarapura alternately changed the status of the capital.

Mandalay, the last capital of independent Burma, built by Mindon (1855-1878), was laid out in 1857 on the flat bank of the Irrawaddy River; only in the northern part of it rose a lonely hill, later built up with monasteries and pagodas. There is also a colossal gilded statue of the Buddha (with a pointing finger of the right hand in the direction of the preserved remains of the Mandalay palace) \Mandalay..., p. 7]. It is believed that the Buddha predicted the transformation of Mandalay into the center of the Buddhist religion two and a half thousand years ago. The huge city that Mindon had planned was still unfinished when the ruler, hoping that the new capital would give it the magical powers to successfully resist English aggression, issued a decree moving from Amarapura to Mandalay. In the summer of 1860, a huge procession of Amarapura residents stretched in a long line for 20 kilometers separating the two cities (Foucar, 1955, p. 16).

Mandalay and Mandalay Palace were the last of the colossal monuments of Burmese architecture. The city represented a composition that occupies a regular square in plan (oriented to the cardinal directions) with wide straight streets and the ruler's palace towering in the center, standing on a two-meter platform and crowned with multi-tiered roofs over each of its individual buildings. Mindon's Palace was huge (Ozhegov, 1970, p. 145), built of wood (teak, weakly rotting) without the use of nails. The fortifications surrounded the palace in three rows: the palace itself was surrounded by a six-meter-high teak palisade, a wide moat with water and a brick wall; another wall ran around the citadel, and all this was located inside the citywide external defensive lines.

Protection of the palace, as well as other magical regalia contained in it, was considered by the Burmese rulers to be a means of protecting and preserving their power. Therefore, the Konbauns not only strengthened the power of the fortifications, but also preferred not to leave the palace, fearing that the conspirators would be able to seize the palace and seize power in the state. The belief in the magic of royal regalia and that the king's karma (kamma) manifests only after he is confirmed in the palace, regardless of whether minji or his rival appears on the throne, forced minji not to leave the palace.

This situation made the Burmese monarchs reclusive in their core-center. It is known that Mindon in 1866, while on vacation (outside the capital) in the summer palace, narrowly escaped death at the hands of conspirators who tried to block his return to the palace. He managed to return and keep the throne, but since then he has hardly left the palace gates. Thibaut (1878-1885) did not leave the Mandalay palace at all during his reign, and even carried out ritual plowing not in the field, but inside the palace territory, which was strongly reinforced: there were at least 1,000 guards in the palace itself, and around there were units of various branches of the Burmese troops, including artillerymen, musketeers and war elephant drivers. In general, the court territory had everything necessary for the life of the royal "prisoners": gardens, ponds, canals, not counting barracks, military warehouses, stables and even rooms for the white elephant - one of the main symbols of Burma's state sovereignty. There was also a royal treasury, a mint (first built under Mindong), Buddhist religious buildings, and a whole alley of tombs in which members of the Konbaun dynasty, including Mindong, were buried [Mandalay..., p. 25]. If the palace had been preserved in more than just plans and drawings, it would undoubtedly have been included in Burmese art monuments, as it was a magnificent architectural structure.

The palace was so lavishly decorated that there was almost no feeling that it was built of wood. The walls were decorated inside and out from top to bottom

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wooden filigree carvings, and it was also covered with gold leaf. Gold was the main element of the decor, and it was not saved: entire wall panels were made of gold plates (Ozhegov, 1970, p. 4). Gold and glass mosaics, precious stones of different colors, values and calibres were also used. Such a large-scale use of decorations that shone like the sun created the impression of the palace itself, as well as its interior, a huge carved box.

In the chambers of the palace, the central place was occupied by the "parade zone "(in its eastern part). It consisted of a suite of throne rooms with special names. Mindon's own apartment buildings were also located there. Security guards and servants were stationed nearby: hairdressers, bath attendants, bed attendants, maids, and the latter were chosen by Minji himself from among the young girls, his own relatives.

Due to the strict regulation of palace life, each hall had a specific purpose.

In the main of the throne rooms - "Lion", where the throne of the same name stood, the largest official receptions were held three times a year; all state officials took an oath of loyalty to their monarch, while handing over revenues from their subordinate regions and rich gifts. At the beginning of the Burmese year (April) and the Buddhist fast (July), high officials who lived in the capital came, and when the religious holiday on the occasion of the end of the fast began, the "Kado day" ("great oath") came, then representatives of the local administration arrived from all parts of the country, including the most remote ones. and landowners (myotudji), as well as Shan princes (sobwa) [Scott and Hardiman, 1900-1901, p. 282]. The hall and throne were inlaid with gold, as if confirming one of the many titles of the Burmese minji-shue, which means "golden", or the owner of the" golden throne"," golden palace"," golden city " (i.e. Mandalay). The "lion" throne had the magic of power, as it was associated with Mount Meru. Above the throne was a carved gilded seven-tiered roof (pyatta), supported by two pillars, symbolizing the Bodhi tree. The structure ended in a spire that went up into the core of the universe, according to Indo-Buddhist cosmology.

The Goose Hall hosted the reception of foreign ambassadors; the Seashell Hall hosted daily audiences (three times a day). Mindon with the top officials of the main state councils - Hludo and Biedaya. The coronation of the ruler, the confirmation of the heir to the throne, weddings, appointments to the posts of members of the ruling family were celebrated in the largest throne room, the "Bee", as well as holidays, such as the "water Festival", on the occasion of the New Year (in the month of April) [Ozhegov, 1970, p. 152].

The palace and its grounds were inhabited by a considerable population, probably several hundred people. It was impossible to enter without prior approval: all entrances, including four main ones (on the cardinal directions), were blocked by security guards. In addition to the guarded entrances to the citadel, the city gates were closed from nine o'clock in the evening to six o'clock in the morning, and during the receipt of the ruler's annual income, fires or any unrest in the city and its surroundings, they were kept closed during the day [Scott, Hardiman, 1900-1901, p. 470]. Moreover, the gates could be closed or opened regardless of looting or rioting, but simply by the decision of the Supreme Council-Khludo [Scott, Hardiman, 1900-1901, p. 470]. In addition, there were strict rules of attendance for persons who were not directly related to the court. The riders had to dismount far away from the palace, and the passengers had to disembark from the wheeled carriages. Before entering the palace, all firearms and edged weapons were handed in. Unarmed patrons took off their shoes in a special room and kissed the floor on the first step of the hall; in the Throne Room, they prostrated themselves before the monarch (or even before the empty throne), their faces almost touching Minji's feet.

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If for the Burmese, as for most peoples of Southeast and East Asia, such rules were considered normal, then for Europeans they were absolutely unacceptable. The British, especially in relation to their official representatives in Burma, demanded that Mindon abandon the national rules of etiquette. Even before Mindon, the Conbaun rulers insisted on the observance of national customs by foreigners: it is known that in 1795, M. Simes, the ambassador of the English East India Company in Bodonaya (1782-1819), in stockings, marched to the ruler's throne on "Cado day", i.e. on the day of taking the oath from vassals, as if equalizing in the same way and an English representative [Foucar, 1955, p. 36].R. Fitch, who arrived in Burma in 1867 to conclude a trade agreement, took off his shoes and performed the sikhou ceremony-ceremonial bows before Mindon in the "Lion" Hall [Foucar, 1955, p. 38].

Since Mindon firmly insisted on removing shoes when visiting the palace by foreigners, the so-called shoe issue led first to the fact that the Burmese minji stopped giving audiences to the English side, and then the government of India in 1879 recalled its resident from Burma, because the issue of etiquette - the removal of shoes by English representatives-reached a dead end [Hall, 1958, p. 431].

At the same time, there was another conflict misunderstanding about the different understanding of etiquette in the East and West. As a rule, in Burma, all business contacts, meetings, and audiences of the Minji were scheduled for early in the morning, and the British preferred to follow their own daily routine. Thus, in 1851-1852, war almost broke out between the two countries due to the rude and aggressive behavior of Commodore Lambert in Burma, who tried to get a meeting with the governor of Rangoon on a hot afternoon by riding into his residence accompanied by a detachment of naval officers in full military equipment. The deputation was waiting for an answer: "The master sleeps", which led to the immediate threat of a naval squadron entering the port of Rangoon. Even the British themselves condemned this tactless behavior of the British government envoy: "...it is not the Asian custom to demand an audience without prior arrangement... and in violation of all the norms of Burmese etiquette, " wrote the social and political figure R. Cobden [Cobden, 1867, p. 69].

The palace was not only the residence of the monarch and his family, but also the center of government of the country. Life in it was awakened early, and as early as seven o'clock in the morning, the highest officials of the state-the wunji (ministers) who represented the High Council of the State (Khludo), as well as the Atwinwuns (councillors) who made up the Privy Council (Byo-dai), together with their assistants, scribes and couriers, gathered for an audience with the minji to transmit the message to him, the cases that the latter returned with his decisions to the same officials at the afternoon audience. On their basis, decrees were drawn up and sent (signed by the monarch) to the appropriate authorities [Scott, Hardiman, p. 471-472].

As a rule, legislative, executive, and judicial problems were solved in Khludo. The Jedi was in charge of the palace service, located next to Minji's quarters. Close personal contacts with the ruler led to the fact that the Atvinvuns began to enjoy no less power than the Vunji [Kozlova, 1962, p. 43-48; Cady, 1958, p.12-19].

The highest officials of the state usually spent most of the day in the palace, next to the ruler, returning home around five o'clock in the evening, and if there were fires or riots in the city, they remained in the palace until minji allowed them to leave; during his illness, the officials left only around three o'clock in the afternoon the next day, i.e.E. and spent the night in the palace. The monarch's bedchamber was always occupied at night by a guard and maid assigned to duty, and if the monarch did not fall asleep well, the "attendants" talked to him or read something from poetry and religious works, such as jatakas (Harvey, 1947, p.192-193).

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Mindon did not regularly chair meetings of the Supreme Council, but expressed his opinion on the state issues discussed or criticized Wunji's "collegial" decisions. The ruler could be replaced by the heir to the throne or one of the ministers (Harvey, 1947, p. 187). On the contrary, Thibault issued a decree in 1884 that he would personally conduct meetings of the Chludo [Mua Sein, 1938, p. 20].

Titles and regalia corresponded to each step of the Burmese state's hierarchical ladder. An important and most distinctive of the latter was the gold chain (salve), which had thick gold plates on its weaves. Ranks differed in the number of chains, they joined on the left shoulder, diverging through the chest to the right side. The highest number in salwa was twenty-four for the ruler; the heir to the throne had eighteen interweaves, the princes-sons of minja-twelve each. Then there were the officials: wunji had nine interweaves, and their assistants (wun) - from six to three (Cady, 1958, p. 15).

In addition to regalia, which had the appearance of decorations, like salve, the state's bureaucratic apparatus was distinguished by titles strictly prescribed to one or another rank corresponding to the position held, or miosa - the owner of maintenance in the form of taxes from a certain district (before the introduction of Mindon salaries to officials), as well as sobwa, i.e. Shan princes.

There were nine levels of rank for military leaders, for myoz and for sobwa, eleven ranks-for those occupying the lower levels of the bureaucratic hierarchy; the highest were five: sudhamma, minji, maha, min, nemyo (Yi Yi, 1961, p. 87-88). Each rank was assigned a certain type of dwelling, and the main feature of the difference was the number of roofs crowning the building. Officials who lived in the city near the palace citadel could cover their houses with a maximum of three-tiered roofs and do not forget that increasing the tiers entailed either a monetary fine or corporal punishment [Cady, 1958, p. 15]. According to this rule, which was approved by law, persons of non-innocent status were especially persecuted: a rich merchant who had erected a two - or three-tiered roof over his house, soon enough, according to the report of the city's law enforcement officer, was forced not only to correct his mistake, i.e. break the building, but also to pay off a large sum to the state treasury.

Social status was defined in the Housing Code as "owner of a two-or three-tiered roof" (Ozhegov, 1970, p. 140). Similarly, it was emphasized by the type of clothing (taking into account the cut, material-its composition, in particular threads made of precious metals, ornaments, embroidery, etc.). Only members of the ruler's family could use silk fabric for clothing, velvet sandals, as well as large precious stones-diamonds, emeralds, rubies [Foucar, 1955, p. 26]. The shape and type of metal for the box containing betel, smoking pipe, water glasses, horse blanket decorations, and most importantly, the number and color of umbrellas should not have imitated the royal ones (Cady, 1958, p.15).

Minji and the head queen were the only ones in the country who could use a white umbrella-not just one, but eight-on special occasions. They were carried by special servants over the person of the ruler and his wife. The sons and brothers of the ruler were entitled to the golden umbrella, as were the high officials of the bureaucracy; the Myotuji and some other officials of the local administration were entitled to the red umbrella. One of the titles of the Burmese monarch was associated with this regalia: "Minji is the master of all owners of white umbrellas", and his state was called "The Country of all owners of white umbrellas". This" main " umbrella had to have precisely measured dimensions: 15 feet high and 6 feet long, the panel itself was decorated with gold plates, and the handle was made of gold and inlaid with precious stones (Cady, 1958, p. 25).

The trap of strict regulation of Burmese etiquette and behavioral traditions fell into Europeans, most often representatives of the Anglo-Indian authorities, who had already been in the Middle East.

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established in the south of the country. Often granted an audience with Mindon, the English emissaries, unable to find the shoes they had left at the entrance to the palace, walked in English suits or uniforms in their socks through the city to the Irrawaddy, where their mission was located, to the laughter of the Burmese, who are great lovers of jokes, especially if they relate to foreigners. Similarly, English ladies who wanted to hide from the hot sun and chose a white umbrella for this purpose were detained by guards and were forced to wait for their release when their husbands arrived.

According to custom, breaking the established rules of behavior - etiquette in the broad sense of the word-could be punished quite harshly, but under Mindon, this was looked at more leniently. The punishment could even be a death sentence, for example, for wealthy merchants, whose wives often displayed their jewelry, comparable in value to the royal ones, despite the fact that there was a monopoly of the minji both for the extraction of rubies and other expensive stones, and for their use in everyday life.

Naturally, the Burmese rules of etiquette were most often observed at the ruler's court, gradually losing their rigidity as they moved away from the capital. It is worth mentioning the obligatory respect of any commoner in any part of the country for an official bureaucrat, a member of the royal family, a Buddhist monk, expressed in kneeling, bowing three times or even prostrating. And of course, the application form was strictly observed [Vsevolodov, 1978, p. 10] to a higher person, who emphasized class status and inequality in the social order of Burmese society.

The significance and position of the sovereign and his elite were most fully revealed in the numerous, and most importantly, extremely solemn, magnificent and luxurious ceremonies that were held in the XIX century in the "golden palace" in Mandalay. The most significant of these was the coronation of Minji (abhishek). Usually, the date of this event was determined by the brahmins: they relied in their research on astrology, which Buddhist monks were forbidden to practice. A considerable number of brahmins lived permanently in the palace, participating in the organization of ceremonies and rituals. The Burmese Mingyas themselves made sure that these priests were well acquainted with authentic Indian rituals and sacred texts, for which they sometimes brought new "holy fathers": for example, during the reign of Bodopaya, a brahmana Govinda was invited from India to fix the statues of Hindu gods that were in many places in the palace [Vsevolodov, 1978, p. 4]. 78].

It is known that the coronation ceremony of Mindon was held on May 14, 1857. (7 Kasona). This month, according to some sources, was chosen because the Buddha was born and attained the state of holiness on the full moon of this month [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 118]. The coronation ceremony was attended by 500 brahmins and more than 1,000 Buddhist monks. General leadership was provided by the head of the Buddhist Sangha, tatanabain. It was in this rite that the Indo-Buddhist concept of the state in Burma was most fully reflected. For the ceremony, the Abhisheks built three additional pavilions for various types of necessary coronation rituals. The area in front of the pavilions was ploughed three times by Minji and his family, using a jeweled golden plow drawn by white oxen. The plowed land was sown with rice and other seeds. It was believed that this ceremony should promote the harvest in all fields in the country. If there was a drought, then minji himself was considered guilty, because he angered the spirits-nats of water.

Gifts at the abhisheka ceremony were offered to the Indian gods Paramesvara and Vishnu, accompanied by chanting of mantras by brahmins, the sound of gongs and cannon volleys. The daughters of the ruler brought sacred water in gold and silver vessels taken from the "five rivers", poured it on the head of the ruler and placed a conch shell on it - a symbol of Vishnu. Then the ruler would put on the white robe of a brahmana, and his chief wife would put on the robe of nata.

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The royal family went to the palace in an elaborately decorated palanquin to take their place on a specially prepared throne surrounded by brahmins reciting the paritta prayer [Yi Yi, 1961 p. 122]. Under the sound of musketry volleys, the ruler listened to the appeal to him: "O king, may you never be angry with your nobles, may you take care of your people as if they were your children, and consider the lives of your subjects as valuable as your own, as well as keep their property and valuables, and by your actions light up the darkness ignorance... "[Yi Yi, 1961, p. 123; Vsevolodov, 1978, p. 79].

Then there were other wishes: that Minji should not take more than a tithe from his subjects, that he should free the country from Dacoits, robbers and robbers, so that the country would live in peace, food would be plentiful, and religion would flourish. "You, minji, will live for 100 years." And no catastrophes (earthquakes, bad weather and thunder) will destroy the earth.

At the end of the ceremony, the ruler swore an oath to fulfill all wishes. It was this vow that was the quintessential abhisheka, for it was a form of social contract between the king and the people to rule justly. According to custom, after the coronation, Minji released all imprisoned criminals from prison [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 124], except for "enemies of religion", since in Burma sacrilege was considered the most serious crime.

Up the ornate steps, the ruler and his wife ascended to the throne, dressed as was customary in ceremonial robes, carrying golden lotuses in their hands, accompanied by brahmans. After the gong was struck, the royal couple would take the throne and accept offerings. Then there was a banquet for 170 people, and rice and curry were served on gold trays (even indicated how much the served chickens, quails, fish and other treats cost, with a constant mention of the golden utensils on which all these dishes were presented). Food was distributed to the monks in the pagodas, and even the square around the palace was filled with food dishes for everyone to enjoy. Similar offerings continued for another seven days, not only in Mandalay, but throughout the country [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 127].

Another important ritual action in the palace was the establishment of minji in the residence, i.e. in the Mandalay palace. It was attended by several hundred Burmese monks who read the Tripitaka in specially built pavilions (tazauns) for this occasion. In tazauns, monks, arahats (hermits), as well as scenes from jatakas, nagas, garuda and devas were depicted on white cloths. The monks recited the Tripitaka day and night [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 125]. This ceremony was performed in all the halls and rooms of the palace, and everywhere the recitative of monks reciting sacred Buddhist texts was heard.

Another important ceremony directly related to the structure of government in Burma during the Konbaun dynasty was the appointment of an heir to the throne - an innovation of this time, since until the XIX century the succession to the throne was very uncertain: the right of primogeniture, i.e. the transfer of power to the first-born ruler, was not always valid, and the throne was often occupied and the Minji brothers. There is a detailed description of the appointment of the heir to the throne under Bodonaya, written on palm leaves. It stated on behalf of the ruler that his son was now ready to share power with him, and most importantly - Minji's sons, like his grandsons, could later inherit the Burmese throne to protect religion and subjects and possess all the regalia, wealth and white elephants like Minji himself [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 112-114].

If little is known about the role of Bodopaya's designated heir (especially since he died soon after), then the activities of Mindon's heir, his beloved son Kanaun, were inseparable from Minji's own affairs, being closely linked to the latter's reforms. On July 11, 1853, Kanaun received the title of "second ruler" and insignia of this rank-

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the income of five cities, the largest of which were Taundviji and Sali, a private palace in Mandalay, and the title of Siri pawara maha sudhamma raja (Yi Yi, 1961, p. 118). Prince Kanaun was an effective "second ruler". He died during the palace plot of 1866. Mindon could not survive this loss: not wishing a similar fate to his other sons, he decided not to appoint a successor.

Busy with state affairs, lavish rituals and ceremonies, the eastern, ceremonial part of the Mandalay palace adjoined the western, absorbed in other concerns. The large Mindon family occupied living quarters here, separated from the eastern part by a partition wall. True, this" border "was not impassable for the ruler's wives, who could appear with their own demands for "absolute power", and if this was quite rare, for example, under Bodo Paya, then under Mindon, known for his mild character, they became almost regular. In addition, Burmese women were very different in their status from, say, neighboring Indian women, with greater personal freedom, activity, and independence, as well as the legal status inherent in Buddhism (Cady, 1958, p.61-63).

In the palace, on the women's side, the main occupation of the ruler's wives was to raise children and "attach" them to the lucrative service. There was a particular concern during the selection of a candidate for the vacant throne; at the ordinary level, there was rivalry with other wives and concubines over rank, income, or just gifts and favor from the ruler, despite the fairly strict hierarchy for queens according to their position on the ladder of ranks.

The Burmese Minji, in accordance with the norms of Buddhism, had four official, or main, wives. The most important of them was called the "queen (mibuya) of the south", the second - "queen of the north", there were two more official spouses (center and west) [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 88-89] and a whole host of others, for example, the daughters of vassal Shan princes (young girls were kept in Mandalay to avoid their betrayal their fathers were vassals of the Burmese ruler), as well as a significant number of young beauties who fell in love with Minji. The total number of inhabitants of this "harem", according to various sources, was at least 50, while in the Mindon family there were 45 sons, and even more daughters [Scott, 1918, p. 41].

Only the sons of the main wife were eligible for the throne when they reached a certain age; the sons of concubines and Shan princesses were not. In addition, since the main wife was always chosen from among his half-sisters, while she was still the wife of the previous ruler, this custom to some extent legitimized the transfer of power within the dynasty, given the lack of primogeniture or other principle of succession to the throne. Almost throughout the entire Konbaun period, it was an ancient custom to consider brothers as the first contenders for the throne, and not the sons of the deceased monarch (Hall, 1958, p.545) (only the approval of the heir to the throne during the reign of Bodopaya changed this custom).

The main wife, Minji, had the greatest rights and privileges in the reigning family. She was the only one who had free access to the eastern half of the palace, enjoyed the royal regalia - a white umbrella and a white elephant, and had a large income from taxes on attributed possessions. She also participated in some official meetings and audiences, sitting next to the ruler on the "Lion Throne". In addition, on the main line of state halls in the palace there was also a hall with a "Throne of Lilies", which belonged personally to the main wife, in which special events were held under her patronage or chairmanship [Ozhegov, 1970, p. 150].

These were mainly celebrations or ceremonies related to the age-related life cycles of children, teenagers and young men who had the "blue" blood of the Konbauns in their veins. The first milestone in the lives of Burmese children, at about three months of age, was the celebration of the first chewing of betel. On the day and hour appointed by the astrologer, betel, placed in a golden vessel, was brought to the room.-

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the organizer of the festival distributed gifts (rice, sweets, fruit), as was customary, to the Buddha, spirits (water, earth, trees), as well as to the child's parents and their older generation. Only then was betel brought to the baby (Yi Yi, 1961, p. 90). A large ceremony was also held on the day of choosing and assigning the baby's name on the hundredth day of his life. This choice was made with the help of brahman, as well as the time of its completion [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 90]. The celebrations were led and conducted directly by the main queen. She was sitting in her nokoi with a child in her arms, and next to her was an image of a brahmana. All the other official wives of the ruler were present, occupying places in a hierarchical order, officials of the highest five ranks, royal guards armed with Burmese swords, servants carrying white umbrellas. Gold plates engraved with the baby's names were prepared, cooks prepared a huge amount of food, and musicians, singers, and dancers were invited. At the same time, in the main halls of the palace, Buddhist monks read prayers in which they asked the ruler and his children for prosperity, glory and a long life so that they could responsibly serve religion and the state. These prayers were recited three times, as well as the baby's given name, which was indicated on the prepared plate (or palm leaves). At the same time, the birthday boy received rich gifts, described in detail in the chronicles; the weight and size of gold and silver ingots, diamonds, rubies, and even the number of individual stones in necklaces, bracelets, and earrings were indicated, as well as an inventory of the total number and weight of all gifts on the occasion of this holiday and a huge personal list of donors [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 90-99].

Weddings were even more lavish. The royal children grew up, and their mothers competed in search of suitable partners, preferably of high rank. Palace intrigues about this were inevitable, although Burma as a whole was more characterized by the free matrimonial relations of young people. Like all others, the wedding ceremony in the palace was accompanied by brahmins: they set the date and time of its holding by astrological calculations. Preparations for the wedding were conducted strictly in accordance with customs and Buddhist rules. On the eve of the wedding, the newlyweds passed the rite of coming of age: the bride, as well as the groom, had their ears pierced, and both had their hair changed; the Jedi assigned the prince insignia of his rank and corresponding possessions, from which he was to receive income [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 110]. Gifts for the bride and groom varied in quantity and cost. The bride, for example, was entitled to more than 56 pieces of jewelry, and 21 items of women's clothing. For the groom, gifts were more modest, but they were also entered in special lists [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 100-103].

Food was prepared for the feast and for distribution as gifts. All the dishes were counted and entered in the "vedomosti"; these wedding lists are interesting from the point of view of "investors": jewelry - from the treasury and jewelers, fabrics - from shopkeepers, food and prepared dishes - from cooks and warehouse employees, clothes - from tailors, etc., as opposed to gifts for ceremonies, concerning infants: they came from the wives of high-ranking officials [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 105-107]. For the wedding ceremony, a special room was built, decorated with tassels of bananas, bundles of coconuts, sugar cane, etc. A nuptial bed was prepared in the middle. Next to it on a stand was "Trshtaka", there were many vases with flowers, ornaments made of elephant tusks, as well as specially prepared wedding rice [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 107-108, 111] and other food served on silver dishes, and it was supposed that the newlyweds treated each other. The groom rode into the wedding hall on an elephant, holding a sword in his hand, and accompanied by a whole retinue, including brahmins. Then the bride arrived in a white dress, accompanied by "girlfriends" and relatives. The bride and groom sat side by side. As a rule, atvinvun (adviser to the ruler) and his wife tied a couple of newlyweds with a whole roll of the thinnest muslin,

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which was supposed to symbolize their happy future together [Yi Yi, 1961, p. 110].

As the struggle for succession to the throne was the main intrigue of Burma's internal political life, it became especially acute when the ruler of Mindon fell ill and did not appoint an heir. There were several sons who could theoretically claim the throne. The situation at the court almost became unmanageable, especially given the active intervention of the British resident in it. Court cliques and official clans began a fierce struggle for the opportunity to have their protégé on the throne, which soon developed into a plot (1878) to destroy those applicants who had the greatest chance of taking the throne.

The plot was led by one of Mindon's most ambitious second-rank wives, Alenando-mibuya, who repeatedly aggressively demanded that the ruler assign her the rank of chief queen. She became famous in the Mandalay Palace for once ostentatiously appearing in the throne room and taking a seat next to the ruler on the "Lion Throne", although on the other side of Minji was already his official main wife, in full compliance with Burmese palace etiquette [Kozlova, 2000, pp. 312-326]. This caused a real shock in the palace, as traditional norms were grossly violated.

Alenando failed: the ruler refused her the main thing, but "propitiated" her by giving her a white elephant and bestowing the title of sinpyumashin (Lady of the white elephant), by which she later became known. Mindon, who was already on his deathbed, also agreed to appoint Thibault, the youngest son of the ruler by a Shan princess, as his successor. Sinpyumashin hoped that the weak and inexperienced young heir would fall under her influence and she herself would get a certain share of power. Her main trump card in this intrigue was the arrangement of the marriage of Thibaut with his youngest daughter Supayala, whom the young prince had long been eyeing [Kozlova, 2000, pp. 312-326]. Sinpyumashin acted decisively: with the help of the palace guards, she managed to disarm and arrest Mindong's other sons, which was reported to him by the mothers of the captured princes. The last decree of the ruler was precisely the decree on their release [Aung Than Tun]. But Mindon's time has already passed. He died on October 1, 1879, without knowing about the fate of his sons.

Thibault took his father's throne, and Supayala took his place next to him. However, Shinpyumashin, who had developed a plan to usurp the throne, failed. Her younger daughter Supayala, having inherited from her mother an even more domineering and ambitious character, soon removed her from any influence on the young ruler, and therefore from interfering in state affairs [Ma Kuap, 1961, p. 58].

Supayala tried to limit the number of wives her husband had by making public scenes of jealousy. Seeking to become the chief wife of the ruler (and Mindon appointed her eldest daughter Sinpyumashin - Supayaji during her lifetime), Supayala forcibly forced her sister to take refuge in a monastery and thus obtained the long-awaited high rank [Kozlova, 2000, p. 317]. Fearing to lose power, Supayala decided to get rid of the Thibault brothers, who, although they were under arrest, could act as rivals. She carried out her brutal plan to physically eliminate Mindon's sons. The executions lasted three days and three nights, beginning on February 15, 1879.

According to some English authors, Supayala staged a theatrical performance with fireworks, dancing and music from the executions. She was sitting on the throne, barely keeping an intoxicated Thibaut by her side [Foucar, 1955, p.77]. 31 of Mindon's 48 sons were killed, including 80 members of the royal family and senior officials. This was not the only phenomenon in the history of the succession of Burmese dynasties, but it was during this period that England decided to openly attack Burma, to break off official relations, recalling its representative from the residence in Mandalay in 1879.

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By increasing the military contingent in Lower Burma, Great Britain simultaneously provoked the remaining claimants to the Burmese throne from among the sons of Mindon (first Nyawn-O, then, in 1882-1883, the Prince of Myinun) to speak out against Thibault. It succeeded in wresting some territory from Upper Burma and forcing Thibault to relinquish all government monopolies. Burmese sovereignty was coming to an end, despite the conclusion of a number of international treaties with European countries. For several more years, independent Burma agonized, constantly losing signs of sovereignty and the well-established organization of the Buddhist monarchical state.

Thibaut, of course, did not run the country under a wife like Supayala (Bennett, 1971, p. 83). The latter could no longer stop in its senseless atrocities, continuing to massacre the royal family "to the seventh generation", as well as Mindon's supporters and simply its real or imaginary enemies. It replaced the entire former elite with a new one with obvious criminal elements, the contradictions in which further complicated the country's situation: Great Britain presented Burma with an ultimatum to completely renounce sovereignty. Thibault could not make any decisions under these circumstances, rushing for advice to one group of the elite, then to another. When, on November 15, 1885, the British flotilla crossed the border on the Irrawaddy, firing cannons at the cities and their volleys reached the palace chambers, complete prostration reigned: fear and expectation of a miracle at the same time. Practically, what is commonly referred to in historiography as the "third Anglo-Burmese War" did not happen [Kozlova, 2000, p. 317]: Burma did not even have time to mobilize its army [Scott, Hardiman, 1900-1901, p.111]. Thibault finally agreed to a capitulation (for the preservation of his and his wife's lives), after the official acceptance of which was proclaimed his abdication from the throne and the annexation of Burma to the English possessions (January 1, 1886).

The British expeditionary forces were stationed in Mandalay and celebrated their victory, i.e. they plundered the city and the palace. As I. P. Minaev, who saw it firsthand, wrote, " ... they dragged everything they could. There was something to carry! Gold and rubies everywhere, glitter and finery. Soldiers and officers all moved out to reconnoiter: the first stones of the magnificent building called the Pax Britannica were being laid. They plundered and searched for hidden riches. Robbed and searched... And there was a lot of gold, there were idols, bowls and even baths made of gold. There was something to celebrate" [Minaev, 1887, p. 118].

Thibault and Supayala spent their last night in the palace before their exile, amid the roar of looting, the shouts of victory from the soldiers, and military music. In the morning, they set off in a buffalo cart, accompanied by a crowd of their former subjects, who stood in the rain and did not hide their tears. They saw off not only the royal couple, but also the former greatness of monarchical Burma.

The Mandalay Palace was dying away before the eyes of the city's inhabitants, losing its golden luster, because the British soldiers managed to carry away not only large gold products - statues, utensils, dishes, but also gold plates from the walls and precious stones that encrusted the remarkable structure of Burmese architecture. Later, the British administration of Burma used it as an officers ' club. The palace was completely destroyed by the same British bombing during World War II in 1944.

list of literature

Vsevolodov I. V. Burma: religion and Politics, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1978.

Dsopik D. V. The spread of Buddhism in Southeast Asia// Istoriya Vostoka [History of the East]. East in the Middle Ages, Moscow: Vostochnaya Literatura Publ., 1995.
Kozlova M. G. Burma on the eve of the English Conquest, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1962.

Kozlova M. G. Reformatorskaya politika v Burme v XIX v. [Reform policy in Burma in the 19th century].
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Kozlova M. G. The Last ruler of Burma: a Tragedy and a Farce / / Political intrigue in the East, Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura, 2000.

Kozlova M. G. Burma v vtoroy polovine XVIII - pervoy kvarti XIX v. [Burma in the second half of the XVIII - first quarter of the XIX century]. Istorii Vostoka, vol. IV, kn. 1. Vostok v novoe vremya (kontsa XVIII-nachalo XIX v.), Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura, 2004.

Minaev I. P. Englishmen v Burme [Englishmen in Burma]. Vestnik Evropy [Bulletin of Europe], St. Petersburg, 1887, vol. 6, No. 11.

Ozhegov S. S. Architecture of Burma, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1970.

Tyurin V. A. Tipy sotsial'no-politicheskoi struktury obshchestv [Types of socio-political structure of societies]. Experiments and interdisciplinary opportunities, Moscow, 2004.
Hall D. J. N. Istoriya Yugo-Vostochnoy Azii [History of Southeast Asia], Moscow, 1958.
Aung Than Tun. The First Minister goes to West // Guardian. Rangoon. Vol. 8. № 5.

Bennett R.G. Conference under Tamarind Tree. Three Essays in Burmese History. New Haven, 1971.

Cady J.F. A History of Burma. Ithaca (N.Y.), 1958.

Cobden R. Letters to Henry Ashworth: How Wars Arc Got up in India: Origin of the Burmese War // Political Writings of Richard Cobden. L., 1867.

Foucar E.C.V. They Reigned in Mandalay. Rangoon, 1955.

Harvey G.E. Outline of History of Burma. L., 1947.

Hcinc-Geldern R. von. Conception of State and Kingship in South-East Asia. Ithaca (N.Y.), 1963.

Ma Kyan. King Mindon's Counselors // JBRS. 1961. Vol. XLIV. Pt. I.

Mandalay and Environ. Calcutta, s.a.

Mya Scin Ma. Administration of Burma: Sir Charles Croslwaite and the Consolidation of Burma. Rangoon, 1938.

Sarkisyanz F.. Buddhist Backgrounds of the Burmese Revolution. The Hague, 1963.

Scott F.G. The Burman, his Life and Notions. L., 1918.

Scott F.G., Hardiman F.R Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States. Vol. 1, pt. I. Rangoon, 1900-1901.

Yi Yi. Life at the Burmese Court under the Konbaung Kings // JBRS. 1961. Vol. XLIV.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

JBRS - Journal of the Burma Research Society. Rangoon.

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