Chapter of Shi Fu ("Universal Captivity") from the collection And Zhou shu ("The Lost Writings of the [ruling House] of Zhou") - a unique ancient Chinese monument in content and compositional characteristics, which is usually considered a chronicle of the events surrounding the conquest of the first historical ancient Chinese state of Shang (late XIII - mid XI century BC) by Wu-wang, the ruler of the state of Zhou. In this paper, an attempt is made to explain the compositional originality of the text and the reasons that led to its continuous transmission in the ancient Chinese tradition. An analysis of the structure of Shi Fu suggests that it is more appropriate to read the text as a eulogy of Wu-wan as a universal king, in which the chronological sequence does not play a key role. A critical analysis of the text, combined with information from other ancient Chinese sources, shows that its continuous preservation may have been due to the significance of ancient versions of Shi Fu in the liturgical tradition of the Zhou people, where the conquest of Wu-wan turned into a regularly repeated action combining dramatic, musical and choreographic elements. Apparently It was only as a result of the development of the Chinese textual tradition and its departure from the ancient liturgical contexts that the Shi Fu text began to be read as a record of historical events, the authenticity of which could be taken on faith or questioned.

Keywords: And Zhou shu, royal inscriptions, ancient China, historical memory, textology.

THE EVOLUTION OF MEMORY OF THE ZHOU CONQUEST OF SHANG

The "Shi fu" ("The Universal Captivity") chapter of the Yi Zhou shu (The Lost Writings of the Zhou Dynasty) is commonly viewed as a chronologically organised account of events related to the Zhou conquest of Shang that survived till the present day. In this paper, I attempt to explore in more detail both the compositional concerns of the text and the reasons why it has not been lost in transmission. I suggest that the "Shi fu" can be understood better as a non-chronological text designed to glorify King Wu of Zhou and that the conquest of Shang, despite being brought to the compositional forefront, is not the only event celebrated in the text. I argue that my proposed reading aligns better with similarly structured royal inscriptions known from various cultures of the Near East. Using internal text-critical evidence and evidence from other texts, I demonstrate how the connection to an important event from the foundational age and the affinity to liturgical practices could have contributed to the continuous transmission of the "Shifu ". I also show how the text was further re-contextualised and adopted for different non-liturgical uses, ensuring its continuous circulation among broader audiences.

Keywords: Yi Zhou shu, royal inscriptions, ancient China, historical memory, textual analysis.

GREBNEV Georgy Andreevich-PhD student at Wolfson College, Oxford University, egor.grebnev@gmail.com.

Yegor GREBNEV - DPhil Candidate in Oriental Studies, Wolfson College, Oxford University, egor.grebnev@gmail.com.

The study was supported by the Clarendon Foundation and Wolfson College, Oxford University. The author is grateful to Oxford University students Oliver Bentley, Marwan Kilani, Eva Miller, and Pauline Harley for their ideas and comments made at various stages of preparing this paper, and especially to D. V. Deopik for his suggestion that the text is typologically similar to materials from other cultures and that it is appropriate to read Shi Fu in a comparative context.

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When we talk about the history of the first years of Western Zhou (c. XI century-771 BC), we first of all rely on information that has come down in sources belonging to a much later time, primarily Shi ji ("Historical Notes")1. Fragmentary records of texts on ritual bronze come from a specific and not fully understood ritual context and do not allow us to create a complete historical picture that could become an alternative to later written monuments.2 In this regard, the achievements of the twentieth century in source studies are very important, which made it possible to single out some earlier texts in the general array of written monuments, on the basis of which it is possible to form an alternative description of key events of antiquity3.

One of these texts is a chapter of Shi fu ("The General Captivity"), preserved as part of the collection And Zhou shu ("The Lost Writings of the [ruling House] of Zhou").4. This text is characterized by a very concise narrative, archaic and even cruel ritual practices (it refers, in particular, to the mass sacrifice of prisoners), mention of places and personalities not known from other sources, as well as the similarity of certain elements of the language with Jiaguwen (texts on turtle shells and animal bones, the Shang , a state that occupied a central position on the Great Plain of China in the XIII-XI centuries BC) and texts on ritual bronze 5. All these signs suggest that Shi Fu is a monument of the early stage of Chinese written culture, compiled at a time when the historiographical tradition of describing the Zhou conquest, known from most other texts, was not yet formed.

In China, the most detailed work on Shi Fu remains the article by Gu Jiegang, who proposed an analysis and translation of the text into modern Chinese.6 In the West, the most significant study of Shi Fu is by Edward Shaughnessy, whose interest in this text is partly due to the work of a scholar on the reconstruction of the West Zhou chronology. 7
In general, chronological interest dominates in modern Shi Fu research. Due to the large number of archaic dating formulas related to

1 See Sima Qian, 2001, pp. 183-187. Among the authors who offer a historical account of the circumstances of the Zhou conquest based on the data of the written tradition, one can name, in particular, M. V. Kryukov and K. V. Vasiliev [Kryukov, Sofronov, Cheboksary, 1978, p. 158-169; Vasiliev, 1998, p. 113-117].

2 In Western sinology, Lothar von Falkenhausen's publications are very influential, in which the researcher reconstructs the general compositional structure and social context of a large group of texts on ritual bronze related to palace receptions and awards [Falkenhausen, 1993; Falkenhausen, 2011]. Von Falkenhausen's opponent, Li Feng, is less inclined to associate texts on ritual bronze with a specific ritual context (Li Feng, 2011). In the Russian-speaking tradition, V. M. Kryukov (Kryukov, 2000) systematically studied West Zhou epigraphy on ritual bronze.

3 In the context of this topic, the works of Wang Gouwei (1877-1927) and Gu Jiegang (1893-1980), the central figure of the so-called school of critical study of Ancient History (gu shi bian pai ), are important [Wang Gouwei, 1959 (1); Gu Jiegang, 2000]. It should be noted that the achievements of these scholars are largely based on previous developments in Chinese philology, and their work should not be perceived as a radical rejection of the Chinese tradition.

4 Although several important monographs on Zhou Shu have been published in recent years, the history of this highly diverse collection remains poorly understood [Wang Lianlong, 2010; Zhang Huaitong, 2013; Zhou Yuxiu, 2005; McNeal, 2012]; see also [Grebnev, 2016].

5 See [Li Xueqin, 2007; Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 41-50].

6 See: [Gu Jiegang, 1963].

7 Edward Shaughnessy first published his analysis and translation of Shi Fu in the journal Early China, and then, in a somewhat revised form, in a collection of articles published in 1997 (Shaughnessy, 1980; Shaughnessy, 1997 (1)). Shi fu is one of the sources that Shaughnessy relies on in his reconstruction of the West Zhou chronology [Shaughnessy, 1991, p. 228-230].

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Due to the short period of time directly related to the Zhou conquest, the text has attracted the attention of researchers who are trying to restore the system of the West Zhou calendar and correlate the events described with the dates of the Gregorian calendar that we are familiar with.8 However, the use of Shi Fu as a source for ancient chronology is associated with a number of unspoken assumptions about the nature and content of the text. Researchers who use Shi Fu in chronological reconstructions tend to read this text as a consistent chronicle of the events of the Zhou conquest, and the assumption that the composition of the text is based on some other principle than chronological, may call into question the validity of such chronological reconstructions.

In this paper, I propose a different reading of Shi Fu, based on the typological proximity of this text to a rather extensive body of "royal records of conquests" known from other regions of the ancient world, which extolled the merits of rulers as perfect kings, world builders, conquerors of countries and peoples. In these texts, it is not so much factual accuracy and strict linearity of chronological presentation that is important, but rather the presentation of the ruler's actions in a form that is optimal for lifetime confirmation of the divine sanction of the ruler to reign and the assertion of his authority among his subjects. Reading Shi Fu in such a context makes it possible to identify specific compositional techniques and language techniques that make it difficult to perceive the text as a factually accurate and neutral chronicle of historical events.

The hypothesis of a typological relationship between Shi Fu and the royal records of conquests in other regions allows us to explain the origin and primary context of the monument, but it does not explain why the text was considered important and worthy of preservation in ancient Chinese culture throughout its existence, i.e., presumably from the XI century BC to the present day. This question is all the more important because there are no other examples of long-lived texts of similar content in the corpus of ancient Chinese texts. 9 In this regard, I will try to reconstruct the later contexts of reading Shi Fu, thanks to which the text managed to maintain its significance in the changing socio-political environment of the 1st millennium BC. Fortunately, the information that has been preserved in other sources, as well as the evidence that can be extracted by internal criticism of the text, together constitute sufficient material for such a reconstruction.

8 Despite the abundance of dates in Shi Fu and the constant growth in the number of ritual bronze texts known to science, many of which contain dates of individual events in Western Zhou, a completely convincing reconstruction of the West Zhou chronology has not yet been proposed, which is due not so much to the lack of competence of the authors of reconstructions, but to the fundamental insufficiency and inconsistency available sources. In the West, the Shaughnessy dating system is now widely accepted, according to which the Zhou conquest took place in 1045 BC. In China, a grandiose project on the Xia-Shang-Zhou chronology proposed to date this event to 1046 BC [Xia-Shang-Zhou duandai gongcheng chuanjia zu, 2000]. Both dates should be viewed with some skepticism, since they are based on uncritical use of fragmentary reports from written sources that deal with a variety of textual problems (Barnard, 1993). The date of 1027 BC, accepted in Russian-language historiography, was first proposed by L. S. Vasiliev on the basis of a review of the current Western literature at that time, in which the date of 1027 BC was accepted by most scientists [Vasiliev, 1961, p.229]. Although this consensus was soon lost in the Western community (see [Barnard, I960]), in the Russian-speaking tradition after L. S. Vasiliev, attempts to systematically review the ancient Chinese chronology were not accepted. In my opinion, this is not a significant omission, and until a critical mass of new data is accumulated, the date 1027 BC can continue to be used for the sake of maintaining uniformity, while being aware that it is as imperfect a conditional reference as 1045 and 1046 BC.

9 I leave aside the question of the early layers of the canonical monuments of Zhou yi ("[Book of] Changes of the [Ruling House] of Zhou") and Shi Jing ("Canon of Songs"), which may also date back to the West Zhou period. In terms of composition and content, these texts differ significantly from Shi Fu and, therefore, in my opinion, should be considered separately.

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GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS AND STRUCTURE OF SHI FU

The text of Shi Fu (see Appendix) has been preserved as chapter 40 in a collection of different contents and Zhou Shu. The most numerous group of texts in this collection consists of relatively small in volume (on average, about 400 characters) teachings, designed in the form of monologues or dialogues uttered by the legendary first rulers of the West Zhou dynasty: Wen-wang , Wu-wang , and Cheng-wang, as well as their fellow sage Zhou-gong . The time of the reign of these Vanir was approximately in the middle of the XI - middle of the X century BC. Unlike the texts of the Shi Fu type that prevails for Yi Zhou Shu, it is a longer text with a volume of 835 characters, where monologues are reduced to only a few episodic remarks, and the main content is devoted to a narrative description of events and ritual actions, many of which are correlated with specific dates.

The early stage of Shi Fu's existence is a textual problem. The fact is that significant passages in terms of volume, which almost completely coincide with the modern edition of Shi Fu, are given in the text of the chapter of Liuli Zhi ("Treatise on Musical Tones and the Calendar") Han Shu 's normative history ("The History of [Early] Han")10, however, these passages are not referred to as Shi Fu, but as a text called Wu Cheng ("The End of the War") as part of Zhou Shu ("The Writings of the [Ruling House] of Zhou")11. Today, Wu cheng is the name of one of the chapters of the Shang Shu monument, which is available exclusively as part of the so-called revision of the "ancient writings" (gu wen ), presented to the imperial court in its current form in the IV century AD, which is much later than the revision of the "new writings" (jin wen), dating back to the II 12. Almost the entire text of this late Wu Cheng is made up of scraps of various ancient Chinese texts (Shang Shu, Zuo Zhuan , Mo Tzu, Meng Tzu , etc.), sometimes taken out of context and slightly adapted in an attempt to create a compositionally complete work 13.

10 In turn, the corresponding fragment of Liuli Zhi is an extract from the chronological treatise Shi Jing ("Canon of Generations"), compiled by Liu Xin (50 BC-23 AD), which has not survived to our time.

11 On the one hand, Zhou Shu is the name of the last section of the canonical monument of Shang Shu ("Venerated Scriptures"), which contains chapters related to the period of about XI - VII centuries BC, i.e., with a part of the Zhou era (c. XI century-221 BC). On the other hand, Zhou shu-the ancient name of the collection, now known as Zhou Shu. Working with ancient Chinese sources, you can only understand whether we are talking about the section of Shang Shu or the predecessor of the current And Zhou Shu, only from the context. Apparently, the connection between these two groups of texts was not limited to the identity of their names alone, but this issue requires a separate thorough study.

12 If the chapters included in both editions of the" new "and" ancient "writings date no later than the second century BC, then the chapters that relate only to the revision of the "ancient writings" since the publication of the fundamental research of Yan Ruoqu (1636-1704) Shangshu guwen shuzhen ("Critical Commentary on the" Honored Scriptures"editions of the ancient writings"), are considered to be compilatory works, mostly composed of fragments of ancient texts preserved by the IV century AD. Most of these texts have been preserved to this day, which allowed Yan Ruoqiu to analyze the methodology of compiling the revision of the "ancient writings" (Yan Ruoqiu, 1987). Among the Chinese scholars who have worked on the intricate history of redactions of "ancient" and "new" scripts, we should mention Chen Mengjia (1911-1966), Gu Jiegang's disciple Liu Qiyu (1917-2012) and Jiang Shanguo (1898-1986) [Chen Mengjia, 2005; Liu Qiyu, 1989; Jiang Shanguo, 1988]. In Western historiography, the works of Paul Pelliot and Michael Nylan are of great value, which deal with the history of the editors of the" ancient "and" new " Shang Shu scripts (Pelliot, 1916; Nylan, 1995). V. M. Mayorov and L. V. Stezhenskaya [Mayorov and Stezhenskaya, 2014, pp. 791-953] offer the most detailed review of the problems associated with various editions of Shang Shu in ancient times in Russian. The original interpretation of Shang Shu source studies was developed by G. S. Popova (Popova, 2012).

13 Unfortunately, the chapter of Yan Ruoqu's work devoted to the phrase-by-phrase analysis of Wu Cheng has not been preserved. However, thanks to modern full-text databases of ancient Chinese texts, such as Donald Sturgeon's Chinese Text Project [Sturgeon, 2006], it is not difficult to find the sources from which the modern version of Wu Cheng was compiled.

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The following is a comparison of the three surviving Han Shu quotations with the texts of Shi Fu and Wu Cheng. The dots mark those characters in Shi Fu and Wu Cheng where these texts do not coincide with Han Shu. The most significant discrepancy is related to the first quote - apparently, there is a deliberate "correction" of dates taken by someone in relation to the current edition of Shi Fu. The remaining differences are generally insignificant: we are talking about either omitting individual characters, or replacing characters with their phonetic counterparts or synonyms; in more significant details, the texts coincide. It is important to note that all of the Han Shu quotations have parallels in Shi Fu, while the current version of Wu Cheng contains only the first of these quotations. This fact, as well as the patchwork nature of modern Wu Cheng and its probable compilation in the third and fourth centuries AD, suggest that the current Shi Fu text is closer to the Wu Cheng quoted in Han Shu than the Wu Cheng chapter in the Shang Shu.14

The text of Shi Fu is complex in composition. However, when talking about its component parts, it seems more important to distinguish in it not various chronological layers (although there are certainly such layers in Shi Fu), but rather scattered episodes of the narrative that may well have been composed at the same time. Among the signs that allow us to identify such episodes are:: 1) violation of the chronological order of presentation between individual compositionally integral structural blocks of the text; 2) a sharp time gap between such blocks, accompanied by a change in the subject matter and structure of the narrative. The use of these features makes it possible to distinguish individual narrative episodes in the Shi Fu (see Table 1).

Some of the indicated gaps can be considered natural gaps in the narrative. For example, the interval between the second and third episodes can be explained as a pause necessary for the transition from active military operations to ritual and government affairs, which are then replaced by military operations again in the fourth episode.15 However, the transition between the first and second episodes-from the results of the conquest in the fourth month to the beginning of the military campaign in the first month - is difficult to explain

14 [Shang shu zheng yi, p. 10.22 a; Ji zhong Zhou shu, 2005, p. 4.8 b-11a; Han shu, 1962, p. 1015-1016].

15 The compositional otherness of the third episode was also noticed by Zhu Youceng , who published one of the most important commentaries on the third episode in 1846 and Zhou Shu. According to Zhu Youceng, "this chapter was not written by one person, and therefore [the episode] is mistakenly placed in this place "(ci pian fei and ren so ji, gu tso chu yu ci ) [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 421]. Zhu Youceng's claim about the heterogeneity of the text seems quite reasonable, but instead of playing a methodologically dangerous game of rearranging fragments to create a consistent linear narrative based on them, I will try to explain how the text could have developed in its current form.

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Table 1

Narrative episodes of Shi Fu

this will not succeed; they clearly form independent narrative strata. Similarly, timeless in compositional design and fantastic in content (one can hardly seriously talk about hundreds of countries and hundreds of thousands of prisoners and killed in the conditions of Shan China), the fifth episode can only be taken with great stretch as a chronological continuation of the fourth episode. The transition to the sixth episode involves another problem: it dates from the fourth month, but the period of the fourth and fifth months was already covered by the third episode, if, of course, we consider the third episode to be a direct continuation of the second. Finally, the seventh episode returns to the events already described in the second, presenting them in a specific way (the last Shang ruler of Zhou, who was killed in the second episode, suddenly appears before the reader again, this time to commit suicide by self-immolation), using language and compositional techniques that clearly reveal the alienness of this episode to the entire previous text.

Thus, Shi Fu is not so much a complete chronicle as a set of fragments, the chronological segments of which overlap each other and partially each other

16 Here and later, for the convenience of the reader, I give the ordinal numbers of the days of the 60-day cycle beginning with the day of Chia Tzu (1/60).

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contradict each other. Scholars such as Gu Jiegang and Edward Shaughnessy have found ways to reconcile the conflicting chronological messages of the text and present it as a coherent and preserved source sufficient for accurate chronological reconstruction.17 These attempts do not seem to me methodologically justified. Instead of abusing the text (which, as far as can be judged from extracts from its relatively early Han Shu revision, has come down to us in a state of very imperfect preservation), we can try to develop a reading that will allow us to perceive it as consistent evidence in its present form. However, to create such a consistent reading, we will have to leave aside the desire to present the text in the form of a consistent and objective record of the ancient Chinese chronicler.

SHI FU AND MIDDLE EASTERN ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS 18

The typological similarity of the royal inscriptions with the description of conquests in the cultures of the Middle East has already attracted the attention of researchers. Records of conquest are left by virtually every written culture in the region, including the Sumerians, Akkadians, Babylonians, Hittites, and Egyptians, but the most extensive and easy-to-analyze corpus is the Assyrian royal inscriptions.19 The compositional uniformity of these inscriptions allowed a group of Italian researchers inspired by the morphological analysis of V. Propp's fairy tale [Propp, 2001] to propose a unified language for describing the structural elements of the conquest texts based on the annals of Ashur-Nazir-apala II (883-859 BC) [Badali et al., 1982]. Somewhat later, the American researcher Lawson Younger extended the Italian method to a broader group of texts, applying it not only to the analysis of conquest narratives of other Assyrian rulers, but also to the analysis of Egyptian, Hittite, and Biblical accounts of conquest (Younger, 1990).

However, so far, as far as I know, the comparative study of ancient conquest texts has not extended beyond the Middle Eastern area, and this may give the impression that such texts are a specific feature of the region's interconnected traditions. In my opinion, this is not the case, and the method of comparative analysis can be extended to the East Asian region, although the number of preserved texts is really very small compared to the Middle Eastern area.20 Reading Shi Fu as a source typologically close to the royal inscriptions of Middle Eastern rulers has the advantage of-

17 See [Gu Jiegang, 1963; Shaughnessy, 1997 (1)]. A somewhat different (in my opinion, very sensible) point of view is shared by Li Xueqin, who suggested that individual episodes of Shi Fu may represent "parallel" descriptions of the same events [Li Xueqin, 1988].

18 This section contains only a synopsis of Shih Fu in the context of Middle Eastern conquest texts. The author plans to perform a more detailed comparative analysis in a separate paper.

19 A handy guide to the subject of Assyrian royal inscriptions is the proceedings of a symposium held in Siena in 1980 [Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons, 1981]. For the early stages of this tradition, see [Michalowski, 2014, p. 146-150].

20 In addition to Shi fu, there are some texts on ritual bronze that mention the results of military campaigns, for example, Doyu ding ("Doyu Tripod") and Dong gui ("Dong Tureen"). (indexes in the standard collection of Yin-Zhou jinwen jicheng ["Collection of texts on bronze of the Yin-Zhou Era", hereinafter-ICCC]: 02835 and 04322) [Yin-Zhou jinwen jicheng, 1984]. In the names of some bronze vessels, I use the font from the Shang-Zhou Jinwen Zilao Tongjian electronic database ("Complete Collection of materials on Shang and Zhou texts on Bronze") version 2.0 of January 2013, purchased from Wu Zhenfeng ; an earlier version of this database was used by Wu Zhenfeng as the basis for a monumental 35-volume collection of epigraphic texts (Wu Zhenfeng, 2012).

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It allows us to offer a consistent interpretation of its messages and compositional features, while avoiding violence to the preserved text. Below I will briefly outline the significant typological features of the Middle Eastern royal inscriptions about the conquests that are of interest in the context of studying Shi Fu.

Ideological agenda and practical orientation of the text. The royal inscriptions of the rulers of the Middle East are not designed for an impartial record of history, but have a practical ideological message, in particular, " to inspire terror in internal or external "subjects"; to exalt the king by asserting his immense power and his only possible legitimate government; to proclaim that outside the Assyrian "universe" there is only chaos, destruction, destruction, etc. non-existence, etc. " [Zaccagnini, 1981, p. 262] 21.

Thus, the text is centered not on the event, but on the king and his reign, and the role of event records is played by a subordinate character.22 In addition, the text focuses not on the past (understanding and preserving the memory of past events), but primarily on the present (justifying the greatness of the current ruler).23. There are many examples where the royal inscriptions were refined during the life of the ruler, but after his death, the successor had to reproduce this template anew, filling it with his own deeds.

In the Shi Fu text, the motif of" perfect conquest " plays a central role; most of the episodes (except the seventh) can be read as depicting various facets of Wu-wan's perfection as a universal king. In this respect, Shi Fu is not much different from the Middle Eastern royal inscriptions.

The thematic priorities of Shi Fu generally fit exactly into the ideological complex of Middle Eastern royal inscriptions: achievement of the status of universal king by the ruler, conquests and their results, restoration of order and world-building activity of the ruler, royal hunting. It is characteristic that the descriptions of conquests in Assyrian texts focus on the spoils and results of the war, and not on the battles themselves - the same feature is observed in Shi Fu [Younger, 1990, p. 88-89]. At the same time, the thoroughness with which Shi Fu describes the ritual actions of the ruler, which has no analogues in the Middle Eastern tradition, gives reason to speak about the significantly greater importance of ceremonial practices in shaping the ideal of the ruler in ancient China compared to the countries of the Middle Eastern area.

Different message scales within the text. The Assyrian royal inscriptions clearly show a division into messages related to individual events and summary messages summarizing a group of events or a reign as a whole.24 Reports of various scales strongly differ in the order of figures related to the number of killed and captured, subordinate cities, acquired trophies, animals killed and caught on the hunt, etc.

21 Younger suggests adding to this list the praise of local deities and communication with the rulers of the future [Younger, 1990, p. 64].

22 The rich Assyrian material makes it possible to identify cases of deliberate manipulation of the chronological sequence of events. In particular, we see an example of such manipulation in the inscriptions of Ashur-Banipal (668-ca. 627 BC), where the "chronicle" form of presentation of material was adopted only by the end of the second decade of the reign, and the sequence and chronology of conquests in this improvised chronicle contradicts both the earlier inscriptions of Ashurbanipal and the data of alternative sources. sources [Tadmor, 1981, p. 20-21].

23 Thomas Schneider gives a brief summary of the current discussion about the nature and types of historiography in the Middle East during the ancient period [Schneider, 2014, p. 118-121].

24 For "final" reports in Assyrian royal inscriptions, see [Odorico De, 1995, p. 7-8, 88-96].

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Table 2

Comparison of the scale of quantitative entries in dated and undated Shi Fu messages

N

Dated messages

Messages without dates

1

100 captured service men of van

2

46 minor dignitaries, 800 and 300 chariots

3

30 chariots

4

22 tigers
5235 Milwaukee deer
12 bulls
721 yaks
151 bears
118 brown bears
352 wild boars
18 raccoon dogs
16 elk
50 small musk deer
30 musk deer
3508 deer

5

99 opposing countries 177,779 severed heads 310,230 prisoners 652 submitting countries

6

40 lords of the domain (?)

7

6 bulls 2 sheep

8

504 bulls
2701 heads of small cattle

(Perhaps also the sum total of the Van sacrifices?)25

The assumption about the presence of messages of various scales in Shi Fu by analogy with the Assyrian royal inscriptions (tab. 2) allows us to explain why realistic figures are interspersed in this text with figures of unexpectedly large and frankly fantastic scale 26. In addition, the use of the concept of summary messages that are not tied to specific events to Shi Fu allows us to interpret the compositional role of the messages of the fifth episode, where the results of Wu-wan's conquest and hunting are presented, which are not correlated in any way with the chronological scale.

The chronological structure of the text is secondary to the ideological agenda. Although some of Shi Fu's messages show signs of summary entries, dated Shi Fu messages are presented as events that occurred in a relatively short period of time, apparently within one year. So far, most scholars have suggested that all these reports should be interpreted as small-scale military campaigns that Wu's subordinate generals carried out shortly after the conquest of the Shang, and each of these campaigns took no more than

25 The account of Van's sacrifice of 504 oxen and 2,701 heads of small cattle follows immediately on the heels of the account of a much smaller sacrifice, which suggests the final nature of this second inscription, which probably summarizes all the similar sacrifices performed over a long period of time.

26 For "unusual" figures in Assyrian royal inscriptions, see [Odorico De, 1995, p. 103-116].

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several days 27. But it can be assumed that the military campaigns described in Shi Fu are actually modified messages that convey events that actually took much longer periods, which were presented as "day campaigns" accompanying the conquest of the Shang due to ideological and compositional considerations. This assumption can be supported by examples of Middle Eastern royal inscriptions, in which the results of relatively long periods of rule are artificially compressed to the size of ideologically acceptable time units, in particular, to one year [Tadmor, 1981, p. 15-17; Younger, 1990, p. 122]28.

Shi fu Chronological inconsistency can be explained not only by poor preservation of the text. The Middle Eastern material contains examples of important royal inscriptions, the composition of which also does not follow the principle of consistent chronological presentation. For example, the so-called "text of Anitta" (XVIII century BC), the first known text in the Hittite language, "has the form of a compilation of various earlier texts and inscriptions" and is comparable to Shi Fu in terms of chronological inconsistency, but the" Text of Anitta " is known from copies of the ancient kingdom (mid - XVII-XVI centuries). B.C.), so its compositional inconsistency of the text should be taken for granted (Neu, 1974; Younger, 1990, p. 130-132). Another example is the annals of Ashur-natsir-apala II, which were created on the basis of mechanical information of individual royal inscriptions and therefore contain repetitions and breaks in the narrative [Grayson, 1976, p. 117; Porter, 2010]. In my opinion, common among researchersThe hypothesis that the current state of the text is the result of shuffling supposedly initially consecutive messages is not the only possible explanation for the problematic composition of the text. It is likely that the compositional inconsistency was inherent in Shi Fu originally.

Scale of the king's figure against the background of other people. If the New Assyrian and Egyptian rulers appear in their conquest texts as sole military leaders and leaders of troops who control the entire course of military operations, then in Shi Fu we can see a much more complex hierarchical structure of military administration. Most individual military campaigns are carried out by military leaders whose names are mentioned in the text. These military leaders, having successfully completed the task, report (gao ) about it-apparently, to Zhou wang. In turn, Wang of Zhou reports the murder of the Shang ruler to the deities. This hierarchy allows us to speak about a smaller gap between the earthly and otherworldly worlds in the Zhou society of the Shang conquest, as well as about a smaller centralization of the Zhou military elite, in which the Zhou wang occupied the position of not so much a full-fledged monarch, eclipsing all subordinates with his authority, but rather the leader of the chiefdom, delegating part of his power to military leaders with a significant measure of independence [Kradin, 1995].

Royal inscriptions of monumental and non-monumental nature. To a large extent, the extant conquering inscriptions of Middle Eastern rulers are epigraphic monuments created to perpetuate on stelae, temple walls, ceramic cylinders placed in the warping of temples, etc. Shi fu most likely comes from a different context, and we have no information to suggest the original composition of this text on an eternal medium. At the same time, the mentioned

27 A special opinion is shared by Li Xueqin, who in one of his recent works, based on the text of the recently acquired "Tsuo-bo Tripod" by the National Museum of China , suggested that some of the military campaigns mentioned in the text may be significantly larger in time and distance events [Li Xueqin, 2007].

28 At the same time, in the Assyrian inscriptions describing the conquest of the world in one year, the conventional formulas "then" and "in the same year"are used instead of exact dates. In Shi Fu, all conquering events are listed with exact dates.

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Above, the "Anitta Text" is known to us in later copies, i.e., even if it was originally composed in a monumental context, at a later time, like Shi Fu, it circulated within the written tradition. However, this is not the only example when royal inscriptions in the Middle East are not created for monumental perpetuation. From the Assyrian tradition, we know a peculiar genre of "letters to God", in which the ruler lists his exploits and merits, addressing not only the supreme deity, but also to a wider audience, including all the deities of the city of Ashur and its inhabitants. Although the type of "letters to god" is one of the least studied, in my opinion, it represents one of the most likely parallels for reconstructing the early contexts of Shi Fu composition and circulation. In this regard, we can also rely on information from the ancient Chinese tradition, including reports in the Shi Fu text itself, which refers to the scribe's reading of texts in a ritual context.29 It can be assumed that the primary version of Shi Fu was originally composed for such a ritual reading during the lifetime of Wu-wan.

Repeatability of the basic template for describing military campaigns. One of the key features of the royal inscriptions about the conquests is the compositional uniformity of descriptions of individual military campaigns [Younger, 1990, p. 70-71]. Although there are no other ancient Chinese texts like Shi Fu at our disposal, within this monument itself, descriptions of military campaigns are arranged according to the same template. Similar descriptions in structure are known from the materials of texts on ritual bronze, which allows us to suggest the existence of a single tradition of writing down the results of military campaigns. 30 This feature of structural uniformity and repetitive descriptions of military campaigns also brings Shi Fu closer to Middle Eastern texts.

In my opinion, there must have been other texts in the Zhou tradition that were similar in subject matter, scope, and structure to Shi Fu. However, only Shi Fu has survived to this day. What could be the reason for such an exceptional preservation of this text?

THE CONQUEST OF Wu-WAN AS A LITURGY

Unlike the Middle Eastern texts, Shi Fu has been preserved to this day in a continuous written tradition, i.e., for about the last three thousand years, this text has been continuously read and copied by someone. Although the existence of a fairly well-developed writing tradition in China during the Zhou conquest of the Shang is difficult to question, we do not have any ancient Chinese texts similar to Shi Fu. In my opinion, this indicates the exceptional significance of the text throughout the entire existence of the tradition - if the text counterparts of Shi Fu were gradually eliminated and lost, then for some reason this text has been preserved, becoming a lone monument of its own peculiar genre tradition.

Fortunately, the question of the relevance of Shi Fu does not have to be decided solely on the basis of speculation, since ancient Chinese sources contain enough information about the contexts in which the memory of the Zhou conquest of the Shang was preserved. We are talking primarily about references to the U ceremony ("[Liturgy of] Militancy") or Da u ("[Liturgy of] Great Militancy")31, which is based on sobs-

29 Although Wang's Shih Fu direction to the scribe And command to read out some entries before the "Heavenly Name" is extremely vague, it is typologically close to other similar references in ancient Chinese texts (Kern, 2007, p. 157).

30 For example, the text on the vessel Shi Tun ding ("Mentor Tun's tripod", index in ICCC: 02779).

31 Perhaps the name of the ceremony is related to the posthumous name of Wu-wan himself. However, certain difficulties are created by the fact that the Wu dance is mentioned in the Shi Fu text itself: here we must either admit that this is the result of a later interpolation, or assume that in the early Western Zhou period, Wu already existed in some early version.

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related to the Zhou conquest of the Shang (Granet, 1959, p. 111-113). Some of the elements of this liturgy show a clear similarity to the content of Shi Fu. Perhaps the most significant source of information about this ceremony is the dialogue between Confucius and Binmou Jia in the chapter Yue ji ("Notes on Music") of the Li ji collection ("Notes on Ritual"). A similar version of this dialogue is also preserved in the chapter of Yue Shu ("Treatise on Music") Shi ji32:

Speaking of the Wu liturgy, in the first act they march north, in the second they exterminate the Shang, in the third they march south, in the fourth the southern countries become the border, in the fifth they divide [power] between Zhou-gong on the left and Shao-gong on the right, in the sixth they unite again to glorify the Son The sky.

From the above quotation, it is clear that the Zhou conquest of the Shang had already developed into a dramatized ceremony by the time Li chi's text was compiled, which, of course, it is more appropriate to consider not as a simple performance, but as an element of the state liturgical ceremonial.33 Indeed, Y is not just a dramatic performance, but also an independent object of exegetical analysis, which makes it possible to understand the emotional world of legendary figures immortalized in ritual:

[Confucius asked:[Binmou Jia] replied, "When dancers squat on their right knee and lift their left leg, what does it mean?": "There should be no such movement in [the liturgy] U" [Confucius asked:[Binmou Jia] replied, "And when one reaches Shang by chanting in long voices, what does that mean?": "Such sounds should not be present in [the liturgy of] Y."

Then Confucius asked: "If such sounds should not be present in [the liturgy of] Y, then what are these sounds?" [Binmou Jia] replied, "The ministers responsible for the ceremonies have lost their original tradition. If the ministers have not lost their original tradition, then U-wan's intentions are in disarray."

Although we do not find such detailed and informative arguments about the content of the U liturgy anywhere else in ancient texts, this liturgy itself is mentioned repeatedly in the array of ancient Chinese texts. 34 However, we do not find arguments about ceremonies that would perpetuate any other conquest. It seems that only the conquest of Shang by Wu-wan became so significant that it became a timeless, ever-recurring event of mythical proportions in Zhou culture.

Unfortunately, it is impossible to say with certainty what time this liturgical practice should be attributed to. To follow the ancient Chinese tradition that Wu was created in the time of Wu-wang or Zhou-gong would not be easy-

32 See: Li ji zheng yi, pp. 39.8 b, 39.12 a; Shi ji, 1959, pp. 1227-1229; Sima Qian, 1986, pp. 89-91.

33 A curious example of the liturgical commemoration of the battle is also known from Hittite sources, where the text describing the sequence of the ritual in honor of the storm god contains a scenario of a battle between the "Hatti people" and the "Masa people", in which the former win [Gaster, 1950, p. 379].

34 In Zuo Zhuan (12th year of Xuan Gong ) A description of the Wu ceremony has been preserved, containing quotations from Shi Jing songs related to individual acts of this ceremony [Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zheng yi, pp. 23.22 b-23b]. At the same time, Zuo Zhuan quotes only three of the six supposed "verses" of the Wu ceremony, and the question of which Shi Ching songs make up the complete Wu ceremony has been raised by many scholars (see, for example, [Wang Gouwei, 1959(2); Li Qing, 2005]). In my opinion, a more balanced approach is suggested by scientists who reconstruct the Wu ceremonies as a musical and dramatic complex (Gao Heng, 1955; Sun Zuoyun, 1966, pp. 239-272).

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It is a contemptuous step, although one cannot discount the possibility of an early appearance of this liturgy already in the West Zhou period. We can only conclude that Wu was already an important part of the Zhou cultural tradition by the time the texts discussed above were compiled, presumably dating back to the fourth and third centuries BC.35 We should also mention the role of this liturgy, which is attested in the sources, as a status marker confirming the high authority of the rulers. Thus, the interest in the Wu ceremonial and the complex of texts associated with it was probably quite high in each of the autonomous political formations of the Eastern Zhou period (770-221 BC), which sought to adopt not only the political, but also the sacred authority of the Zhou rulers [Li ji Zhenyi, p. 25.16 a]:

When the appanage rulers use bells and stone lithophones hung on frames arranged on four sides, sacrifice white bulls, strike jade bells, use red shields covered with tin, perform the Da wu dance in ceremonial headdresses, and ride in the richest carriages, [in all this] the appanage rulers misappropriate the ritual rights of the state. practices of the [Van court].

The existence of the Wu liturgy allows us to partially clarify the question of the reasons for the constant demand for the Shi Fu text, despite the loss of all similar texts of the West Zhou period. The loneliness of Shi fu seems to indicate the selective nature of the Early Zhou cultural memory, which primarily recorded epochal events.36 The commemoration of the conquest of Shang by Wu-wan in the liturgy speaks of the exceptional significance and constant relevance of this event for the bearers of Zhou culture. This interest is very different from that of an impartial chronicler or from that of a scholar interested in systematically summarizing the past. For several centuries after Wu Wang, such interest probably had not yet developed, which explains the lack of similar Shi Fu records related to monarchs who did not happen to occupy such a significant place in Zhou cultural memory.

THE FIRST ATTESTED HISTORICAL READING OF SHI FU

The discussion of the history of the Shi Fu text cannot be complete without mentioning the famous message in the chapter of Jin Xin xia ("With all my heart. Part P") Meng-tzu [Meng-tzu zhushu, p. 14a.3b; cf. Mencius, 1999, p. 201]:

Mencius said, "Rather than believe the 'Scriptures' completely, it is better to have no 'Scriptures' at all! In " The End of the War "(Wu Cheng) I can only accept two or three columns of text on faith, and that's all. A humane person has no enemies in the entire Celestial Empire, and when a perfectly humane person marches against a completely inhumane person, how could it lead to "wooden clubs floating on streams of blood"?".

It has already been mentioned that a text extremely close to the modern Shi Fu was known under the title Wu Cheng to Liu Xin, who lived at the turn of the eons. Most likely, the Wu cheng mentioned by Mencius is also very close to Shi Fu, i.e., Mencius

35 See the discussion of the Wu ceremony in an article by Edward Shaughnessy devoted to the study of the liturgical contexts of Shi Ching [Shaughnessy, 1997(2)]. The question of reconstructing the ritual context of Shi Ching songs was also raised by Martin Kern, whose work is characterized by greater disciplinary openness and novelty [Kern, 2009].

36 For the theory of cultural memory as applied to ancient societies, see Assmann, 2011.

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in this text, he criticizes the details of Wu-wan's conquest of Shang described in the text, which are probably not fully preserved in the extant version 37. However, reading Mencius who does not accept the cruelties of Wu Cheng, in my opinion, does not indicate that Mencius is conservative, but, on the contrary, that he is innovative and removed from the context in which this text was probably preserved and circulated over the previous centuries.

Meng Tzu's reading is historical, but the text he criticizes came rather from a liturgical context in which it was interpreted within a stable system of religious values. We can cite an example from the more familiar liturgical tradition, which also uses very violent texts from the Bible: "Cursed daughter of Babylon! Blessed is He who makes you a recompense for what you have done to us. Blessed is he who takes and breaks your little ones against a stone" [Psalms in Russian translation, 1915, p. 206]. The Christian tradition does not deny the connection of these words with the historical context of antiquity, but in liturgical practice these words are understood exclusively through the prism of metaphorical interpretations, and literalism will be perceived by most practicing Christians as a dangerous deviation from tradition. 38 The reading of Mencius closely resembles a similar literalist approach, which is interesting in the context of studying the contexts of circulation and perception of texts from previous periods in textual communities of the Zhanguo era [Lewis, 1999, p. 53-97]. However, for the further Chinese tradition, Meng-tzu became an authoritative figure, and his specific readingShi fu was probably one of the reasons why this text has come down to us not as part of an authoritative monument to Shang Shu, but in a collection of Zhou Shu, which included texts that went to the periphery of the tradition.

SHI FU AS A TROPHY NARRATIVE

In the preserved text of Shi Fu, one can recognize traces of another attempt to adapt to the new context, 39 according to which Shi Fu primarily tells about various kinds of trophies acquired by Wu-wan. In my opinion, only the presentation of Shi Fu as a "trophy narrative" can explain the presence at its end of a compositionally alien story about the self-immolation of Zhou-xin and the acquisition by Wu-wang of the jade belonging to the last Shan ruler that was not damaged in the fire. Evidence that the capture of captured jade is a necessary element of epochal conquest is found in the Xiao xu ("Small Ordered Table of Contents") to the Shang Shu in an entry related to the Dian Bao chapter ("Testaments and Treasures"), which is missing from the current Shang Shu editions. According to this record, the victory of Cheng-tang, the legendary founder of the Shang State, over Jie, the last dissolute ruler of the supposedly preceding Xia state, was also accompanied by the capture of captured jade [Shang shu zheng yi, p. 7.6 a] 40:

37 Following Gu Jiegang, Edward Shaughnessy believes that the expression qi xue zhi liu chu (lit. "wooden clubs swam in their blood") is not a quote from the modern Mencius version of Wu Cheng, but a figurative expression that conveys the general cruel atmosphere of conquest [Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 40]. But against the background of Assyrian royal inscriptions, where such expressions are common as: "I filled the Tigris and mountain valleys with their blood" (Tiglath-palasar I, c. 1114-1076 BC) and "with their blood I dyed the mountains red like dyed wool" (Ashur-natsir-apal II),- such a phrase looks quite organic, and Cheng has no good reason to reject the possibility of its existence in the accessible Mencius text [Grayson, 1976, p. 7, 122].

38 See examples of interpretations: [Vvedenskiy men's..., 2010].

39 For the problem of contextualization and decontextualization based on cultural anthropology, see [Bauman and Briggs, 1990].

40 A similar entry is also found in Shi ji (1959, p. 96; Sima Qian, 2001, p. 169). The question of the genealogical connection between Xiao xu and Shi ji's reports on the circumstances of the compilation of the preserved and lost chapters of Shang Shu is very complicated and insufficiently studied [Jiang Shanguo, 1988, p. 71].

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The Xiao army was defeated. Then [Cheng] - tang pursued them, marching against [the city of] Sanzong, [where he] captured their precious jade. [At this time] Yi-bo and Jung-bo compiled the chapter "Testaments and Treasures".

According to a later commentary by pseudo-Kun Ango, 41 the ruler's precious jade supposedly possessed magical powers and protected the state from natural disasters.42 As far as can be seen, the capture of jade at some point became an element of the general mythological scheme of cyclical changes of ruling houses, accompanied by the conquest of an obsolete ruling house by its successor.

Reading Shi Fu as a text about trophies naturally leads to an emphasis on the number of prisoners and killed, the number of subordinate and voluntarily submitted kingdoms, the number of animals killed in hunting and sacrificed during subsequent ceremonies. With such an emphasis, the story of captured jasper can be perceived as an organic part of the narrative about the results, and the inevitable inconsistencies of compositional and substantive nature can be ignored as insignificant. In my opinion, this is exactly the reading of Shi Fu that was followed by the editors who wrote the last compositionally significant revision of the surviving text.

* * *

Shi fu has a number of typological features that make it possible to bring this text closer to the royal inscriptions of Middle Eastern rulers. So far, this similarity has not been noticed by Shi Fu researchers, which, in my opinion, led to insufficiently justified attempts to reconstruct the text based on a one-sided and limited understanding of its context and ideological agenda.

The typological similarity of the image of the ruler outlined in Shi Fu with the canonical image of the conquering ruler, known from Mesopotamian royal inscriptions, is striking. This similarity is all the more surprising because in the subsequent Chinese tradition, the ideal of the ruler was reinterpreted: although military prowess remained an important quality of the ruler, attention was not focused on this quality, and the merits of the ruler consisted not so much in conquering activities as in virtuous world order. This was probably partly due to the ritualization of the universal conquest motif: while Mesopotamian rulers were forced to reproduce it, repeating in each reign the military exploits of their predecessors, in China the reproduction of the universal conquest was realized at the expense of the Wu liturgy.

Unlike the conquering texts of ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, the Shi Fu text has come down to us, constantly being the object of attention of an audience interested in preserving it. However, after passing through many historical epochs, characterized by different levels of material culture and different attitudes to writing and text, Shi Fu could only survive with a certain flexibility that allowed it to take root in different contexts. In this respect, Shi Fu was extremely lucky, which cannot be said about the mass of texts not only from West Zhou, but also from Han times,

41 According to Jiang Shanguo (1898-1986), the commentary attributed to Kun Anguo (II-I centuries BC) was first presented as part of a dubious revision of the ancient Writings [Jiang Shanguo, 1988, pp. 52-54].

42 The pseudo-Kun Anguo commentary contains the following phrase [Shang shu zheng yi, p. 7.6 a], cf.: [Sima Qian, 2001, p. 287]: Yu, and li shen. Shi wu shuihan zhi zai. Gu qu er bao zhi. ("Jade is intended for performing ritual actions addressed to spirits; it helps to avoid disasters associated with droughts and floods. For this reason [Cheng-tan] he seized it and [kept it] as a treasure.")

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known today only by the scant headings in the Yiwen Zhi bibliographic catalog. In my opinion, it is no exaggeration to say that the unique vitality of Shi Fu was the result not only of the content exclusivity of the text, but also of a favorable combination of historical circumstances, each time offering a favorable context in which Shi Fu could be re-read and preserved. My analysis is intended to reconstruct several such contexts: a laudatory record of the conquests, a liturgical model, a historical text criticized by Mencius, and a generalizing narrative of the spoils. However, the story of Shi Fu is certainly not limited to just these contexts. Some of them (such as the trophy narrative and the historical text) may have existed in parallel, and some of them may never have been reconstructed. But be that as it may, Shi Fu is a monument to not one, but several different periods of development of ancient Chinese text culture.

application

And Zhou Shu

("The Lost Writings of the [Ruling House] of Zhou")

Chapter 40 Shi Fu

("Universal Captivity")

Preliminary transfer 43

[Episode 1. Summary of U-wan's conquests]

In the fourth month, on the day of I-wei (32/60), 44 U-wang completed [establishing his] dominion over the four cardinal points, and [his power] penetrated all the countries that obeyed the Yin command.45
[Episode 2. The conquest of the Shan and the first series of military expeditions]

43 As a basis for the revision of the text given here, I have adopted the text of the earliest surviving edition of Yi Zhou shu 1354 (woodcut Ji zhong Zhou shu [Zhou Writings from a burial site in Ji County], dated the 14th year of the reign under the motto Zhizheng, published at the Jiaxinglu County School, reprint edition 2005) [Ji zhong Zhou shu, 2005]. Given the general poor preservation of the texts in And Zhou Shu, in cases where the phrase is preserved in the quotations given in the chapter of Liuli zhi Han shu, I follow the variant of Ladili zhi [Han Shu, 1962, pp. 1015-1016].

44 Here and later, when mentioning dates of a sixty-matrix cycle, their sequence number in the cycle is indicated in parentheses, starting with jia-tzu .

45 The expression pi sifang ("to rule over the four cardinal directions") is also found in some other texts, such as the ode of Jiang Han ("The Jiang and Han Rivers"). Shi jing yi in the chapter Biao ji ("Notes on the Sample") of Li ji's collection [Mao shi zheng yi, 1739, p. 25.86 a; Li ji zheng yi, 1739, p. 54.4 b]. As far as can be judged from these texts, pi sifang is the rule that the ruler exercises over the lands not directly, but through the people under his control. This expression can also be interpreted more literally: "to open up land in the four cardinal directions for agricultural development." The expression pi sifang is semantically similar to the following tun ... go (make traffic unhindered... in countries"). This passage can be read by analogy with the parallel construction of Jiang Han's ode: shi pi sifang, che wo jiantu ("properly extend the dominion to the four corners of the world, remove obstacles to [our] borders").

46 This fragment is based on Liupi zhi. In the Shi Fu text, it is given as follows: wei and yue bing-chen pan sheng po, jo and zhi ding-si, wang nai bu tzu yu Zhou zheng fa shan wang Zhou

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It was the first month, [day] ren-chen (29/60), [time] close to the dying of the moonlight 47. On the next 48th day, gui-si (30/60) Wu-wang set out from Zhou at dawn 49 to march and punish Zhou [- hsin].

The next third month came, [the time] after the death of the moonlight 51. On the fifth day of jia-tzu (1/60), at dawn, [Wu-wang] reached [his destination], met with the Shang, completely exterminated the Shang wang of Zhou [- xin], and captured a hundred people of the Sky-hated dignitaries.

Tai-gong Wang 52 received command 53 to guard the area. When ding mao's [day] arrived (4/60), Wang arrived and reported [on the successful campaign], presenting the severed heads and trophies 54.

[On the day of] wu-chen (5/60), [Wu-]wang set out in pursuit on a chariot, then performed a sacrifice to Wen-wang.55 On this day, Wang installed the government.

47 According to Wang Gouwei's work, based on an analysis of the ritual bronze texts available in his time, the texts of Shang Shu and this chapter, and Zhou Shu, this formula corresponds to the 10th day of the lunar month (Wang Gouwei, 1959(3), pp. 19-26). Unfortunately, subsequent finds of dated texts on ritual bronze revealed imperfections in Wang Gouwei's elegant model, and today there are many alternative reconstructions of the meanings of West Zhou calendar terms, a review of which would require separate work. I will mention only one of the recent articles by E. Shaughnessy, in which he quotes that indicate differences in the interpretation of these terms already among scribes of the first and second centuries AD [Shaughnessy, 2009].

48 For details of the use of dating formulas in Shih Fu using the words i and lai , which imply a certain amount of time after the specified one, see [Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 45-47].

49 Construction " dating formula + (character name) + at dawn + left/arrived " is one of the standard formulas found both in Shang Shu (chapters Mu shi ["Oath at Mu"], Shao gao ["Conversion of Shao Gong"], Lo gao ["Conversion to Lo"]) and on ritual bronze (vessels for wine Zuo tse Ling fan zun ["Square vessel - zun of the clerk Lin"] and Zuo tse Ling fan i ["Square vessel-i of the clerk Lin"]; indexes in the ICCC: 06016 and 09901).

50 This fragment is based on Liuli Zhi. The phrase zhao zhi jie yu Shang is missing from Liuli zhi, but I think it is appropriate to keep it. In the original Shi Fu text, the fragment is presented in the following form: yue ruo lai er yue ji si po, yuzu zhi jia-tzu, zhao zhi jie yu Shang, jie hsien liu Shang wang Zhou

51 According to Wang Gouwei, this is the 23rd day of the lunar month.

52 Tai-gong Wang-a legendary associate of Wen-wan and Wu-wan. Later tradition ascribes to Tai-gong Wang an exceptional talent as a general and the compilation of treatises on military strategy and esoteric knowledge. He is considered the founder of the dynasty of rulers of the Qi Shire on the Shandong Peninsula. This inheritance was very important in the political history of the East Zhou period (Sima Qian, 2001: 39-63).

53 For possible parallels between the use of the verb ming in the passive voice in Shih Fu and in ritual bronze texts, see [Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 43].

54 The formulas of gao and guo fu ("reported by presenting severed heads and trophies"), often used in Shi Fu, are not found directly in the array of texts on bronze. But texts describing the results of military campaigns with the mention of severed heads and trophies are common (and the latter can include both captured people and objects). See "Doyu Tripod" (index in ICCC: 02835), Shi Tong ding ("Mentor Tong's Tripod", index 02779), Ge Dong gui (""Tureen " Dong", index 04322), as well as vessels with the identical text Shixier nian Qiu(?) ding ("The Tripod of Qiu from the forty-second year of the reign"; indexes in the standard edition of Xinshou Yin-Zhou qingtongqi mingwen ji qiying Huibian [Collection of texts and photographs... 0745 and 0746 [Xinshou Yin-Zhou qingtongqi..., 2006]).

55 This fragment appears to be damaged and difficult to read. Without daring to make changes to the original text, I believe it is possible to reconstruct it in translation, following the message of the commentary, which also contains a not quite clear phrase: yu zhui Xun and si . It can be assumed that the commentary contains a more preserved version of the fragment: in this case, the character zi should be read as zhui and placed not after, but before the character xun . The only reason why I admit the possibility of such a reading is the attested use of the phrase yu zhui in the text on the bronze vessel Buqi gui ("Buqi tureen", index in the ICCC: 04328). Shaughnessy suggests the following translation: "On wuchen (day 5), the king then performed a wu-exorcism and an inspection tour, and [then] made a commemorative sacrifice to King Wen." sacrifice in memory of Wen-wang") [Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 32].

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Lu Tuo was ordered to move against Yuexi-fang 56.

[On] Ren-shen (9/60), Huang Xin arrived 57; reported [on the successful campaign], presenting the severed heads and prisoners.

58. [On the day of] Hsin-si (18/60), [Hou Lai] arrived; reported [on the successful campaign], presenting the severed heads and prisoners.

[Per day] Jia-shen (21/60) Bo Yan [led] "tigers-braves" 59 received an oath-

56 Following Gu Jiegang, I translate the combination yue si fang as the name of one political entity, but this phrase can also be read as a reference to two political entities yue-fang and si-fang [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 7]. In general, the names of political entities and geographical names mentioned in the Shi fu chapter are a separate issue. Reading the text as a "realistic" chronicle of the Zhou conquest of the Shang does not allow placing the ethnonyms and toponyms mentioned in the text far from the vicinity of the Shang capital; E. Shaughnessy also tends to this interpretation [Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 65]. Indeed, for such geographical names as, for example, Wei (modern Russian). Qixian County prov. Henan is south of Anyang, the location of the Shang capital), a similar interpretation seems most likely. However, references to the Yue tribes (southern and southeastern tribes) andThe Shu (tribes that lived in the Sichuan Basin), known from other written sources and located at a significant distance from the Shang, suggests that in this chapter we may be dealing with an exaggeration of spatial character-just like some of the figures given here describing the number of animals killed, captured, and captured. people, conquered kingdoms, etc. - they are an exaggeration of a quantitative nature. This hypothesis is partly consistent with the assumption of the Chinese researcher Li Xueqin that the place name Shu mentioned in the text of this chapter probably corresponds to the ancient kingdom of Shu, located in the central part of the Prov. Sichuan (Li Xueqin, 2007). It should be noted that the high frequency of ethnonyms with the suffix fan corresponds to the Shan practice: the Shan epigraphy of neighboring Shan tribes often contains the suffix fan [Keightley, 2000, p. 66-68].

57 The first mention of the name Huang Xin in the context of his return from a campaign is somewhat unexpected: as far as the descriptions of other military campaigns allow us to judge, the name of the commander is usually first mentioned in the context of receiving an order from the ruler. Here, Huang Xin returns from a successful campaign without having previously received an order to start it. We may be dealing with text corruption or disordering. The same character's name appears to be mentioned later in episode 4, but there the characters of his name are rearranged: instead of "Huang Xin", he is referred to as "Xin Huang" . At the same time, the description of the campaign in episode 4 is complete, so there is no sufficient reason to assume that there is interference between the content of these two episodes.

58 Another possible reading: "oppose the Miji in Chen."

59 We are talking about warriors who, apparently, made up something like the West Zhou guards. The traditional interpretation of the term, as far as we can tell, goes back to an entry in the Xia Guan chapter. Sima ("Summer officials. Chief of the Military order") of the Zhouli Treatise ("The Establishment of [dynasty] Zhou"), which contains the following description of the official duties of the head of the "brave tigers": Huben shi: Zhang xianhou wang er Qu and zuu. Junliu, huitong, and ru zhi. She, ze shou wang xian. Wang zai guo, tse shou wang gong. Guo yu dagu, ze shou wang men. Yoo sang, and joo ji. Ji tsang, cong qian ju er ku. Shi sifang shi, ze cong shidafu. Ruo daolu bu tong, yu zheng shi, Ze feng shu, and Shi yu si fan.: ("The chief of the Brave Tigers is responsible for escorting Wang with an armed force. During military campaigns and meetings with appanage rulers- [performs its service] in the same way. When staying overnight, he guards the peace of van. When Wang is in the capital, then [is responsible for] guarding the Wang palace. When there are emergencies in the capital, he guards the Van gate. During great mourning [byvan, his spouse or heir] - [performs his service] in the same way. When the time comes for burial, he accompanies the funeral chariot with a cry. When embassies are sent to the four cardinal directions, then he follows shidafu. When traffic on the roads is not free or there are omens [about future troubles (?)then [he], having received a letter [from Wang], goes on errands to the four cardinal directions") [Zhou Li, 1922-1932, 8.4 b-5a].

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Command 60 to move against Wei. [He] reported [on the successful campaign], presenting the severed heads and prisoners.

[Episode 3: Ceremonial activities]

[Per day] Xin-hai (48/60) was represented by trophy tripods of the Yin Wangs. Then Wu-wan respectfully placed the [jade scepter] gui and arranged the laws 61, and reported [victory] to the heavenly lineage 62 and the Supreme Lord 63. Wang appeared in the temple without changing his robes. [Wang], holding the [yellow axe] 64, made a speech and ordered the many countries of go. The pipers [played] nine times. [Memorial tables] of Wang's illustrious ancestors, beginning with Tai-wang, Tai-bo, Wang Ji, Yu-gong, Wen-wang, and Yi-kao, were ascended in order. Yin 65 crimes were reported.

60 For the literary genre of oaths before battle, which is widely represented in Shang Shu, see [Kern, forthcoming].

61 It is hardly possible to speak with certainty about the existence of laws at the time described.

62 According to Gu Jiegang, who relies on the text of Li ji and Zheng Xuan's commentary, the word tianzong (heavenly race) refers to the heavenly bodies (Gu Jiegang, 1963, pp. 8-9).

63 The interpretation of the concept of Shang di (Supreme Lord) is debatable. Traditionally, it is considered to be the highest deity of the Shan pantheon, but Robert Eno, after studying the contexts of mentioning di in epigraphic sources, hypothesized that in the Shan time this term denoted the entire set of revered ancestors [Eno, 1990]. At the same time, Eno recognized that in the main body of Zhou texts, Shang di appears as an anthropomorphic deity, apparently related to the Zhou Sky deity (Tian ). According to the researcher, the reinterpretation of the Shang "collective deity" as a single anthropomorphic god took about a century, coinciding with the first century after the conquest of the Shang by the Zhou people. However, the evidence base of the Early Zhou texts on bronze vessels used by Eno can hardly be considered sufficient for firm conclusions: there are too few bronze texts at our disposal, and Shang di is too rarely mentioned in these texts even at later stages, when the existence of the cult of Shang di as an anthropomorphic deity is no longer in doubt.

64 By analogy with the following text, where the hieroglyph is followed by vin The phrase huang yue ("yellow axe") always follows - one of the recognizable regalia of Wu-wan - one can assume the omission of the "yellow axe" in this fragment as well. This amendment makes it possible to give the fragment a significantly more meaningful reading [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 9; Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 57].

65 Tai-wan (Gugong Danfu) - Wu-wan's great-grandfather. Tai-bo and Yu-gong (aka Yu Joon ) "the sons of Gugong Danfu, Wen-wan's uncle. Wang Ji is Wen-wan's father and Wu-wan's grandfather. I-kao is the son of Wen-wang, the brother of Wu-wang. Most of these rulers are mentioned in the chapter Zhou ben ji ("Basic Records [of the Deeds of the House of] Zhou") of Shi ji, except for I-kao (also Bo I-kao), which is nevertheless mentioned at the beginning of chapter 35 of Guan Cai shi jia ("Hereditary Houses of the Guan and Cai Domains"). where the sons of Wen-wang are listed [Sharma Qian, 2001, p. 180-182; Sima Qian, 1987, p. 93]. The use of the character kao in his name is somewhat unexpected, since it is generally assumed that this character is used to refer to the deceased father, although in this case U-wan and I-kao belong to the same generation. In any case, the mention of I-kao's name along with members of previous generations clearly indicates that he had already passed away at the time of this ceremony. In general, the gens of the Zhou rulers are listed here in generational order, without distinguishing between the main and secondary lines: both rulers who occupied the throne and members of the family who never ascended the throne are mentioned; this contradicts the later Zhou practice of clearly separating the main and secondary lines. However, as noted by Gu Jiegang, the mention of deceased members of the family in three generations corresponds to the Shang practice of commemorating the dead, which is attested in epigraphic materials, and does not imply division by rank depending on the origin from the main wife or concubine, belonging to the main or to the side line. Gu Jiegang sees this as evidence of the archaic nature of the text [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 9-10].

page 94
The pipers performed [music]. Wang, holding a yellow axe in his hand, approved the bo rulers from the go countries.

[On the day of] Ren-tzu (49/60), Wang put on a ceremonial robe and, placing the [pointed scepter] yan, appeared in the temple. The pipers performed [music]. Wang, holding a yellow axe in his hand, confirmed the lords-juni of the ban 66 domain.

[On the day of] gui-yu (Gui-chou, 50/60), 67 represented a hundred captured Yin Wang service men. The pipers performed [music]. Wang, with the [sharpened scepter] yan positioned, held a yellow axe in his hand and gripped a peck. Wang once performed "The Great Sacrifice"on the great bell.68 Wang clasped his hands together in reverence, crouching down with his head on the ground. Wang stood up [in his seat]. [Then] The Great Sacrifice was sung three times on the great bell.

[On the day of] chia-yin, our yints were reported in the [fields of] Mu-e 69. Wang hung the red and white banners on his belt. The pipers performed U 70. Van entered. Performed [combat]

66 According to M. Khayutina (personal communication dated May 5, 2015), in the context of West Zhou epigraphy, only the term ban ("possession") indicates autonomous political entities. As for the character ho found in these texts, it should be read rather as yu ("region, land") rather than guo ("country"). If M. Khayutina's arguments are correct, then the use of the term Guo in Shifu in the meaning of " country "should be recognized as anachronistic for Western Zhou: this is a sign of either the later origin of the corresponding text fragments, or their lexical" actualization " in one of the subsequent periods.

On Day 67, gui-yu takes the 10/60 position in the sixty-matrix cycle. However, immediately before this date is the day of Ren-tzu (49/60), and immediately after-jia-yin (51/60). In this situation, the assumption that a graphic error has crept into the text and gui-chow (50/60) should be read instead of gui-yu seems most likely.

68 The names of most of the musical and choreographic works mentioned in the text cannot be correlated with anything known from later sources. The exception is the Ban and U dances (see note. 70 and 71).

69 Most commentators suggest interpreting the vo hieroglyph ("our, our") As Rong ("armed") based on the principle of graphical similarity. Although this interpretation fits better with the adjacent reference to Yin, it does not provide a satisfactory understanding of the phrase as a whole. In any case, it is noteworthy that the Mu-ye field is mentioned in the context of this chapter not in connection with the battle between the Zhous and the Shang, but after the conquest.

70 Apparently, U ("war, military") is a type of dance or a composite musical and choreographic work. At the very beginning of Western Zhou, it is hardly possible to talk about the existence of the Wu liturgy, which is discussed in the main part of the article.

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dance] Ban71. Three times they presented [the song] "Light-light" 72.

[On the day of] I-mao (16/60), the pipers performed [the song] "Majestic Yu gives birth to Qi" three times 73. [Episode 4. Continuation of the conquest campaigns]

[On the day of] Geng tzu (37/60), Chen Ben was ordered to march against Mo. Bo Wei was ordered to move against Xuan-fang. Xin Huang (Huang Xin?)75 was ordered to move against shu76.

[On the day of] yi-si (42/60), Chen Ben and Xin Huang reached shu and mo; reported that they had captured Ho-hou, captured Ai [- hou], Yi-hou, and 46 minor dignitaries, 77 captured eight hundred and three hundred chariots 78 [in shu and mo respectively]; reported [on a successful campaign], presenting the severed heads and prisoners.

Bo Wei arrived, reported that he had captured [people from] Xuan Fang, captured thirty chariots; reported [on a successful campaign], presenting the severed heads and prisoners.

Bo Wei was ordered to move against Li. [Returning,] he reported [on the successful campaign], presenting the severed heads and prisoners.

[Episode 5. Van's Hunt and the results of his conquests]

Van 71 (lit. "ten thousand; darkness") - a type of battle dance performed with shields and feathers. Gu Jiegang quotes Kun Guangsheng (1752-1787), who, in turn, cites a set of extracts, including the commentary of the famous canonologist Zheng Xuan (127-200) on Shi jing and the commentary-zhuan on Xia xiao zheng ("Small Calendar of Xia"), confirming the understanding of Wan as a martial dance [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 12].

72 An indication that Ming-ming ("Light-light") is one of the Shi Ching songs is contained in a commentary attributed to Kung Chao [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 428]. At the same time, the Shi Jing contains only poems by Xiao Ming ("Little Clarity") in the section" Small Odes " (Xiao Ya ). k Yes min ("Great Clarity") in the section " Great Odes "(Yes I ), and the latter is not suitable here, because it contains praises to both Wen-wang and Wu-wang, which could hardly have been composed (and even more so performed) during the latter's life.

73 I follow Lu Wenchao (1717-1796), who removed the character zhong , which is difficult to read meaningfully in this context, from his revision and Zhou shu [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p.429].

74 Probably instead of the character kai ("open") here you should read the chi (also "open"). The chi character may have been replaced by the synonymous sign kai during the reign of the Han Emperor Jindi (157-141 BC): the emperor's personal name is Liu Qi, and the chi character contained in his name may have been tabooed. Qi is the son of Yu, the founder of the legendary Xia Dynasty.

75 See note. 57 above.

76 See note. 56 above.

77 However, I do not know what this assumption is based on by Zhu Youceng and Pan Zhen (XIX century), Ho-hou is the ruler of mo, Ai-hou is the ruler of shu [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 431].

78 According to Kung Chao's comment, in the phrase qin yu ba bai yu san bai liang , the character yu means "great dignitaries", but given that liang is the standard counting word for wheeled vehicles,it is more logical to assume that here we are talking about chariots.

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U-wan hunted 79. Got: 22 tigers, two forest cats, 5,235 Milwaukee deer 80, 12 buffalo 81, 721 yaks, 151 Himalayan bears, 118 brown bears, 352 wild boar, 18 raccoon dogs, 16 elk, 50 small musk deer, 30 musk deer, 3,508 deer 82.

Then U-wan conquered the four cardinal directions. Total opposing countries: 99. [According to the results of their subjugation] 83,177,779,84 heads were cut off, and 310,230 people were captured. Total number of voluntarily submitted countries: 652.

[Episode 6. Sacrifices and ceremonies at the Zhou Temple]

In the fourth month, [the time] when the moon's radiance is close to birth 86. On the sixth day, geng-hsu (47/60), Wu-wan arrived at dawn to [commit] burnt offerings-liao to the Chou [temple]87.

79 For the ideological significance of the royal hunt in various cultures of Eurasia, see [Allsen, 2006, p. 160-164]. On the organization of hunting parks for imperial hunting during the early empires, see [Dmitriev, 2011]. In general, all the animals mentioned in the text could indeed have been found in the wild in northern China during the Bronze Age, but the ranges of some species could have been located at a considerable distance from the fiefdom of the Zhou rulers in the Weihe River basin: in particular, yaks are found in the highlands of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau, and elks-in the Greater and Lesser Khingan (prov. Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia). However, it is extremely premature to draw conclusions about the range of Wu Wang's hunting trips or the level of development of hunting parks that allowed Wu Wang to hunt exotic animals near the Zhou capital. It is worth recalling once again that Shi fu is a poorly preserved text, and any name of an animal here is very likely the result of a copyist's mistake.

80 For information on the Milwaukee deer, see [Dmitriev, 2011].

81 Asian buffaloes existed in the wild in northern China (the Weihe River Valley) during the Bronze Age, but later became extinct or were exterminated by humans. According to modern genetic studies, these populations did not participate in the formation of the domestic buffalo population [Yang et al., 2008]. Another possible interpretation of the si character is "rhinoceros", which is what Shaughnessy adheres to [Shaughnessy, 1997 (1), p. 35]. For the confusion surrounding the precise meaning of this term, see [Bishop, 1933].

82 I have no confidence in the correctness of the reference here to the Milo deer, small and large musk deer. The text itself is clearly distorted. Thus, the animal mi ("Milu deer") is mentioned twice in the list, and in the first case-in a clearly distorted entry mi ("liquid porridge, millet"). The second mention, although it does not contain obvious errors, still cannot be accepted, because as a result of the restoration just undertaken (instead of "liquid porridge" we read "Milu deer") The mi character is already used. Zhu Youceng suggests that in the second mention, mi should be replaced by the visually close sign jun ("musk deer"). However, with such a replacement, you have to deal with two types of musk deer, indicated by different hieroglyphs. For lack of a better version, I accept Zhu Youceng's reading, which suggests that the text distinguishes between large and small musk deer [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 434].

83 At this point in the source text is the character mo ("evil spirit, enchantment"). Nevertheless, it is difficult to read in context, so, starting with Lu Wenchao, in the Qing editions of Zhou Shu, this character was replaced in part by the visually similar li , one of the meanings of which is "to count" [And Zhou Shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 435]. In my opinion, such a substitution does not give a completely satisfactory reading.

84 There seems to be an error in the text. The total number, according to the text, is one and (100,000), ten vanya (10,000), seven thousand, seven hundred, seventy and nine. However, one and ten vanya are one and the same number, while each digit must be less than the previous one and cannot be equal to it in any way. In resolving this contradiction, I follow Shaughnessy, who suggests reading "ten vanys" as "seven vanys", taking into account the visual similarity of the characters shi ("ten") and qi ("seven"), which is also characteristic of ancient spellings [Shaughnessy, 1997(1), p. 58].

85 This fragment is based on Liuli Zhi. The original text of Shi fu includes: shi si yuz ji pan sheng po, yue liu zhi geng-xu, Wu-wang zhao zhi liao yu Zhou

86 Wang Gouwei identifies the chi formula of pan sheng po with pan sheng po ("the time close to the birth of the lunar radiance", i.e. both of them denote the 10th day of the lunar month [Wang Gouwei, 1959(3), p. 22].

87 Apparently, we are talking about the temple of the ancestors of the Zhou rulers, located in the capital conglomerate of Zhou.

page 97
"Here I am, a small boy, [bringing] comfort to the enlightened [ancestors]." 88

U-wan got down from the chariot and then ordered the scribe to read out the notes before the Heavenly Name 89. Then Wu-wan shot 90 hundred of the Sky-hated Zhou [- hsin]dignitaries with arrows, 91 beheaded their boy and great Ding92 beheaded their 40 husbands of the lords of the domain and Ding preceptors. [Superintendent of Public Works] situ and [horse steward] Sima first [proceeded to execute] them at the Nickname in suburb 93.

Then U-wan set up the captives to be sacrificed at the south gate, and they were girded with belts and clothed in robes.94 First they came in with their heads cut off.95 U-wan was present at the sacrifice. The [Grand Preceptor] dashi carried on his shoulders a white banner on which was hung the [severed] head of the Shang Wang of Zhou, as well as a red banner with two heads of [his] wives. Then [he] first entered with their heads cut off to be burned in the Zhou temple.

88 Chen Fengheng (1778-1855) believes that this sentence is an interpolation of a similar phrase following below [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p.437].

89 Gu Jiegang, referring to quotations from Zhou li, a commentary by Zheng Xuan, and a fragment from Shang shu wei ("Apocrypha to Shang Shu"), shows that in later times the concept of tian hao ("Heavenly name") may have been identical with that of Huantian shangdi Ji. JC-h'sr ("Supreme Lord august heavens") [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 18].

90 In translation, I read the character fay ("broken; discarded as unnecessary"). like fa ("archery").

91 This passage is difficult to read. When translating, I read the character shi ("arrow") as a visually similar character to him, tian ("Sky"), which allows you to maintain uniformity with the phrase tian e chen ("Sky-hateful dignitaries"), mentioned in the second episode of Shi Fu. I consider the first of the ren characters in the phrase shi e chen ren bai ren to be an interpolation, following Lu Wenchao [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 438].

92 The phrases xiaozi and dashi often appear side by side in bronze texts, but their usual order is dashi xiaozi , see the texts on the vessels of Zhong dashi xiaozi Xiu xu ("Vessel for cooked grain-Xu of the great mentor of the middle rank of the boy Xu", index in YICC: 04397) and Bo gong fu fu ("Vessel for cooked grain-xu of the great mentor of the middle rank of the boy Xu", index in YICC: 04397). for cooked zhrpa-fu of the father Bo-gong", index in ICHTSTCH: 04628). The word din ("tripod") is left untranslated, because when translated literally, it leads to the ridiculous phrase "mentor of tripods".

93 The translation of the passage that begins with the words "Then U-wan shot with an arrow..." and ends with "... at the Nickname in the suburbs" is conditional, since in general it does not lend itself to a grammatically consistent and meaningful reading and is almost certainly damaged. The phrase jiao hao (lit. "Suburban nickname") is probably related to Tian hao ("Heavenly Nickname"), but the content of this connection is difficult to identify from available sources.

94 The translation follows the commentary attributed to Kung Chao, which states that this series of actions is a kind of" parade of prisoners", displayed in front of the people of the Zhou capital, with the aim of their subsequent sacrifice.

95 Perhaps Hsien guo ru 's phrase ("first came in with their heads cut off") is an interpolation: it is repeated somewhat lower, but the second time it is used, it fits much better into the context.

96 This fragment is based on Liuli Zhi. The original Shi Fu text includes: Ruo and Zhi Xinhai, Si Yu Wei

page 98
The next day, the Hsin-hai (48/60) performed a sacrifice in front of the Heavenly Throne, playing pipes in front of the Heavenly Throne 97.

On the fifth day, [on the day of] I-mao (52/60), severed heads were sacrificed from many countries in the Zhou temple.

[Woo-wan said:"With reverence, I, a small boy, behead six bulls, I behead two rams."

Then many countries were finally [conquered]. [Wu-wan] reported [the results of the conquest] to the Zhou temple, saying, " I used to hear that my enlightened father was perfecting the laws of the shantz. [Now] by means of the severed [head] of Zhou [- xin], I report [victory] to Heaven and to [cereal deity] Ji. " 99
They sacrificed small cattle: rams, dogs, and pigs-as a sacrifice to one hundred spirits, as well as to 100 spirits of water and earth, taking an oath at the altar of the earth 101.

[Wang] said: "Behold, I, a little boy, bring comfort to the enlightened father, [so that he] may reach [his mercy and me], a little boy."

They sacrificed 504 bulls to the Sky and Ji. They sacrificed 2,701 small animals: rams and pigs-to the hundred spirits, as well as to the spirits of water and earth on the altar of the earth.

[Episode 7: Zhou-xin's self-immolation and Wu-wan's acquisition of the precious Jade]

Shang Wang Zhou [- xin] was located in the suburb of Shang 102. On the day of Chia Tzu (1/60) in the evening, Shang Wang Zhou [- xin] took the [pointed scepter] yan from the jade of heaven-

97 According to Zhu Youceng, the Heavenly Throne is an altar to Heaven erected in the southern suburbs [I Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 441].

98 This fragment is based on Liuli Zhi. The original Shi Fu text includes: yue wu zhi yi-mao, Wu-wang nai and shu si go yu go Zhou miao

99 The character ji can also be identified with Hou-ji, the mythical first ancestor of the Zhou People and a cultural hero with whom the Zhou People associated their farming skills. A comprehensive description of Hou-chi is contained in Shi ching's ode to him, Sheng min ("The Birth of a People") (Shtukin, 1957, pp. 353-355). Probably, the myth of Hou-ji is the result of the personification of the ancient Zhou cult of cereals.

100 According to East Zhou beliefs, only the Son of Heaven could offer sacrifices to a multitude of spirits (one hundred spirits), while appanage rulers could only offer sacrifices to spirits who lived in the territories they ruled [Li ji Zheng yi, 1739, p. 46.5 a]. Perhaps this text is based on similar ideas, and the " hundred spirits "are all the many deities of the universe, communication with which is the prerogative of Wang, while the" spirits of water and earth " refer to the spirits of the nearby Zhou - controlled territories.

101 Following Sun Yizhang (1848-1908), I read the phrase yu shi she ("at the altar of oaths") in the translation as Shi Yu She ("take the oath at the altar") [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 442]. This reading allows us to maintain uniformity with the next mention of the altar-she in a few phrases below.

102 The narrative that begins with this sentence seems to have a legendary character. It differs from the previous one in language and fits very poorly with its storyline - which is why, apparently, it is placed as an "addition" at the end of the chapter. It is very likely that this is a relatively late interpolation.

page 99
Noah of wisdom 103 [and many ordinary jade products]104 and overlaid [them] to give himself up to the Fire 105. It was reported that a total of 4,000 ordinary jade [items] were burned 106.

On the fifth day, U-wan ordered a thousand men to find them. It turned out that 4,000 ordinary [jade items] had melted down. Of the jade of heavenly wisdom, five [items] were not melted in the fire 107. All the jade of heavenly wisdom Wu-wan [placed] to the treasury, along with its like [jewels]. In total, Wu-wan obtained 101,000,000 [items] of old Shang jade 108.

sources

Yi Chekou shu huijiao jizhu (Collated edition of Yi Zhou Shu with summary commentary) / ed. Huang Huaixin , Tian Xudong, Zhang Maozhong . Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe Publ., 2007.

Yin-Zhou jinwen jicheng (Collection of bronze inscriptions of the Shang-Yin and Zhou eras) / ed. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiuso (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Department of Archaeology). Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1984.

Li ji zheng yi (Correctly interpreted "Notes on the Ritual"), Ed. Wuying dian shisan jing zhushu . B. M., B. G.

Mao shi zheng yi (Correctly interpreted "Canon of Songs in Mao's retort"). Ed. Win dian shisan jing zhushu . B. M., B. G.

Meng-tzu zhushu (Meng-tzu with comments and explanations). Ed. Win dian shisan jing zhushu . B. M., B. G.

Han shu (History of Han). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962.

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103 The "Jade of heavenly Wisdom" is mentioned only in this text; apparently, it is one of the legendary regalia, the interest in which is clearly traced in the East Zhou texts. Perhaps the most famous catalog of such regalia is contained in the Gu Ming chapter ("The Dying Command") Shang shu, which lists the jewels that were solemnly laid out during the ceremony of transferring the rule from Cheng Wang to his heir Kang Wang (late XI-early X century BC) [Mayorov and Stezhenskaya, 2014, p. 485].

104 Gu Jiegang, following the quotations preserved in leishu Beitang shuchao ("Excerpts from Books from the North Hall"; comp. before 618) and Taiping yulan ("Imperial reading of the years of reign under the motto Taiping"; comp. in 982-984), reconstructs the phrase ji shu yu ("as well as a lot of ordinary jade") in this sentence [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 21]. This addition seems to me necessary to preserve the coherence of the text.

105 I omit the character hou ("dense") in the translation, following Gu Jiegang, who considers it interpolated from the commentary [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 21].

106 Yu Yue (1821-1907) suggests changing the order of characters in the sentence from fan jue yu shu gao fen yu si qian to fan jue yu shu yu si qian gao fen [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 444]. I accept this correction in translation, as otherwise the phrase cannot be interpreted satisfactorily.

107 Liu Shipei (1884-1919), comparing quotations of this phrase in medieval sources, notes that instead of the number "five" in earlier editions, a specific type of jade product was probably called. Perhaps they were headdress pendants written in the er hieroglyph [And Zhou shu huijiao jizhu, 2007, p. 445].

108 Unlike episode 5, in this episode, yi is understood not as "one hundred thousand", but as "one hundred million", since he is followed by Bai wan , which is indisputably one million. The medieval leishu Beitang shuchao, Yiwen leiju ("Anthology [excerpts from works] of literature on childbirth"; compiled in 622-624) and Taiping yulan contain a more extensive and probably earlier version of the final calculation of the precious jade acquired by Wu-wang from Zhou-xin: te jiu bao yu wan si qian, Pei Yu and Yu Ba wan " purchased 14,000 [items] old precious jade, hanging jade - 180,000 [items]" [Gu Jiegang, 1963, p. 22].

page 100
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Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zheng yi (Correctly interpreted "Zuo's Commentary on the Chronicle of Chunqiu"). Ed. Win dian shisan jing zhushu . Beijing, 1739.

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