The role of the religious factor in shaping the ethnic and aesthetic identity of Iranian cinema is explored in the article through the history of the relationship between the Iranian film production and the religious-minded government from the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the present day.

In the first decade of the republic's existence (1979 - 1990), the aesthetics and ethics of Iranian cinema were identified with the moral principles of the Islamic State. However, since the mid-1990s, there has been a split in Iranian cinema, which has become clearly divided into mass and elite (author's) cinema. Popular films still comply with the canons developed by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation. Representatives of the art house, violating the instructions of censors, often enter into open confrontation with the authorities. Iranian cinema, national in its essence, represents Iran beyond its borders and at the same time is a film chronicle of its ethnic and political identity.

Keywords: identity, Islamic Republic of Iran, Shiite Islam, author's cinema (art house), mass cinema.

In 1979, the history of Iran begins a new countdown. The victory of the revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini led to the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). With the change of the state structure, the monarchical identity collapses and the establishment of the identity of the Islamic Republic begins. As is well known, "political identification is primarily determined by the nature of power" [Trenin, 2006, p. 59], which, in turn, affects the formation of basic identities in 1 country.

Thus, a model of a state is being born in Iran, the consolidating force of which is Shiite Islam2. "After the fall of the monarchy, the masses came to believe almost in the supernatural, divine nature of Khomeini "[Lukoyanov, 2010, p. 105], and " many of the 35 million population of Iran waited for his arrival as if a Shiite messiah - the 12th Imam Mahdi, who mysteriously disappeared and died-was descending to earth.",

1 Basic identities are defined both by stable factors that are unchangeable or rarely change (geography, religious affiliation), and by mobile, changeable circumstances of various levels, internal (intra-country) and external nature: geopolitical, economic, cultural... Hence the relative stability and at the same time mobility of this construct [Yakovenko, 2005, p.122].

2 Shiites represent 90% of the country's population, mostly Persians and Azerbaijanis; Sunnis represent approximately 8% of the Iranian population. These are part of the Kurds, most of the Arabs, all the Balochis and Turkmens, as well as some Persian communities of southern Iran and Khorasan (Zhigalina, 2005, p. 337).

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according to legend, he was hidden in the sky, so that when he returned on the day of the Last Judgment, he would establish the kingdom of truth and justice among people forever" (Agaev, 1984, p.27). It is precisely on religious principles that the ideology of the young state is based, while confessional affiliation not only acts as a political marker, but also becomes a fundamental criterion of ethnic identity.

Subsequently, the Islamic concept of identity "finds its embodiment in the symbols of the state, undergoes a process of mythologization and is reflected in culture, art and mass consciousness" [Yakovenko, 2005, p.121]. Accordingly, religion has a direct and overwhelming impact on the development of all spheres of Iranian society, including the cinema, which after the revolution develops in completely new conditions, acquiring its own unique national image.

Cinema has its own unique face, largely due to the political and cultural situation in the country, which determines the aesthetic identity of Iranian films, their visual range and the storyline of the narrative. At the same time, it is able to reflect the processes taking place in society.

For a long time, Iranian cinema remained a pariah in the world cinema space. However, in the early 1990s, it crossed the borders of the Iranian state and penetrated to the West, automatically becoming involved in the discourse on ethnic identity. Films represent the population and way of life of the country in which they are shot. For a foreign audience, an Iranian film is also a source from which they can construct an image of the Islamic Republic. The films also affect the perception of their own country by Iranians themselves, and it will differ among Iranians living directly in Iran, and among representatives of the diaspora abroad, many of whom consider themselves Iranians, but do not identify with the Islamic Republic. In order to understand the nature of the identity of Iranian cinema, it is necessary to trace its formation from the moment of the birth of Iran to the present day.

In the first years after the revolution, cinema in Iran found itself in a difficult situation. Ayatollah Khomeini and his supporters saw cinema as a political and cultural weapon of the former monarchical regime. In addition, cinema, unlike many other forms of art that developed over the centuries in Islamic Iran, was a relatively new phenomenon that the religious elite ignored and even boycotted: going to the cinema was considered an obscene act [Reza-Haghighi, 2002, p. 112]. At this time, there were fierce debates about the essence of Islamic cinema and the criteria for assessing the "ideological sterility" of the film. However, everyone agreed that the atmosphere that prevailed in society demanded a cinema that corresponded to the concept and spirit of the revolution, and there were no new directors yet. Therefore, between 1979 and 1983, the production of feature films in Iran declined sharply.3
Nevertheless, despite the sometimes demonstrative indifference to the cinema, it was impossible not to take into account its importance for the propaganda of the ideas of the revolution. Thus, Khomeini, after returning from his exile to his homeland, during the discussion of the new political course of the country, among others, touched upon the topic of film production: "We are not opposed to cinema, we are opposed to decline "[Reza-Haghighi, 2002, p. 112]. Soon, a special commission was established within the organization responsible for Islamic propaganda, where ideological ideas were developed.

3 Despite the discontent of the clergy led by Ayatollah Khomeini, American and European films were imported to Iran during the first few years after the revolution (at one time, films from the Soviet Union dominated the Iranian film market). However, soon the import of foreign films through the private sector was banned, and all film production was concentrated in the hands of the state. Video clubs showing Western films were also banned. It is noteworthy that in Iran, domestic films have always prevailed over foreign ones [Reza-Sadr, 1999, p. 28].

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There are grounds for further development of a fundamentally new, Islamic cinema, which should serve the revolution and the spiritual mission. Ayatollah Khomeini and other religious leaders have noted that they approve of films that promote the growth of the level of education of the population and provide a clear example of the moral image of a righteous Muslim.

Within the framework of the new Islamic cinema, whole trends have developed. Films designed to teach religion through cinema have become quite widespread, such as the first films "Nasuh's Repentance" (1982) and "A Pair of Blind Eyes" (1983) by the famous Iranian director Mohsen Makhmalbaf. Special attention should be paid to the mystical direction that was popular at one time. It was in this genre that the film "Beyond the Mist" by M. Asghari-Nasab was shot in 1985, which was supposed to become the archetype of Islamic cinema. Partly political, partly religious, and partly mystical, it was seen not just as an ideal model for a new genre of film, but as an example of art intended for religious reflection. The script for the film was written by Muhammad Beheshti, head of the Film Production Department of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance.

The mystical direction led by the film "Beyond the Mist" suggested a form of spiritual rebirth of the audience through identification with the main character, whose attitude to life and death underwent drastic changes during the harsh trials that befell him. The hero experienced a transcendental experience and found renewed faith in God, now he became a person capable of mercy and inclined to self-sacrifice. Films of this genre undoubtedly had powerful religious overtones, inviting the viewer to take part in the" celebration of faith " and showing every Muslim the way to God. However, they did not find a significant response in the hearts of viewers; oversaturated with heavy symbolism, these films were too far removed from the everyday life of people and seemed pretentious to them. As a result, by the end of the decade, this trend had practically ceased to exist [Reza-Sadr, 2006, pp. 182-183].

A few years after the revolution, a clearly formulated and strictly regulated government policy on national cinematography was established. Control over film production was completely concentrated in the hands of the state. All films were classified into 4 categories, taking into account the prevailing censorship in the country, based on political expediency, moral principles and compliance with the laws of the Islamic Republic (see for more details: [Zeydabadi-Nejad, 2010, pp. 43-47]). In addition, public statements were made and directives were issued regarding the subject matter of Iranian films. This practice continues today, for example, in 1996, the head of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation expressed his vision, and accordingly the vision of the official authorities, regarding the form, content and directions of Iranian cinema in booklet 5, intended to become a guide for a new generation of Iranian directors who have already grown up in the context of the ideology of the Islamic state.

4 Since 1987, all films released have been divided into four categories (A, B, C, D). The classification was based on three criteria: technical, aesthetic and content of the film. Category A films that were ideologically correct were shown in the best cinemas for a long time, while the rest were shown on the "small screen". Directors making category A films had privileges, while category B, C, and D films were invested with difficulty and did not always pass censorship [Reza-Sadr, 1999, p.28]. Later, with the development of author's cinema in Iran, another gradation "for a special audience" and "for everyone" appeared [Zeydabadi-Ncjad, 2010, p. 142].

5 List of topics: The Islamic Revolution and the new history of Iran; the Iran-Iraq War and national unification; Iranian history and prominent Islamic figures; cultural, economic, social, political achievements and prospects of the country; issues related to children and Iranian youth; the role of women in the family, at work and in modern society; values of the Islamic Republic of Iran culture, art and science; humor and comedy [Reza-Sadr, 1999, pp. 30-31].

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For a little over a decade (1979 - 1992), Iranian cinema was almost completely isolated from the outside world. There is nothing surprising in the fact that "in such a situation, the processes of identity formation are naturally set by internal processes, they are dominated by immanent ideological and cultural trends" [Yakovenko, 2005, p. 129]. Thus, in the first decade of the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the image of Iranian films is formed mainly in a closed system of national culture with a pronounced dominance of the religious factor. This invariably affects the aesthetics and poetics of films, as well as their themes. Accordingly, the Iranian cinema is positioned exclusively as a national one.

As a result of the destruction of the basic identities of the Shah's period, society is undergoing the process of forming and consolidating new standards of behavior that meet the Islamic ideology. "Evidence of identification at the first stage is the assimilation of the behavioral code and symbols of clothing... at the second stage - a certain theoretical core and the development of an appropriate moral and emotional attitude" [Ionin, 2007, pp. 647-649]. In cinema, the first stage manifests itself at the level of visual series, and the assimilation of the theoretical core is reflected in the content of films. So, Iranian directors must strictly follow the instructions regarding the female hijab costume, 6 follow the rules of decency on the screen in matters of relations between the sexes, which is directly related to the technique of acting. For example, "restraint in looks and movements" is encouraged, and "a distracted gaze is approved instead of a direct and intense gaze tinged with sexual desire" [Naficy, 1999, p. 21].

As for the subject matter of films, as noted above, despite the diversity of genres, the focus is either directly on the religious theme, or a detached story, but preferably associated with religious reflection and analysis.

Landscape photography (urban, rural, or natural) is one of the essential components of creating a cinematic space. It is also one of the key characteristics of the ethnic identity of Iranian films. Rural or urban panoramas, the architecture of Iranian villages and cities, their culture, mentality and traditions-all this sets a unique visual range of Iranian films that differ from those of other countries through landscape photography. The location is also an important element of the film from an aesthetic point of view. It shapes the world and mood of the film, as well as the social and psychological conditions of the character's environment. The specific terrain used in the film gives a certain interpretation and context to the story. "The green forests of the north, the barren brown desert sands of the center and northeast of Iran, the gray, dirty, poor neighborhoods of the capital or its rich areas with modern buildings-all this makes a different impression on the screen, gives many options for post-revolutionary Iran" [Saeed-Vafa, 2002, p. 212].

Landscape photography forms a visual series, followed by an auditory one (sounds of a highway in a bustling metropolitan city or a quiet village street). It is used as a metaphor for the feelings, emotions, experiences and inner world of the hero, or as an independent component of the frame construction. In general, shooting in natural conditions with a minimum of expressive means is typical for Iranian cinema. For example, for Abbas Kiarostami, the place of action is absolutely fundamental.

6 The wearing of veils and the "full range of Islamic clothing" by women became mandatory after the adoption of the relevant law in April 1983. Representatives of the "vice police" began to organize raids on women who were not sufficiently sheltered. Violators were escorted to revolutionary tribunals. The criteria for wearing a veil are still valid today. These rules, which determine the length, shape and color of women's clothing, are posted in all public places [Kepel, 2004, p. 115].

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he puts the story in a case, and "change of scenery" acts as a semantic code for reading the picture.

It is noteworthy that in Iranian cinema, the image of the public dominates over the private. "The predominance of outdoor spaces and open spaces as a setting in Iranian cinema also refers to the cultural notion of privacy. Many filmmakers turn to outdoor photography and public spaces as a cinematic version of the hijab. They avoid exposing anything personal, whether it is sacred or profane" (Saeed-Vafa, 2002, pp. 204-205). This feature can also be explained by the desire of directors to avoid censorship. The restrictions imposed by Islamic ideology on the display of private life on the screen lead to conventionality when shooting in home interiors. Directors who strive for realism in their films, as a rule, try to avoid private places in order to be extremely reliable in reflecting the daily life of a person in the cinema.

Since the mid-1990s, there has been a split in Iranian cinema. If earlier it was monolithic, now it has become clearly divided into author's and mass cinema. Mainstream films comply with the canons developed by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation in the first years of the republic's formation, and fit into the censors ' view of Islamic cinema, which is designed to entertain and educate the population within the framework of the IRI ideology (or at least not harm it). The body of mass cinema is mainly represented by sentimental melodramas, there are comedies and films of other genres. The art house shows us the identity crisis of Iranian cinema.

Today, the author's Iranian cinema is widely known in the West, and directors are laureates of numerous international film festivals. However, this did not happen overnight. In 1979. "High Shadows of the Wind" by B. Farmanar, followed in 1980 by "The Legend of Tara" by B. Beyzai, appeared at the Cannes Film Festival, the world Mecca of cinema. For a long decade after that, Iranian films did not go far beyond the borders of Iran. This does not mean that in the 1980s there were no films made at a high artistic level. On the contrary, outstanding paintings appeared at this time: Bashu-a Small Stranger among his own People (1986) by Beyzai, Where is a Friend's House? (1987) by A. Kiarostami, The Cyclist (1987) by M. Makhmalbafa, and many other noteworthy films. But they couldn't be seen outside of Iran. The department responsible for film production acted as a "buffer zone between Iranian directors and the world community" (Dabashi, 2007, p.26).

Nevertheless, M. Makhmalbaf, who previously fought for the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, for which he was sentenced to prison by the Shah's government, now opposes the isolation of Iranian cinema. His active work leads to the fact that several Iranian films, bypassing censors, are included in the competition program for various international film festivals. As a result, "And life goes on" by A. Kiarostami in 1992 in Cannes is a resounding success. Since then, Iranian cinema has become the subject of close attention of cinematographers around the world.

Thus, since the mid-1990s, auteur cinema has been opened up to the world and included in the system of world film production. Accordingly, Iranian cinema is beginning to be influenced not only by domestic, but also by external factors, which leaves an imprint on the ethnic and aesthetic identity of Iranian films. Previously, in fact, there was a complete identification of cinema with the regime, namely, a harmonious unity of the aesthetics and ethics of Iranian cinema and moral attitudes

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Islamic-dominated republics 7. Now representatives of the art house, having a high authority in the world of Big Cinema, feel more confident and independent in choosing topics and means of cinematic expression. Their films become more radical - social and political overtones take on a visible form, and traditional cultural and religious phenomena are interpreted from the standpoint of philosophical and cultural anthropology. Thus, A. Kiarostami touches on forbidden topics one after another: "A Taste of Cherry" (1997) is dedicated to suicide, "We will be carried away by the wind" (1999) - the oldest rite of mourning.8
The reflection of the principles and postulates of Islam in the author's cinema also takes on more refined forms. If earlier films willingly or unwittingly promoted Islamic ideology, today directors are more likely to listen to the centuries-old religious tradition, filigree writing on the screen the characters ' characters and the presence of divine guidance in their destinies. The authors, being in the territory of the Muslim East, of course, continue to draw their stories from Islam, religion still remains the core of the plot and is often also the key to reading it. However, the interpretation of subtle facets of mystical phenomena, allegorical and metaphorical images and expanded symbolism woven into the narrative canvas, free from the prejudices of the Islamic government, cause constant dissatisfaction on the part of the authorities.

This trend has only been growing in recent years. Mohsen Makhmalbaf's cinematic "clan" (the director himself, his wife and daughters) shoot their films outside of Iran. Abbas Kiarostami, the brightest representative of Iranian cinema, is shooting "Certified Copy" (2009) in Italy with European actors. At the head of the film, the director puts an experiment based on a game with the disparity and ambiguity of time and space, real and cinematic. The film is almost completely devoid of the usual "Iranian" and, in fact, is "international". "Certified copy" signals the possibility of complete or partial loss of the unique ethnicity of films within the framework of the author's Iranian cinema.

Mass Iranian cinema is not characterized by a rich variety of topics and outstanding artistic merits, it is under the absolute control of the state, so it is not an adequate indicator of the processes taking place in society, it is an ideal model approved by the government. Today, Iran is engaged in cultural expansion to neighboring countries. In particular, Iran is active in providing assistance to the new states of Central Asia in the development of their national television, thereby expanding its own audience. However, "Iran supplies neighboring countries mainly with television series and, to a lesser extent, with religious - related programs, which are plentiful on Iranian television proper" [Shirokorad, 2010, p.344]. Author's Iranian cinema, on the contrary, is a mouthpiece for problems. It reflects like a mirror the Iranian society with its political attitudes, social and economic processes. Directors whose vision of the state of affairs in the country differs from the current policy of Iran are in the position of dissidents, and their films are banned from showing in their homeland.

7 There were exceptions: for example, M. Makhmalbaf shot the film" Time to Love " (1990), which tells about marital infidelity, in Turkey. In Iran, the film was immediately banned from showing, and this ban still exists today. However, M. Makhmalbaf's film was more a rarity than a general trend.

8 The custom of mourning goes back far into the past and, despite numerous prohibitions, persists in Iran to this day. Ayatollah Khomeini in his code of rules "Interpretation of provisions" writes that "it is unacceptable for a person to scratch his face and body during someone's death and strike himself" [Khismatulin and Kryukova, 1997, p. 62], followed by other instructions regarding mourning the deceased according to funeral rites in Shiite Islam of the imamite type.

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Throughout the existence of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Islam has had a dominant influence on the formation of the ethnic and aesthetic identity of Iranian cinema. Islamic cinema, brought to life by the spirit of the revolution and, consequently, its ideology, still retains its features in mass cinema, while the Iranian art house, in an attempt to escape from government oppression, is permeated with Islam close to "popular". The gap between mass and elite cinema clearly demonstrates the cultural and religious situation in the region. Thus, the Iranian cinema, having its own unique and unrepeatable image in comparison with other cinematographies of the world, is at the same time a film chronicle of the ethnic and political identity of modern Iran.

list of literature

Agaev S. L. Iran: The Birth of the Republic, Moscow: Politizdat, 1984.
Zhigalina O. I. Problemy etnokul'turnoy konfliktnosti v sovremennom Irane [Problems of ethno-cultural conflict in modern Iran].
Ionin L. G. Identifikatsiya i dramatizirovka [Identification and staging]. Samara: Bahra X-M. 2007.

Kepel Zh. Lessons and paradoxes of the Iranian Revolution II Jihad. Expansiya i zakat islamizma [Expansion and Decline of Islamism]. Moscow: Ladomir Publ., 2004.

Lukoyanov A. K. The Islamic Revolution. Iran is the first experience. 1979-2009. Moscow, 2010.
Trenin D. V. Integratsiya i identichnost': Rossiya kak "novy Zapad" [Integration and Identity: Russia as the "new West"].
Khismatulin A. A., Kryukova V. Y. Death and funeral rite in Islam and Zoroastrianism. St. Petersburg: Center for "Petersburg Oriental Studies", 1997.

Shirokorad A. Persia-Iran. Empire in the East, Moscow: Veche Publ., 2010.

Yakovenko I. G. Transformation of basic identities: factors, trends, scenarios / / Modern transformations of Russian culture, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 2005.

Dabashi H. Letter to a Young Filmmaker // Masters and Masterpieces of Iranian Cinema. N.Y.: Mage Publishers, 2007.

Naficy H. Iranian Cinema // Life and Art: the New Iranian Cinema. London: National Film Theatre, 1999.

Rcza-Haghighi A. Politics and Cinema in Post-Revolutionary Iran: An Uneasy Relationship // The New Iranian Cinema. Politics, Representation and Identity. N.Y.: I.B. Tauris Publishers, 2002.

Rcza-Sadr H. Contemporary Iranian Cinema and its Major Themes // Life and Art: the New Iranian Cinema. London: National Film Theatre, 1999.

Rcza-Sadr H. Iranian Cinema: a Political History. N.Y.: I.B. Tauris Publishers, 2006.

Saeed-Vafa M. Location (Physical Space) and Cultural Identity in Iranian Films // The New Iranian Cinema. Politics, Representation and Identity. N.Y.: I.B. Tauris Publishers, 2002.

Zeydabadi-Ncjad S. The Politics of Iranian Cinema: Films and Society in the Islamic Republic. London: Routledge, 2010.

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