New Dehli: Orient Blackswan Private Limited, 2009. 259 p.*

The origin of the Vedic Aryans, the search for their material culture both in North-Western India and in the steppe and forest-steppe latitudes of Eurasia to the east of the Carpathians; attempts to find out the place occupied by their language among the speakers of the Greek-Indo-Iranian cultural and linguistic community and, more broadly, among the tribes of the Indo-European community in general, and finally, repeated attempts to uncover historical information in the Rig Veda , the oldest collection of their religious hymns, and superimpose it on archaeological data in order to determine the ancestral homeland of the creators of the Rig Veda are relevant problems of the modern complex of humanities and natural sciences, which date back 200 years to the development of research in this area [Shetelikh, 1991, p. 3-11; Ivanov, 1997, pp. 20-25].

Among the solutions to these problems proposed in science at the beginning of the XXI century, as evidenced by numerous publications and discussions, two diametrically opposite, irreconcilable and mutually exclusive points of view can be distinguished to date. According to one of them, the ancestral homeland of Indo-Aryans, as well as Indo-Europeans in general, was Hindustan (the theory of exodus from India - the cradle of civilization) - a concept that is shared by most Indian and some European archaeologists, historians and linguists. Recently, based on the principles reflected in the geometry of the Shulvasutras, archaeoastronomical identifications of the time of the Battle of the 10 kings and the battle of Kurukshetra, they have used cosmophotography to determine the complete drying of the river. Saraswati, as well as based on the belief in the accuracy of the genealogical chronology of the lists of rulers in the Puranas, supported by the results of radiocarbon dating of the " head of Vasishtha "(3700 BC), came to the conclusion about the Indo-Aryan, Vedic nature and content of the monuments of the Harappan (or Indo-Saraswati) civilization. Despite all the attractiveness of these estimates and the approach itself, its weak point is

* R. Kochhar. Vedic tribes. Their history and geography. New Delhi: Orisnt Blackswan Private Limited, 2009. 259 p.

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This is a lack of understanding of the specific morphological structure of the main sources, disregard for the laws of displaying historical information in ancient mythology, epic poetry and literary tradition in general, and Ancient India in particular [Talagery, 2000; Kazanas, 2009]. But most importantly, as the analysis of the arguments of the proponents of this concept in recent years has shown, it is the archaeological arguments in it that leave much to be desired [Bryant, 2001, p. 69; Bryant and Patton, 2005, p. 46].

According to the theory of migration, first proposed in archeology in the XIX century by the German linguist O. Schrader, which was thoroughly substantiated in the works of his compatriot G. Kosinna and accepted by the coryphaeus of Indology M. Muller, there has never been any exodus from India. On the contrary, according to L. S. Klein [Klein, 2007, p. 34]," tired " of the methodology of autochthonism, diffusion and convergence, its modern supporters are convinced that the Indo-Aryans penetrated North-West India for a long time, representing several wave-like flows of forest-steppe and steppe Eurasian ethnic groups of pastoralists who migrated here. As proof, they (for example, M. Witzel) cite the synchronicity of the facts of calibrated and glottochronological dating in archeology, the gradual growth of the Indo-Iranian component of material culture first on the distant approaches to Northwestern India and Iran (Abashevo, Srubnaya obshchestvo, Arkaim-Sintashta, Andronovo, Togolok-21, Bactrian-Margian archaeological complex, etc.). [Antony, 2010], and then in these regions themselves (Mergara, Svata culture, burial ground N, etc. Kepoueg, 1991), finding a certain similarity between their interaction with the Harappan culture and that which characterized the Achaean conquest of Minoan Crete (Witzel, 2006).

The strongest feature of the migration theory proponents is the linguistics data, which absorbed a complex, multi-stage, contradictory, reciprocating process of interaction between migrant Aryans and Vedic Aryans with their neighbors, which inevitably affected the evolution of their material and spiritual culture, which changed both along the way of approaching its carriers to the Indus Valley, and on the territory of the Indus River. territories of Northwestern India (especially in Punjab).

At times, the controversy on this issue took on a "nationalistic" tone, regardless of the conceptual orientation of representatives of different scientific fields, but in general, the objective development of research in the field of these problems, based primarily on the analysis of specific sources, gradually affected the formation of the principles of a truly scientific understanding of the information deposited in them, which are recognized by most specialists, and a balanced approach to their historical interpretation and reconstruction [Beckwith, 2009].

This category should also include the peer-reviewed generalizing work of the Indian scientist Rajesh Kochhar, published in the third edition under the editorship of J. P. Mallory and received by this time a positive assessment of the world's leading experts.

The reviewed work consists of 11 sections, each of which is devoted to the analysis of specific issues formulated by its author in the preface. These are: where and when the Rig Veda was created; what are the relationships between the Vedic Aryan tribes and the Harappan culture carriers; whether they were the same people or different peoples; whether the Aryans destroyed this civilization or filled the vacuum created after its fall; whether the historical tradition in the Puranas is poor in mythology or it appears again in them the main battle of the Mahabharata took place; why archaeological sites such as Hastinapura and Ahichchatra, which are related in name to the cities of the same name in this epic poem, are more ancient than sites such as Ayodhya and Sringaverapur.

According to the author of the book, all these questions form the basis of studying the ancient history of India. The scientist focuses on the search for the optimal interpretation of historical realities deposited in the Puranas, epic Indian poems ("Mahabharata" and "Ramayana"), as well as in the text of the" Avesta", taking into account the global, according to the author's definition, context of data from archeology, natural history, history of metallurgy, astras.onomy, geology, and genetics. Based on a specific assessment of the laws of development of nature and society as indicators of an endless and moreover one-line flow of time, R. Kochhar formulates his own approach to the problem under study.

He believes that history as a social process does not provide any evidence at all, it only provides illustrations. This is why the uncertainties in history are not

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However, based on this postulate, which is not entirely correct in its structure and methodology, the author, understanding the regularity of the emergence of new problems in connection with the constant introduction of the latest facts into scientific circulation, shows a completely adequate understanding of the task set for himself. He sees it as a reconstruction of the past based on the synthesis of the totality of facts reflected in these sources. This, based on their agreement with specific monuments when considering individual aspects, allows the author to minimize the number of acceptable theories based on the solid ground of the Indo-Iranian tradition and archaeological data, so that the reconstruction of the settlement and the initial stages of the history of the Vedic Aryans in India becomes indifferent to the currently available political or racial factors."theories".

Familiarity with the main approaches presented in the reviewed study suggests that the author offers his own vision of Vedic issues in general - identifying accurate archaeological, linguistic, historical, cultural and chronological indicators indicating a long period of formation of Vedic culture in India, brought here by two waves of migrants from the Eurasian steppes (2600-1400 AD). BCE), but finally formed only as a result of borrowing and dissolving in the Late Harappan culture.

Naturally, R. Kochhar paid special attention to the evaluation of Vedic literature monuments. The opening and decoding of the historical information stored in it was significantly influenced by the fact that European science became familiar with written versions of legends that had existed in oral form for centuries, dating back to the Middle Ages. At the same time, it turned out that the later works of Vedic literature were written earlier, and the earlier ones later. It should be added that the same subjects and toponomasticon can be found in monuments belonging to different times and literary genres. Repeated attempts to reconstruct an objective historical process based on such timeless sources have always been hypothetical, mostly subjective, and occasionally biased in relation to both the grouping of the source and the periodization of the social and cultural development of Vedic Aryan society in Ancient India.

At the same time, the geographical, ethnic and social realities of the Rig Veda indicate the localization of the area of its creators in the northern part of the subcontinent, which does not go beyond the Indus and Ganges watersheds, whose monuments overlap the remains of the Harappan and Mohenjo-Daro civilizations, which has recently been revealed thanks to archaeological excavations of Proto-Indian monuments in Afghanistan and India. This gives a new impetus to understanding the problems that have taken place and their solutions proposed in science. R. Kochhar's peer-reviewed work demonstrates the perception of this impulse by Indian scientists.

The researcher proceeds from the belief that the Vedic texts (the Rig Veda itself, the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas, and the Kalpasutra) are a codified corpus created at different times and by different schools. Despite this, in his opinion, they contain authentic historical information, which makes it possible to obtain data on the material culture, institutions of society, public consciousness and ideology of Indo-Aryan newcomers by careful study and comparison with the Avesta, and with the involvement of linguistics to get an idea of the nature of their relations with the aboriginal population (p. 35)..

In the author's interpretation of Puranic genealogies, our attention was drawn to the ethnonym haihayas (p. 40), which seemed very close to the name of the Hellenes attested in the ancient tradition-ahaioi, the oldest form of which was reconstructed by linguists in the form ahai(F) oi. The latter, if the observation made is correct, seems to be very important from the point of view of the possible presence of some Frako-Greek language groups in the composition of migrants to India. Indications of this were reflected, on the one hand, in the information that Bhrigu were among them, and haihayas were a branch of the Yadu family ,and on the other - in the conviction of ancient authors, in particular Strabo and Diodorus, that the oldest name of Attica was the name Iada. In any case, the question of the Aryans who migrated and settled on the northern periphery of Hindustan before the arrival of the Aryans of the Rig Veda (for example, Turvaca), as you can easily see, requires further development, since it opens up new possibilities for the historical explanation of the origin and ethno-social aspect of the Vedic Aryans ' ethnogenesis.

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Regarding the chronological depth of the information field of the Rig Veda, R. Kochhar, unlike his domestic and foreign colleagues, offers a solution based on the dating of the time of the battle of the Bharats mentioned in the Mahabharata in 900 BC, which allowed him, taking into account the genealogies presented in the Puranas, not only to calculate the life time of the first ancestor of the Vedic Aryans, Ikshvaku, but and it is enough to substantiate the opinion that the time range of the books of the Rig Veda covers 1700-900 BC (p.16-22, 220). In addition, the author dates the time of Krishna and the Pandavas to the lower end of the established chronological range, the time of Rama - 1450 BC, and the years of the life of the first founder of Ikshvaku, the researcher puts back to 2600 BC, which is quite consistent with his theory of mixing the population of late Harappa and Indo-Aryan migrants (p. 57).

Based on the principle that the history of mankind is the history of its migrations, R. Kochhar tried to resolve the issue of migration traces in the data of archeology. And although the scientist, according to his estimates, understands the impossibility of direct comparisons of different types of sources, primarily the Rig Veda and archeology, he nevertheless, projecting a research beam on the archaeological cultures of the steppe Eurasia of the Eneolithic-Bronze Age, managed to concentrate the expanding diameter of the cone formed by him on the most important indicators, starting with the domestication of the horse, the appearance of The authors of the article are interested in the study of the history of wheeled carts and chariots, bronze metallurgy, and fortified settlements in the Ponto-Caspian intermarium, which allowed us to offer a new understanding of the historical information content of the source base analyzed by him as a whole, and together with it to outline the main stages and chronology of Aryan migrations to Northwestern India.

The author's conclusion, which sheds light on the methodology used by him, is quite consistent with the current state of scientific knowledge on this issue. According to the researcher, the most important features are new technologies and ceramic styles. But if the former, as R. Kochhar believes, serve as an indicator of chronological order, then ceramic styles personify the material culture of their carriers. However, the introduction of new technologies associated with the emergence of carriers of new cultures, according to the scientist, occurs very sporadically and rarely. Much more often, migrants find themselves changing the style of their new culture itself, but they usually adopt the technological infrastructure from their predecessors (p. 60). To prove this thesis, he analyzes the Mergara culture, the history of which he divides into eight stages with sub-periods (7000-5000, 5000-4700, 4700-4000, 3900-3500, 3500-3200, 3200-3000, 3000-2800, 2700-2300, 2300-2000 years BC) (p. 61-64), noting its constant expansion in the space of the Hindustan peninsula. The author defines the early monuments of the Harappan civilization as 4000-3500 BC, and its heyday is attributed to 2500 BC.E. (p. 67). The researcher determines the time of the decline of Harappa from indirect data - from references to the country of Melukha in Mesopotamian sources of the time of the third dynasty of Ur (2130/2111-2020/2003) and the Larsa dynasty (2020-1763 BC) (p. 71). Finally, Kochhar defines the Late Harappan period, whose monuments are mainly concentrated in Punjab, Sindh, and Haryana, as 2000-1300 BCE, assuming that in Northern India its speakers, having mixed with the culture of gray painted ceramics, survived until 850-400 BCE (pp. 74-76, 83).

In the data of linguistics, he also finds facts of interest from the point of view of the polemic between autochthonists and migrationists. These are, first of all, the connections of the Indo-Aryan language with the Iranian and Finno-Ugric languages that reveal the structure of mutual influences, as well as contacts that prove the presence of their native speakers in the neighborhood of each other and their kinship to most European languages, which is manifested in the similarity of ritual and mythology (p.89-117). As a serious distinguishing feature of the Rig Vedic and Avestan Aryans, R. Kochhar calls two indicators-the cult of the horse and the cult of Soma / Haoma. At the same time, assuming that the Indus Valley civilization showed a continuum until 2000 BC, after which it gave way to the late Harappan culture, he is inclined to consider the formation of the Vedic Aryan language-Vedic Sanskrit, as due to the assimilation of its speakers (who were neither Indo-Europeans nor Dravidians), evidence of which, as he believes researcher, both the language borrowings reflected in the hydronymy and names of flora and fauna, and in connection with the impulse that spread from Western Asia, the indicator of which is the enumeration of the main ones

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deities of the Rig Veda in the Hitto-Mitanni peace treaty (Mitra, Varuna, Indra, Nasatyas (Ashvins)).

In support of his opinion, R. Kochhar relies on the facts that indicate the greater antiquity of the western Indo-Aryan settlements in comparison with the eastern ones, as well as on the fact that the settlements of the bronze culture of the Indian civilization are older than those mentioned in the Rig Veda, and the cities mentioned in the Mahabharata are older than in the Ramayana. Given the impossibility of identifying the epic Indian rivers with the modern Hindustan hydro system and the confusion in astronomical definitions of various astronomical dates absolutized by various researchers, and taking into account the dynamics and trends in the development of the Harappan civilization, taking into account the impossibility of determining the nature and language of the Harappan script at the present stage of research, the scientist concludes that India was neither the cradle the ancestral home of the Vedic Aryans (p. 221).

Of particular interest is the logic of the author's arguments about the Eurasian ancestral homeland of Indo-European tribes and about the habitats of native speakers of the Indo-Iranian language community. Based on the works of Russian and foreign researchers of this problem (d. Anthony, J. Mallory, E. E. Kuzmina, V. M. Massona, V. I. Sarianidi, and others), the author draws an acceptable hypothetical picture of the identification of archaeological cultures of the steppes of Eurasia of the Bronze Age with ethnolinguistic communities of Indo-European tribes (the Sredny Stog culture (4500-3500 BC)), of which he refers to Indo-Iranians as carriers of the Yamnaya culture. (3500-2800 BC), catacomb (2800-2200 BC), log house (2000-1500 BC), Afanasievskaya (3rd millennium BC), and Andronovskaya (at the Petrovsky and Alakul-Fedorovskaya stages of its development (1900-1700-1500 BC)) (p. 150).

The author's proposed interpretations can be challenged. For example, he does not pay any attention to the significant place that the Abashev historical and cultural community of the steppe and forest-steppe of Eastern Europe in general and the Middle Don in particular occupied in the formation of the Aryan ethnic group. The author does not analyze the most complex set of problems of linguistic and ethno-cultural identification of monuments of material culture of the Repin, catacomb and log cabin cultures in the Dnieper-Don interfluve, some of the latest experiments on the analysis of which are presented in the works of L. S. Klein and D. A. Shishkin. Antony [Klein, 2007; Antony, 2010]. However, the thesis defended by an Indian specialist can be explained by references to the works of, for example, J. Mallory, published before the mid-1990s, or by his selection of special literature on the subject of interest.

The author presents a picture of the origin of the Vedic Aryans and their migration to India as follows. First, the Indo-European tribes formed a prehistoric community in the steppes north of the Ponto-Caspian intermarium. Representatives of this community domesticated the wild horse. Over time, they began to be divided into separate dispersed groups, which was accelerated by the development of paleometal, horse riding and the invention of war chariots. After that, separate groups of the still undivided Indo-Iranian community in 2000 BC moved south from the steppes of Eurasia and spread in Central Asia, Iran and Afghanistan up to the Indus River. Then there was a merger of non-Vedic Aryans with post-urban carriers of the late Harappan culture, and this, in turn, led to the development of various phases in the development of the Indus River. the development of late Harappan culture in general. This, according to R. Kochhar, is illustrated, in particular, by the famous necropolis N in Punjab.

In 1700 BC, another group of Indo-Aryans entered Southern Afghanistan, in the area between Helmand and Arghandab, and their priesthood created the hymns of the Rig Veda. Later, around 1400 BC, the Rigvedic Aryans advanced into the middle reaches of the Indus River. At this stage, they settled from the western part of the Yamuna-Ganges interfluve around 850 BC. e., encountered the carriers of the "gray ceramics" culture and, having assimilated them, spread across the territory of Punjab. Reflected in the legend of Rama, the widespread settlement of the Vedic Aryans in the Ganges Valley, which began in the Early Iron Age, resulted in the spread of epic poetry, religious beliefs, and river names (p.222). On this basis, the author believes that it is possible to date the epic battle of the descendants of the Bharatas to 900 BC (p. 53). Moreover, he is convinced that the proposed reconstruction of events is not only self-sufficient from the point of view of linguistics and archeology, but also provides a basis for explaining geographical realities reflected in the literary tradition of Ancient India.

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The author is convinced that if his proposed interpretation stands the test of time, then the use of genealogical lists of Puranas, accepted with confidence, will allow us to reliably localize the Aryan ancestral homeland in the Eurasian steppes. The author's final summary is as follows:"...The second wave of migrations after 2000 BC belongs to a different type. The first of them - a stream of non-Rigvedic, but Indian - speaking (?!) tribes-modified the existing [previously autochthonous] cultures, while the second-included the "Rig Veda" tribes that established their cultural dominance [in Northwestern India]" (p.224). However, R. Kochhar believes that it is possible to talk about the arrival of Aryans in India from the West of its borders, and the author does not consider the Eurasian "residence permit" in detail, although on the basis of genealogical tables compiled by him, he admits the possibility of residence of Puranic leaders in the steppes of Eurasia (p.223).

However, the very proof of the need to use the Puranas as a reliable source is very important both from the point of view of the localization of the original Indo-Aryan hearth and from the point of view of chronology, which gives striking results. In fact, R. Kochkhar independently came to the same conclusions that A. A. Molchanov and A. A. Nemirovsky, who developed the principles of reconstructive genealogical chronology, made on a different source base and in relation to a different but related problem - the reconstruction of the Praelline parish in the Balkans - not so long ago [Molchanov, 1994, pp. 151-156; Molchanov. (http:// / annals^xlegio/ru/Greece/molchanlegitim.htm); Nemirovsky, 2001]. The same work, as evidenced by the peer-reviewed work, was independently done by an Indian scientist. This means that the ancient Indians, like their fellow Hellenes, considered the battle of the Bharats as an axial dividing time between their ancient and modern history (as such, the ancient Greeks considered the time of the Trojan War). The calculations given by the author are based on the idea that one generation has a duration limited to 18 years (p.43). Let me remind you that, according to Herodotus, a similar idea extended the time range of life expectancy of one generation to 33.5 years.

In this connection, R. Kochhar makes calculations that allow him, on the one hand, starting from 856/900 BC (the battle of the Bharatas) and relying on the genealogies of the Puranas, to establish the time of life of Rama, which is 30 generations away from her, and the time of existence of the founder of the Vedic Aryans Ikshvaku-at a distance of 64 generations already from Rama himself (p. 52). On the other hand, he managed to bring this milestone in line with the time of the reign of the creator of the Mauryan Empire, King Chandragupta (i.e., before 320 BC in the author's assessment). The final result of Kochhar is as follows: Krishna (and the Pandavas) - 900 BC (according to astronomical data, the battle of the Bharatas took place on October 4, 955 BC or July 4, 857 BC), Rama-1450 BC and Ikshvaku-2600 BC (p. 55-56). The author, unfortunately, does not explain in any way why he focused on the figures of 16-18 years, but the results obtained by him indicate his desire to start counting the time of Rama's life from 1450 BC. e., which fully fits into the previously proposed traditional dating of the formation of Vedic culture in India in the XV century BC. e. It also corresponds to the author's own interpretation of the period of the heyday of the Harappan culture (XXVI century BC) and the exodus of Indo-Iranians to India, the beginning of which he sees in 2592 BC.

More revealing, it seems, are the calculations that can be made based on the methodology of Indian and domestic scientists, based on the idea of the life expectancy of one generation according to Herodotus. In this case, the calculations give the following result: the time of Rama is 1905/1861 BCE, and the time of Ikshvaku is 3044/3000 BCE (if we count from the battle of the Bharatas) or 4049/4005 BCE (if we count from Rama). I think that these dates are closer to the historical reality recorded both by archeology and the most ancient Vedic hymns [Kuzmina, 2010; Chernykh, 2007, pp. 30-40; Chernykh, 2009, pp. 228-240; Otroshchenko, 2010; Shaposhnikov, 2010; Mallory, 2010].

But the most important observation of the author is to determine the presence of Aryans since 2000 BC (p. 193), in Northwestern India, on the territory of which they came into contact with the carriers of the Late Harappan cultures, and, interacting with the latter, created by 1700 BC that socio-political organization, ethnos, language, culture and ideology, which became synonymous with the new Vedic period of the history of Ancient India.

Summing up, it should be emphasized that the concept proposed in the peer-reviewed work is quite consistent with the current state of scientific knowledge regarding the processes of foreign exchange.-

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settlements of India by Indo-Aryans at the turn of 3-2 thousand BC-whether this concerns the statement that the tribes of the "Rig Veda" are not only not the first Indo-Europeans, but also not the first Aryans in India, or opinions regarding the formation of Vedic ethnic groups on its territory [Alaev, Vigasin, Safronova, 2010, pp. 22-31 Voronkina, 2011; Kudryavtsev, 1994]. Based on the synthesis of the results of a systematic analysis of various sources, R. Kochhar seems to have been able to reconstruct the origin, ethnogenesis, migration, geography, and initial stages of the history of Vedic tribes after their arrival in India in a very well-reasoned way. This quality of the peer-reviewed work significantly distinguishes it from the research of this problem in Indian, European and Domestic Rigvedology.

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Ivanov Vyach. Vs. Indo-European migrations / / Stratum plus. 1997.

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Otroshchsnko V. V. K voprosu ob etnicheskoi otnoshchnosti naseleniya srubno-andronovskogo bloka kul'tury [On the issue of ethnic belonging of the population of the Srubno-Andronovo block of cultures]. Indo-European history in the light of new research: collection of scientific articles, Moscow, 2010.
Chernykh E. N. Kargaly: the phenomenon and paradoxes of development. Kargaly in the system of metallurgical provinces. The hidden (sacred) life of archaic miners and metallurgists, Moscow, 2007.
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