The article analyzes the features and directions of development of the ideology of liberal Islam in Indonesia. Ideologists of liberal Islam actively use political liberal and nationalist ideas. The principles of democratic freedoms and respect for the rights of national and religious minorities are borrowed from the Western liberal tradition. The ideas of de-Arabization of Islam were the result of the influence of Indonesian nationalism. The political agenda of liberal Islam in Indonesia is mixed. The texts of liberal Muslims are addressed to the educated part of society that can understand and accept Western values. The development of liberal Islam actualizes the postcolonial nature of Indonesian statehood, the transitional nature of the political regime, and contributes to the modernization and secularization of society. The prospects for the development and transformation of liberal Islam remain unclear and uncertain.
Keywords: liberal Islam, Jaringan Islam Liberal, political ideology, human rights, secularization.
LIBERAL ISLAM IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA: IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 2010 s
Maksym KYRCHANOFF
The main characteristics and directions of liberal political ideology of Indonesian Islam are analyzed in the article. The ideologists of liberal Islam actively use political liberal and nationalist ideas. The principles of democratic freedoms, respect for the rights of ethnic and religious minorities are borrowed by them from the Western liberal tradition. The ideas of de-Arabization of Islam appeared as a result of Indonesian nationalism influence. The political program of liberal Islam in Indonesia has mixed nature. The texts of liberal Muslims are addressed to the educated part of society uhich can understand and accept Western values. The development of liberal Islam actualizes postcolonial character of Indonesian statehood, transitional nature of political regime and also assists to modernization and secularization of society. The prospects of the development and transformation of liberal Islam are still unclear and uncertain.
Keywords: liberal Islam, Jaringan Islam Liberal, political ideology, human rights, secularism.
Maxim V. KIRCHANOV-Doctor of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor of Voronezh State University, maksymkyrchanoff@gmail.com.
Maksym KYRCHANOFF - Doctor of Sciences (in History), Assistant Professor. Voronezh State University. maksymkyrchanoff@gmail.com.
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The narrative that the ruling elites used two political tactics of socio-economic modernization, which did not exclude the special role of the religious factor in the socio-political and intellectual life of the countries of the region, became common in the historical and political literature devoted to the problems of development of the countries of Southeast Asia after their independence. An exception to this rule is Indonesia, whose recent history has been analyzed by both domestic and foreign researchers [Andreev, 1974; Belenky, 1965; Belenky, 1978; Other, 1997; Other, Tyurin, 2005; Kirchanov, 2009; Tsyganov, 1993; Dahm, 1969; Dahm, 1971].
Indonesia's post-colonial and modern post-authoritarian, post-Suharto development is characterized by considerable complexity, since ideologically the country's political life includes both secular party movements imitating Western formally pluralistic secular party and political systems, and various Islamic movements and groups. Among the latter, a special place in the political space belongs to liberal Islam (one of the alternative modernization projects based equally on the ideology of secular nationalism and the values of Islam), whose main directions of development and ideology in the context of current political transformations in Indonesia at the present stage are considered in this article.
INDONESIAN LIBERAL ISLAM: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
Unfortunately, modern Russian and foreign political science literature lacks special studies of Indonesian liberal Islam, which is not so popular as an object of research in comparison with its modern radical competitors, represented by Islamism. In historiography, Russian [Gusev, 2011; Other, 2011; Efimova, 2007; Efimova, 2011; Efimova, 2013; Kirchaniv, 2011; Kirchanov, 2009] and foreign [Ali, 2005; Ali, 2006; Ali, 2011] authors have studied only some problems of the liberal trend in Indonesian Islam. Overall, the number of studies on liberal Islam continues to be small. Therefore, the creation of a complete ideological and intellectual picture of this trend should be considered as a promising task of subsequent research. In this article, liberal Islam is studied in its ideological expression.
Before turning to the analysis of the ideology of Indonesian liberal Islam, a number of introductory remarks should be made. The history of the Jaringan Islam Liberal movement began in 2001 with the establishment of a mailing list on the Yahoo server. In the following years, the movement transformed into a social network, becoming a prominent phenomenon in the Indonesian segment of the Internet. The exact number of supporters of liberal Indonesian Islam is difficult to determine, as the movement is mostly virtual activity. The Pluralism Project, implemented by Harvard University, offers moderate and cautious estimates of the size of the movement, limiting itself to the following observation:" Jaringan Islam Liberal has about 150 regular participants attending regular meetings, although the number of people present at other events may be larger " [Jaringan Islam Liberal Network, 2006].
Liberal Islam in Indonesia is ideologically synthetic and combines elements of local nationalism and Western liberalism. The genesis of liberal Islam in Indonesia is one of the controversial issues: its emergence can equally be associated with the actualization of the protest potential of Islam against the authoritarian regime of Suharu, with the development of Nurkholis Majid's Islamic modernism, with the role of foreign (mainly European) Muslim mutual influence.
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In this respect, the ideology of liberal Islam in Indonesia, as in other Muslim countries, is secondary, resulting from the synthesis of the values of Islam and Western civilization in the context of forced modernization [Kuzman, 1998; Efimova, 2013]. In general, the ideological preferences of theorists of liberal Islam in Indonesia range from a general openness and propensity for dialogue to a commitment to the principles of separation of powers and a secular state. The ideas of supporters of liberal Islam in Indonesia are developing in two directions: general Muslim liberal and national. From liberal Islam in general, its Indonesian adherents borrow a commitment to democracy, a penchant for modern forms of communication, and an active use of English to spread their ideas. National features of liberal Islam in Indonesia should be recognized as participation in movements for the protection of the rights of religious and national minorities, attempts to discuss the principles of religious freedom.panchasila, criticism of the processes of ideological erosion in the party and political sphere, rejection of radical Islamism, connection with Indonesian nationalism in the form of disagreement with the special role of Arabs in world Islam.
The political program of liberal Islam thus occupies a special place in the current ideological situation. Liberal Islam differs significantly from other political parties not only organizationally, but also ideologically [Suchkov, 2009; Suchkov, 2011], retaining a unique ideological image due to its remoteness from decision-making centers. Liberal Muslims are concentrated around the network community and the Jaringan Islam Liberal project, whose ideological inspirers are theologians Ulil Abshar Abdallah and Lutfi Assyaukani [Luthfi Assyaukanie, 1998; Luthfi Assyaukanie, 2002], who were active (mainly in a virtual environment) in the 2000s and 2010s.
WESTERN CONCEPTS OF "FREEDOM" AND "DEMOCRACY" IN MODERN INDONESIAN LIBERAL ISLAM
The study of the ideology of liberal Islam is not possible without clarifying the political and intellectual influence that the current has experienced from the Western tradition. The Western influence is not only not denied, but also recognized by the theorists of Indonesian liberal Islam, who are engaged in popularizing liberalism in general, and position themselves using the definitions and terms proposed by E. Said [Kajian Islam...]. Such a synthetic nature of the program settings of liberal Islam also determines the audience to which the preaching activity is supposedly directed supporters of liberalizing Islam. Theorists of liberal Islam, trying to combine religious values with the principles of human rights and freedoms [Islam Without Extremes...], were forced to admit that in the XXI century, the likely dominant trends in world development will be "pluralism, liberalism and secularism" (pluralisme, liberalisme dan sekularisme) [Undangan "Kuliah Pluralisme"...], and "trans-national Islamisme" will become an anachronism [Kahar]. Ideologists of liberal Islam believe that secularization will not lead to the final disappearance of religion, although they tend to perceive it (secularization) as a predominantly Western phenomenon [Mulyartono].
Recognizing religion as a universal form of civilization development, they point out that secularization not only actualizes the adaptive potential of political Islam [Doktrin-Doktrin yang Tak..., 2013], but can also become useful in the context of familiarization with Western experience [Sekularisme Direvisi...]. In this context, the attempts of theorists of liberal Islam in Indonesia to synthesize the concept of political Islam are noticeable. indonesian and western political experience. Secularization in Indonesia has been fruitful
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the region's considerable ethnic and linguistic diversity has failed to offer a consolidated alternative to Western influence. The incentive for the development of liberal Islam with its tendency to secularization was the presence in the still colonial Indonesia of a significant part of Abangan Muslims, who only formally followed the norms, requirements and prescriptions of Islam. Another factor was the politicization of Islam in Suharto Indonesia, where religion was one of the spheres of expression of political opposition.
Back in the mid-2000s, Indonesian intellectuals [Ali, 2006], in order to attract more supporters and position themselves among other parties and movements that are rapidly losing their ideological uniqueness, asked about the importance and necessity of popularizing and spreading the ideas of religious freedom and the principles of religious pluralism. Supporters of the liberal trend in Indonesian Islam raise very acute and controversial issues related to the development of relations between Indonesian Muslims and Christians, the possibility of interfaith marriages in Indonesia, the correlation of pluralism and diversity of the modern world with the teachings of Islam, the origins of religious violence in Indonesia, the coexistence of Sharia law with Panchasila principles and the need for the latter [Undangan "Kuliah Pluralisme"..., 2013].
The last five principles (i.e. panchasila) that underlie the Indonesian model of building a society of "justice and prosperity" are described in sufficient detail in historiography. Therefore, I will limit myself to just listing them: faith in one God, just and civilized humanity, unity of the country, democracy and the implementation of social justice for the entire people. Supporters of liberal Islam, in turn, do not openly deny pancasila, trying to start a discussion about it among Muslims [Indonesia dan Doktrin Pancasila...]. In this context, the ideology of liberal Islam in relation to Indonesian reality to a certain extent has a revisionist character, which is manifested so far in timid attempts to revise the principles of pancasila. The panchasila's provisions, which include faith in one God, just humanity, unity of the country, guided democracy, and social justice, are considered archaic by theorists of liberal Islam. As Muslims, they do not question only the first point of this program, while the rest of the provisions raise objections: Indonesia has long become a very regionalized country with stable local characteristics, and they reject the ideas of social justice and guided democracy as, on the one hand, not corresponding to the ideology of liberalism, which tends to extol individualism and personal initiative On the other hand, they do not correspond to the actual realities of ideological and party struggle and competition. Pointing out the inconsistency of this ideology with their political program, the theorists of liberal Islam do not have the capacity to actually change it. The real impact of liberal Islam as a political project remains insignificant, and the principles ofpanchasilas are quite satisfied with other formally secular political parties, which slow down the process of revising this ideology, fearing that the gaps that have formed may be filled with ideas of radical Islam.
By asking such radical questions, the proponents of liberal Islam give no less provocative answers. Probably aware of the inevitability of globalization, they seek to modify and apply the concept of freedom borrowed from Western intellectuals to Indonesian realities, citing the authority of Western politicians and historical figures. The concept of "freedom" in the political and ideological space of modern Indonesia probably did not receive an original reinterpretation, because the ideologists of liberal Islam in Indonesia preferred the idea of "freedom".-
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They continue to quote English-language authors, including Abraham Lincoln's "We all declare for liberty: but in using the same word, we do not mean the same thing". [Rahman]. The appeal to the American political experience in modern Indonesian liberal Islam can probably be perceived as an attempt to timidly revise the concept of "merdeka" - one of the central concepts in the political mythology of modern Indonesia. An appeal to the US experience is an attempt for liberal Muslims to prove that Western forms of" freedom " are fully applicable in Indonesia, whose elites should abandon the policy of half measures, including in relation to civil liberties.
The category of "freedom" in liberal Indonesian Islam is nevertheless perceived differently from its Western readings and interpretations. In contrast to the Western understanding of freedom as a responsibility, the political field of modern Indonesia demonstrates a different understanding of it. The concept of "freedom" in modern Indonesia is more based on the elimination of political restrictions, in the desire to maximize the use of power or proximity to it. This situation was a consequence of the deformations of political consciousness during the existence of the authoritarian regime. Traditional Arab Islamic authorities are not so popular with supporters of liberal Islam as objects of citation, being perceived by them as culturally and ethnically alien, compromised by possible associations with modern radical Middle Eastern extremism. The tendency to quote Western rather than Arab (i.e. formally Muslim) politicians is not accidental and is predominantly political in nature, reflecting the postcolonial nature of Indonesian liberal Islam and the formal commitment of its leaders to Western political culture. The recognition of Western values by theorists of liberal Islam is formal due to the fact that most Indonesians have very vague ideas about the category of "freedom", preferring to perceive it in a more traditional context, as freedom of action, but not as a conscious personal political and civil responsibility.
This is probably why proponents of liberal Islam argue that Indonesia, while developing in the context of the coexistence of various religious groups [Tarekat Cleaning Service...], has remained a predominantly Muslim country in need of "strengthening interfaith harmony" [Membumikan Dialog...]. Ideologists of liberal Islam actively use the concept of protecting human rights in general (which has already found some recognition). In particular, they have a negative attitude to the persecution of Ahmadis, Shiites and Indonesian Chinese in Indonesia [Mengaji Pemikiran...], claiming that they are not only Muslims (in the case of Ahmadis), but also full-fledged (in relation to the Chinese) citizens of the country. In relation to representatives of various trends in Islam, ideologists of liberal Islam declare the slogan according to which" Indonesia is not only a country of Sunni Muslims, but also of Shiite Muslims " [Doktrin Syiah...].
The idea of freedom in modern liberal Islam is closely linked to the development of democracy. Ideologists of Indonesian liberal Islam are trying to synthesize the principles of freedom and democracy, combining them with nationalism. Liberal Islam theorists believe that in the global world Indonesia is not only "the third largest democracy in the world and the most democratic in Southeast Asia", but also that "unlike many Muslim countries, the inhabitants of Indonesia prefer democracy, and we can assume that there are no radical contradictions between Islam and democracy." At the same time, they also point out that "one of the main obstacles and difficulties in the development of democracy in predominantly Muslim countries is the split of society in terms of its commitment to democracy."-
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democracy " [Luthfi Assyaukanie]. Thus, the ideologists of liberal Islam recognize that the values they promote and develop are not accepted by all groups of Indonesian society, and their activity does not always lead to the realization of their proclaimed goals of democratic consolidation of Indonesian society, on the contrary, contributing to its fragmentation and polarization, even among believers who formally remain members of a single Ummah.
Theorists of liberal Islam believe that the political and party space in Indonesia is gradually losing its ideological component, transforming into a purely power struggle. The first victims of this transformation, in their opinion, were Muslim parties, which "have been losing their ideological orientation since the time when the Islamic academic community shifted in a more liberal and progressive direction" [Saidiman]. The ideological erosion of the party space in Indonesia is manifested in the failures of conditionally ideological Muslim parties in elections, the tendency of their leaders to use not entirely honest methods of political struggle, and the desire to get maximum preferences from proximity to power.
In such a situation, it is not surprising that the theorists of liberal Islam themselves recognize the achievements and successes of Muslim parties, and ideological differences become secondary in the context of the functioning of parties not as ideological associations, but as bureaucratic groups. Liberal Islam theorists also recognize that "the role of Muslim intellectuals has become more prominent as an important element in maintaining democracy and the idea of freedom" [Saidiman]. Thus, the theorists of liberal Islam not only seek to gain certain political preferences, actualizing their merits in democratization, but also recognize their share of responsibility in the crisis of parties, including Muslim ones, as ideological organizations.
Similar developments in Indonesia also have consequences that can be considered positive. In November 2014, Basuki Chahaya Purnama became Governor of Jakarta, which was impossible not only during the Suharto government, but also in the 2000s. The peculiarity of the situation is that the new governor of the Indonesian capital is an ethnic Chinese, and by religion - a Protestant.
Nevertheless, liberal Islam in Indonesia has found not only its supporters, but also its critics. If the theorists of liberal Islam themselves try to act in the youth and student environment, then their more orthodox opponents are active in the same social spaces. For example, in October 2014 [Ara Itu Jaringan Islam Liberal], representatives of traditional Muslim organizations collected signatures in Jakarta against the initiatives of liberal Islam, which will be discussed below.
LIBERAL ISLAM AND POLITICAL NATIONALISM
The political language of liberal Islam is synthetic, being based on the reproduction of democratic values and national traditions that are more closely related to Islam. Proponents of liberal Islam seek to link the very concept of "Islam "to such concepts as" democracy "and" liberalism", thereby separating or distancing it from the values of conservatism and traditionalism. In this situation, within the political language of Indonesian liberal Islam, the very vector of positioning Islam is also changing, which is beginning to be perceived not only as a relatively democratic doctrine, but also as a source of democratic ideas and a form of their legitimization.
Liberal Islam theorists point out that Indonesian Muslims have a special mission: They should adhere to a broad interpretation of the Qur'an
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[Diskusi Bulanan...], allow discussion of the authorship of the Koran [Diskusi Jaringan Islam Liberal...], promote educational initiatives to combat the radicalization of Islam [Ghazali], update the" capitalist " component in Islam [Abshar-Abdalla], reject negative stereotypes regarding non-Muslims-as "not suitable for modern society... and not in accordance with the principles of democracy " [Tadarus Ramadan...], to promote the fight against religious radicalism [Damas] and the democratization of both Islam and Muslim countries [Ahmad], thereby securing the status of Indonesian Islam as the most democratic and modern, opposing in turn archaic, in their opinion, Arab Islam. In addition, Muslim liberals see their tasks as forming a positive image of Islam, demythologizing it, and destroying the negative image of Islam as a terrorist religion [Nurdin]. Such sentiments are marked not only by the influence of the values of Western democracy, but also by the attempt of the Indonesian nationalist reinterpretation of Islam, the desire to dissociate itself from possible associations with radical Islamism, which caused conflicts in the Middle East. Modern ideologists of liberal Islam in Indonesia do not dare to openly question the Arab leadership in Islam, but they do not miss the opportunity to point out the archaic nature of Arab Islam. For example, they consider Salafis to be a radical sect, whose supporters are accused of disrespecting women's rights and preaching "Arab racial superiority over other races" [Diskusi Jaringan Islam Liberal...].
Criticism of "Arab" Islam in Indonesia can be seen as a manifestation of Indonesian nationalism. According to Indonesian supporters of liberal Islam, non-Arabs make up 87% of all Muslims in the world, while the share of Arabs does not exceed 13% [Novriantoni]. Therefore, Indonesian Muslims insist that the subordinate position of Indonesian Muslims in the ideological Islamic context is unfair. One of the theorists of liberal Islam, Novriantoni, compares modern Islam to a plane hijacked by terrorists-these are the Arabs, who, in his opinion, help discredit Islam by cultivating its image of an archaic, traditional and violent religion. The Arabs are accused of ignoring local traditions in regions with significant national characteristics ,including Indonesia [Novriantoni]. The ideologues of liberal Islam themselves tend to insist that Indonesia should play a greater role in the Muslim world. At the same time, they attribute a secondary role to Malaysia, which is close in cultural and linguistic terms, believing that "Indonesia deserves much more than this" [Rahmawati (1)].
The emphasis on the anti-Arab component in Indonesian liberal Islam is not only a manifestation of Indonesian nationalism, but also a public reaction to the threats associated with ISIS, which has emerged "in the murky waters of tension and instability" [Memahami dan Menangkal Laju ISIS], which in Indonesia is perceived as a challenge to relatively stable and peaceful interfaith relations in the country. It is in response to the growing threats of ISIS, which is considered an Arab project in Indonesia, that Indonesian liberal Islam theorists insist on strong measures against radical Islamism, pointing out the importance of passing a law that would prohibit the activities of radical groups associated with the Islamic State project [Memahami dan Menangkal Laju ISIS].
The development of liberal Islam in Indonesia, therefore, should not be confined solely to Western intellectual influences. On the contrary, theorists of the current tend to emphasize its Indonesian origins and link its appearance, on the one hand, with Suharto's policy towards the Ummah [Ahmad], which influenced the greater politicization of a certain part of the Muslim community, on the other - with the general actualization of everything related to Islam in the context of democratization,
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Commenting on the factor of Suharto's political legacy, E. Rahmavati emphasizes that " of course, the biggest problem is related to the Suharto era, but the same applies to the period of democracy... and the biggest problems at the moment come from the community itself " [Rahmawati (2)]. At the same time, he denies the connection of liberal Islam with other political movements of Indonesian Muslims, which in some cases are defined by them as "political sharia" ("politik syariah") [Politik Islam...]. Behind such declarations of liberal Islam theorists and their criticism of religious traditionalism, one can see a desire to consolidate the status of the most consistent supporters of the westernization of the Indonesian language. companies.
In general, while continuing to develop modernizing ideas and sentiments of civil nationalism, liberal Islam theorists rely on students, women, and middle-aged groups who actively use the Internet. Betting on such a range of potential consumers of the ideology of liberal Islam is not accidental, since, according to A. Drugov, "in Indonesia, where almost 90% of the population considers themselves Muslims, Islamic laws generally do not determine the political behavior of the majority of believers" [Other, 2009, p.341]. Such a target audience and means of communication partially predetermined the political slogans of Indonesian liberal Islam. Therefore, its theorists declare the need for consistent democratization of society, the expansion of women's rights, the achievement of genuine equality between the sexes, and the ultimate goal is declared to be the creation of a" civil society " [Alexandria Declaration...].
In some cases, such sentiments in the texts of liberal Islam theorists are consistently developed and transformed into a concept that they themselves define as "Muslim feminism". Some proponents of the most radical movement in "Muslim feminism" are populist in nature: in particular, the right of women to wear blouses, mini-skirts, jeans and boots [Mulia] is recognized, which can be perceived as an attempt to find new supporters among young people who are more receptive to Western norms of behavior.
LIBERAL ISLAM IN INDONESIA: PROSPECTS AND CONTRADICTIONS OF DEVELOPMENT
The modern ideology of Indonesian liberal Islam is complex and mixed. Liberal Islam was, on the one hand, not only a consequence of the modernization policy pursued by the Indonesian elites after independence, but also a result of the development of nationalism, which determined the transformation of cultural, political and religious spaces in the public life of Indonesia. The emergence of such a trend as liberal Islam in the ideological panorama of modern Indonesia was a politically conscious transfer on the part of its ideologists to the local soil of those forms, tactics and practices of nationalist imagination that were successfully used in other regions. That is why liberal Islam theorists tend to describe themselves as liberal politicians with a moderate Western orientation, which probably gives them the appearance not only of liberal "radicalism" in a country that has existed under an authoritarian regime for more than thirty years, but also of marginality, since the number of potential supporters in Indonesian society continues to be limited.
The development of liberal Islam in modern Indonesia shows that nationalism in this country retains the status of a universal ideology, since the values of nationalism are equally used and articulated by both secular and religious participants in the political process. The ideology of liberal Islam more or less actualizes the ideas of a political nation, secular and liberal values that emerged in the Indonesian language.
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This is due to its forced modernization, forced contact with Western society, being brought in by Indonesian intellectuals from outside, from a culturally alien Western political experience. In such a situation, Islam became a kind of local matrix, into which it was possible to embed non-Indian political ideas related to liberalism.
In this context, it should come as no surprise that the theorists of liberal Islam in Indonesia, whose independent development period is less than a century old, offer accelerated versions of modernization, actually staying within the framework of Muslim discourse, promoting secularization and Westernization. Modern liberal tendencies within Indonesian Islam have different origins, being generated by the collective memory of persecution and the experience of the Ummah's existence under a military regime, which saw political Islam as one of the systemic challenges. In the genesis of liberal Islam, the factor of Western influence should probably be recognized as determining, which indicates that Indonesia intellectually belongs to the postcolonial discourse, whose speakers and theorists use Western terminology (democracy, human rights, liberalism...), while using not quite Western everyday practices (Islam) of communication with potential supporters. This ideological orientation of liberal Islam does not mean that its theorists are not (to varying degrees) influenced by the earlier Indonesian nationalist experience, for which liberal values, freedoms and human rights may have played a lesser role than the principles and values of political liberation.
Thus, the ideology of liberal Islam in modern Indonesia, based equally on the principles of Indonesian nationalism and political Islam, occupies a unique place in the ideological panorama of modern Indonesian politics, giving Islam a significant adaptive potential to internal and external challenges, providing it with a special place in the party structure of Indonesia (although liberal Islam should not be considered as a classical one a political party). Islam, whether radical or liberal, in modern Indonesia remains an alternative in public life to cadre political parties, whose life cycle is limited to participation in elections and the struggle for political power that guarantees access to the management of the Indonesian economy. This situation contributes to the marginalization of political movements in Indonesian Islam, including radical Islamists and preachers of liberal Islam. If the former are rejected because of the extremist nature of their ideology and image, which is largely damaged by the crimes of radical Islamists in the Middle East, then the latter cannot count on serious success. Liberal Muslims in modern Indonesia are not competitive with the leading political cadre parties in terms of influence, and the values of liberalism themselves have not been able to find their place among the primary political and ideological needs of the majority of Indonesian voters, even if conveyed to them in the form of a familiar Muslim sermon.
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