Lanham Boulder-New York -Toronto Plymouth, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2011.

XIV, 384 p., ill.*

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the study of the ancient and medieval history of Southeast Asia entered a new stage. It is still difficult to say what is the main content of this phase: the unprecedented expansion of archaeological research with the inevitable multiplication of available sources, the unstoppable criticism of the traditional concept of the history of the region as the periphery of the great civilizations of India and China and the emphasis on the independent nature of local evolutionary paths, or the tendency to generalize the material in archaeology [Southeast Asia, 2004; Higham, 2002] and stories [Munoz, 2006; Miksic, 2007; O'Reilly, 2007].

The peer-reviewed monograph by American historian Kenneth Hall is a new attempt to understand the history of "early" Southeast Asia. In 1985, he published the then landmark work "Maritime Trade and State Development in Southeast Asia", where he showed the closest interdependence of fluctuations in the rhythms of trade and the political evolution of local communities [Hall, 1985]. This was a further development of the Y. K. project. Van Leur and O. W. Walters on identifying the role of trade and entrepreneurship in the history of ancient and medieval Indonesia (Van Leur, 1955; Wolters, 1967). Along with O. W. Walters ' monograph on the profound identity of Southeast Asia (Wolters, 1982), Hall's book still formed the foundation of scientific knowledge about the history of Southeast Asia up to the turn of the XIV-XV centuries. In these monographs, political history did not occupy the main place assigned to it in the work of J. R. R. Tolkien. Coedes, 1948), and the development of the region was interpreted as deeply original, and not due to Indian cultural influence. This very influence was seen as a consequence of the deliberate choice of Indian cultural heritage by local rulers in the interests of their legitimization. Trade connections and trade networks were considered a necessary condition for borrowing.

At first glance, the monograph under review repeats Hall's previous work. But only partially. Its very name indicates a significant shift in the understanding of the past, the subject of study, and the factors of evolution. There are no articles in Russian, and therefore the conscious choice of an indefinite article in an English name should attract attention. This is one of the possible stories of Southeast Asia. And this is evidence of a new paradigm of Western thinking-postmodernism (ism)a with its fundamental principle of " anything goes "(in the words of Paul Feyerabend).

Hall calls "early history" the period from the second to the 15th century inclusive. And this is quite remarkable, since in a recent monograph by D. O'Reilly, the early civilizations of Southeast Asia were called political formations of the I-VIII centuries (O'Reilly, 2007). Thus, the predicate "early" does not indicate anything definite, it is a convention that is quite consistent with the tendency noted above to create one of the possible, and not at all the only, "authentic" history.

The subject of the new monograph is not the state, but social development, which is closely linked to fluctuations in maritime trade. From the previous concept, only trade remains.

The book under review consists of a preface, ten chapters, and an index. The preface allows us to see some fundamental features of modern historiography. After the obligatory story about the author's familiarity with the subject ("personalization" of science), a conscious rejection of the concept of "classical era" in relation to Southeast Asia is stated, since it is "based on Western categorization, and not considering Southeast Asia as having regional comprehensive characteristics "and" interferes with the understanding of its own periodization of the region" (p. X XI). "This book is one of the studies (a study) of Southeast Asia as an 'indigenous' entity and a region of autonomous organisms ('stand-alone' entities)" (p. XI).

* Kenneth R. Hall The History of Early Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Social Development, 100-1500. Lankhsm-Lauldsr-Toronto, Plymouth: Rowman and Littlefield, 2011. XIV, 384 p, ill.

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Hall emphasizes that he does not intend to view individual civilizations as existing separately from each other or as having clear geographical boundaries. He notes that "the borders of the early states were ill-defined and extremely mobile" (p. XI).

These propositions show the well-known tendency to study cultures in their own terms since the late 1960s (K. Geertz's cultural anthropology, for example, as well as p. 2 of the reviewed monograph) and O. W. Walters 'thesis about the" patchwork quilt " on the map of medieval Southeast Asia (Wolters, 1982, p. 16). But the desire to overcome Western categorizations, while speaking in English and using such vague concepts as" early history", shows a new style of Western thinking, the postmodern(ism)style, where the connection of the unconnected becomes the norm [for more details, see: Dugin, 2009].

Comparing the prefaces to Hall's two books reveals another difference in their objectives: while the first monograph was aimed at studying the relationship between trade and political evolution, identifying regional development patterns and developing new approaches [Hall, 1985, p. XII], the new work, according to its author, is aimed at: be "an entry point for non-specialists, especially for university students and graduates meeting Southeast Asian countries for the first time" (p. XII). Therefore, this is a modern textbook that shows not only the modern interpretation of the history of a particular region at a certain time, but also the very modern understanding of history and approaches to writing it.

Chapter 1, " Trade and the Art of Government in Early Southeast Asia, "almost entirely repeats Hall's previous book, but contains a new section,"Early Economic Development." It describes the achievements of the inhabitants of the region before the appearance of the first states: rice domestication, advanced bronze and iron metallurgy and navigation; the main forms of agriculture - slash-and-burn, perelozhnoe and irrigated, yield-20-25 bushels of grain per 1 acre (1760-2200 liters per 1 ha) (p. 7), the size of the field to support one household - 1 ha (p. 8), the importance of fishing and rainforest products for local residents. The same section reports on the bilateral kinship system and the high social role of women in the early Southeast Asian countries.

Other sections of the chapter contain the well-known concept of two types of political organization - valley rice-growing states and river and coastal states, previously called trade states [Van Leur, 1955, p. 104-105] or city-states [Kozlova, Sedov, Tyurin, 1968, p. 523], which shared such features as the dependence of the elite on the ability of the state to develop its own political structure. control people and production, not borders, the importance of political alliances to maintain loyalty to localities, and the personal nature of the ruler's power. Indianization was caused by political reasons, and local religious systems always included local beliefs and rituals, especially the cult of ancestors. Hall describes the structures of trade in the early Southeast Asia by using the model of river exchange by B. Bronson (see: [Zakharov, 2006, p. 74]) and the model of the Old Javanese hierarchy of markets by J. R. R. Tolkien. Wisseman Christie (p. 22, 25). The first of these models operates in a river / coastal state, the second in a rice - growing valley state.

Maritime trade in Southeast Asia was carried out in five main zones that were closely interrelated, but emerged at different times: 1) the network of the South China Sea, which was already active in the 1st millennium. 2) the Java Sea network, which developed in the second and third centuries; 3) the Malacca Strait network, which developed in the fifth century and contributed to the rise of Srivijaya; 4) the Sulu Sea network, or Eastern Indonesia, which appeared in the XI-XII centuries, partly influenced by the decline of Srivijaya after the Chola overseas expeditions around 1025., partly due to the rise of Chinese overseas trade during the Song Dynasty; 5) the Bay of Bengal network, which took shape around the same era (pp. 29-36, mar 1.1). A new era in trade began with the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese in 1511.

Chapter 2, "The early establishment of International Trade and Cultural Networks in the Southeast Asian region around 100-500," is an abridged version of two chapters of Hall's previous book, "The Development of Maritime Trade in Asia" and "The Indianization of Funani, the First Southeast Asian State "(Hall, 1985, p.26-77). But structurally and meaningfully, the new text better meets the task of the monograph to be a textbook: the discussion of historiography and the general history of Asian trade are removed.

Hall believes that international trade, which has become regular and prosperous thanks to the establishment of the Pax Romana, has created such market opportunities for Southeast Asian societies that they have required "more formal political and economic policies."-

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emergency relations between the population of inland areas and coastal trade communities" (p. 39). This led to the creation of the first states in the region. Intermediaries in trade between the West, India, and China were the inhabitants of the Southeast, whose ships (kunlun-bo, or Ptolemy's "kolandii") were well known to both the Greeks and the Chinese (p.44-45).

In contrast to the current trend of rejuvenation of the Indianization of Southeast Asia in the direction of the IV-V centuries. Hall speaks quite clearly of a long and slow process of cultural synthesis driven by local needs, but involving the participation of Indians, including Brahmins (p. 51). This is how he interprets the Funani founding myth, which "intermarries the local social order with the culture of India" (p. 53). According to the myth, the local ruler attacked a passing ship, but unsuccessfully among the travelers was a stranger named Kaundinya, who managed to defeat the warrior, take her as his wife and found the kingdom of Funan. In essence, the Hall assumes the traditional date of Kaundinya's arrival in the lower Mekong, where this kingdom was located, is the first century AD.

The characterization of Funani's political organization is quite complex. On the one hand, Hall argues that the early Southeast Asian polities "were tribal societies whose leaders were occasionally able to establish hegemony over neighboring chiefs by mobilizing military power, family networks, kindred clans and their allies, and marriage alliances with other chiefs and their groups" (p.51). Further, he writes that, according to archeology and reports of the Chinese ambassador of the third century. According to Kang Tai, early Funan "was a polity consisting of a network of villages" (p.53), and that "Funan was hardly a tightly organized and centrally controlled kingdom" (p. 57). But on the other hand, information about trade with distant countries, in particular about obtaining horses from the Kushan Empire, about the wealth of crafts discovered during the excavations of the Funan reference monument - the Okeo hillfort in the Vietnamese part of the Mekong Delta, "forms one of the main reasons to consider Funan a state" (p.59). In essence, this approach reflects the combination of seemingly disparate categories noted above, but it is fraught with the threat of their complete blurring (I note that this has already happened with the concept of "civilization", since Hall himself (p. 2) considers it possible to call a civilization of a society without cities and writing).

In the fifth century, Funan lost its dominance on the sea routes, which passed to Linyi (Champa) in Central Vietnam and to polities in the Strait of Malacca and the Java Sea, which was caused by the improvement of navigation, which allowed sailing directly from China to the Sunda and Malacca Straits, without calling at the ports of Funan. The loss of control over maritime trade forced the rulers of Funani, firstly, to improve the agricultural base of their country to compensate for financial losses due to trade losses; secondly, to improve governance based on the Indian model of statehood. In the same century, a "Buddhist network" was formed on the sea route, connecting China and India. It was used to transport pilgrims, texts, and sacred objects necessary for Buddhist teaching in China.

Unfortunately, chapter 2 contains many inaccuracies and controversial statements. It is doubtful that the most significant Hindu deity in the early YUVA polities was Shiva (p. 51). This idea of O. Walters and P. Wheatley is not yet supported in archaeological materials: with the exception of two lingams from Okeo, which can be attributed to the second century, the earliest statues depict Vishnu and Buddha (Manguin, 2010, p. 172-175). The date of the voyage of the army of Alexander the Great under the leadership of Nearchus from India is incorrect: it should be 325 BC, while Hall has 321 (p.40). This error was also found in his first monograph [Hall, 1985, p. 27]. Third, it is not accurate to say that the geographer Claudius Ptolemy wrote about "Yavadvipa, or the' Golden Peninsula '"(p. 41) - the ancient Greek term was Taßαδioυ, which is quite reliably identified with the Sanskrit yavadvipa, meaning "Island / peninsula of barley / grain" (for localization, see fig.: [Kullanda, 2006, p. 91-97]). Fourth, the date of the Chinese kingdom of Wu 220-264 (p. 42) is erroneous. It should be 222-280. Fifth, Hall's statement that there were only two embassies from Funan to China in 434 and 484 in the fifth century is incorrect (p. 62). In fact, there were two more - in 435 and 438 [Wheatley, 1983, p. 153]. Finally, (p. 62-63) Hall places the country of Shepo, known from Chinese sources, now in Java, then on the west coast of Kalimantan, although on the map (p.47) Shepo is located in Central Java, as it is localized by all researchers. Apparently, this is lapsus calami, and on page 63 it should read: Yehpoti, which is identified with Yavadvipa (Kullanda, 2006).

Chapter 3, "Competition on the East Coast of the Mainland: The Political Economies of early Champa and Vietnam," summarizes current ideas about the evolution of societies in the territory

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Hall accepts the traditional identification of Champa and the Linyi kingdom, which has been known to the Chinese since the end of the second century, contrary to M. Vickery's opinion that these toponyms do not coincide [Vickery, 2009], but agrees that " Champa was never a single centralized state, except in the eyes of the Chinese, and was a combination of variably connected river valleys, sometimes acting in alliance, sometimes at war with each other " (p. 74). The most important kingdoms in Champa were Indrapura, Amaravati, Vijaya, Kauthara and Panduranga, which fought for hegemony with varying success. At the same time, Champa was culturally a single country, although "its state systems were poorly institutionalized and depended on ritual networks and personal alliances that united geographically disparate populations" (p. 82). " The sense of cultural homogeneity among the dispersed population of the Cham kingdom was provided by one constant - the Cham sacred centers in Mishon and Ponagar, located on the southern border of the Cham kingdom. on the borders of the highlands and upper reaches of the river with the Cham ports-polities in Hoi An and Nha Trang, which served as the site of the royal ceremony " (p. 83). Hall supports the thesis of J. R. R. Tolkien. Whitmore argues that the need for protection from Daiwet attacks from the north and Khmer attacks from the west contributed to the development of royal power in Champa, since its inscriptions almost always glorify the king for his ability to protect the country [Whitmore, 2010, p. 168-203].

In presenting the history of Vietnam, Hall follows K. Taylor (1983), emphasizing the deeply distinctive character of ancient Tibetan society and the combination of various cultural influences, including Cham and Malay (tattooing, betel chewing, pluralistic kinship system), which appeared due to sea and land contacts with southern neighbors in the South China Sea. The researcher notes the significant influence of the Chinese bureaucratic model and Confucianism in the formation of the Vietese statehood, which is inevitable under the centuries-old rule of China - from the third century BC to the beginning of the tenth century AD (p. 94). It was the Chinese administration, according to Hall, that contributed to the formation of an outwardly patriarchal society, the transition to irrigated rice farming as the basis of the economy, the emergence of ideas about private and family ownership instead of communal / collective ownership, and the construction of houses for the spirits of ancestors (p. 92-93). In the X-XI centuries, after gaining independence from China, the Vietnamese state began to focus more on the development of foreign trade and for this purpose increased interaction with the interior regions of the country where export goods were produced or extracted.

Hall also makes some inaccuracies in chapter 3. In particular, the date of Vietnam's liberation from China should be 939, while Hall's date should be 938 (b. 95). The oldest inscription in the Wokang region near Nha Trang is dated to the fourth or third centuries AD (p. 69, 72), although the first date is more likely (Zakharov, 2011(1)). Finally, it is not clear why there is no information about the spread of Buddhism in Vietnam. For a textbook, this is an unforgivable omission.

Chapter 4 " The Foundation of Indonesian Politics: Srivijaya and Java before the beginning of the tenth century "describes" the evolution of the Malacca Strait civilization " (p. 104). From the second half of the seventh century to 1025, this civilization was formed around the maritime power of Srivijaya, whose center was located in the area of the modern city of Palembang in Sumatra. In general, the chapter is an abridged version of two chapters of Hall's previous monograph, "Trade and the Art of Government in Srivijaya" and "The Shailendra Era in Javanese History" (Hall, 1985, chapters 4 & 5).

The chapter opens with an overview of the kingdoms that may have been located in the Malay (Indonesian) archipelago before the emergence of Srivijaya: Yavadvipa, Helina, Helodani, Yepoti, Tarumanagara. Unfortunately, Hall admits a lot of inaccuracies in this process. He writes that the Kashmiri prince and Buddhist preacher Gunawarman stopped in Helin in 422 on his way to China (p. 106), repeating his inaccuracy from the first monograph (Hall, 1985, p.104). But Chinese sources clearly state that Gunawarman visited Helodani (Pelliot, 1904, p. 274; Wolters, 1967, p. 34-36). The first mention of Helin dates back to 640 [Pelliot, 1904, p. 286; Damais, 1964, p. 128, 131]. Hall claims that King Vishamvarman ruled in Helodani, referring to P. Pelliot and O. Walters (p. 106), but the French sinologist in the cited pages [Pelliot, 1904, p. 271-274] does not have a single line about this, and the American historian cautiously notes that "in 430 ... the ruler of Helodo (Ho-lo-t'o) was Chien-kan" and " in 433, Pishabamo (P'i-sha-pa-mo) ruled in Helodan (the last two characters convey-varman)", with references to "Liu Song shu "and"Taiping Yulan" 1 [Wolters, 1967, p. 313,

1 "The History of the Liu Song Dynasty (420-478)" by Shen Yue at the beginning of the sixth century and "A highly reviewed collection of books compiled during the Taiping period" compiled by a group of officials led by Liu Fan at the end of the tenth century.

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p. 92]. Although the identification of Helodo and Helodani seems quite justified, one can hardly agree unconditionally with the reconstruction of the name of the king by Hall.

Hall's concept of the political structure and religious situation in Srivijaya has not changed in comparison with his 1976 article and 1985 monograph. (for more information, see [Zakharov, 2006, pp. 68-73, 83-84]). He attributes the rise of the ancient Malay kingdom to the productivity of the land in the Musi Valley, where its Palembang center was located, and to a convenient harbor (r. 112-113). The decline of Srivijaya was caused, according to Hall, by a Chola raid in 1025, followed by a two-century reorganization of the entire system of Southeast Asian trade (p. 119).

Srivijaya Hall's account of the story did not escape some unfortunate inaccuracies. The oldest dated inscription, Kedukan Bukit 682, he called the Talang Tuvo inscription and repeated its outdated date of 683 (p. 113); this erroneous name is especially strange in the light of the mention of the Talang Tuvo inscription of 684 (p.118). Hall wrote the surname of Dominic Bonatz "Gonarz", repeating this in the bibliography (p.113, 353). For some reason, he thinks that the Kedukan Bukit inscription refers to the selection of an army of 2 thousand people out of 20 thousand (p. 113), although it refers specifically to an army of 20 thousand (wala dualaksd) [Ccedès, 1930, p. 34]. The date of the inscription of Devapaladeva from Nalanda in Bengal, which mentions the ruler of Suvarnadvipa (identified with the island of Sumatra and the kingdom of Srivijaya) Balaputra, 860 (b. 117) is long outdated: Devapaladeva died between 843-850, so his inscription dates back to the first half of the 9th century (Jordaan & Colless, 2009, p. 32-33). In Hall's discussion of the worship of Lwalokiteshvara in Srivijaya, as evidenced by the discovery of statues of this bodhisattva, an internal reference suddenly appears to the worship of his Chinese Guanyin incarnation in Vietnam, with the statement " as noted in Chapter 3 "(p. 118). Unfortunately," as noted above, " chapter 3 ignores the question of Buddhism in Vietnam.

The history of Central Java of the 7th-9th centuries in the buildings of the Hall shows the struggle of the Hindu kingdom of Sanjay and his heirs with the cult center on the Dieng plateau with the kingdom of the Shailendra dynasty, whose religious center was located in the Kedu Valley. In the seventh century, the local Rakrayan chieftains, who ruled watak / watek areas that included several villages with a single irrigation system and / or other form of interconnection, began to create associations of several areas under a single authority (p.123). In the middle of the eighth century. The Shailendras took the place of the previously dominant ruling Sanjaya family. Hall suggests that they, as Buddhists, established friendly relations with the Buddhist Srivijaya and continued the "Era of Good Feeling" until the mid-ninth century (p. 125). In the tenth century. The Javanese kingdom of Mataram began to compete with Srivijaya for trade routes. A Chola raid in 1025 ended Srivijaya's hegemony in the Straits of Malacca.

It should be noted that the hypothesis about the confrontation between the Shailendras and the descendants of Sanjaya after the appearance of the inscription Vanua Tengah III can hardly be considered convincing, as can the label "era of good feelings" to the relationship between the Shailendras and Srivijaya (for details, see: [Jordaan & Colless, 2009; Zakharov, 2011(2)]). The disappearance from Chinese sources of the toponym Shilifoshi, i.e. Srivijaya, after 742, together with the data of the Chhaya (Ligor stele) inscription of 775, the strict sequence of supreme rulers in Java, including Sanjaya and the Buddhist Shailendra Panankarana, according to the inscriptions Vanua Tengah III 908, Mantyasih I 907 and Kalasan 778, allows us to to suggest a certain form of Srivijaya's dependence on Java in the second half of the eighth and early ninth centuries.

Hall admits inaccuracy in the dating of the first mention of the country of Sanfoqi (usually considered the same Srivijaya): It should be 904 instead of 960 (p. 129) [Jordaan & Colless, 2009, p. 67, 244, 254]. He also considers the Sojomerto inscription, which mentions a certain dapunta Selendra, to be dated to the beginning of the seventh century, and based on the unproven identification of Selendra = Shailendra, he attributes the appearance of this genus to the same time (p.123) (for details, see [Zakharov, 2011(2)]).

Chapter 5, "Structural changes in the Javanese community circa 900-1300," deals with the reasons for the transfer of the political center from Central to East Java, the peculiarities of the political and legal system and the economy of East Java states. The transfer of the capital by the Maharajas of Sindok around 928 to the east of the island was, according to K. Hall, a consequence of understanding the natural disaster of the eruption of Mount Merapi and / or an earthquake as a sign that the world order was in decline and that a new royal fold (capital)should be created

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at a new location. The researcher examines the data of inscriptions about the foundation of the freedman's Sima (in whole or in part) from taxes of possession - and comes to the conclusion that by the XI century the power became more stable, because curses to violators of tax immunity disappeared from the texts (p.147-148).

After the death of King Lirlangga in the mid-11th century, two kingdoms emerged: Janggala (Singasari) and Panjalu (Kediri). According to K. Hall, it was during the Kediri era that the center of the kingdom began to be concentrated at the ruler's court, while earlier it was located in the central temple complex (p. 148-149). Airlangga was the first king to hold the title ratu chakravartin, "king-universal ruler", combining the traditional Old Javanese title ratu with the Sanskrit concept of chakravartin. During the reign of King Jayabhai in the middle of the 12th century, the kakavin Bharatayudha, an ancient Javanese version of the Mahabharata, was compiled.
K. Hall believes that the rulers of the Kediri era changed the relationship between the center and the regions of the country, creating an administrative division into Vishayas, in which there were already royal administrators - sopana. This structure was different from the Central Javanese model of the eighth and early tenth centuries, when the Rakarayans were the local rulers who headed the historical regions (at the Hall - natural eco-regions) called vatek. Now, in the Kediri era, the bearers of this traditional title were representatives of individual provinces in the ruler's court, reporting to him (p. 150).

Unfortunately, Chapter 5 is not without its inaccuracies and typos. It begins with an incorrect date for Sanjaya's reign - 732-760 (p. 135), while he ascended the throne around 717, from which the so-called Sanjaya era was counted, and died in 746, according to the well-known k. The hall of the inscription Vanua Tengah III 908. Why the reign of Balitung dates back to 907-913 (p. 137) is also unclear: this king ruled in 898-910. Relying on the Haringing inscription when dating the construction of the local canal system (804) is methodologically incorrect, because this inscription is a late copy. The surname of A. Van Elst is spelled Aelst, not Aelast (p. 156, 345).

Chapter 6, "Temple Political Economies of the Continent: Angkor Cambodia and Pagan Burma circa 889-1300," is an abridged version of two chapters of the 1985 monograph, "Temples as Economic Centers in Early Cambodia" and "Commercial Development of Angkor and Champa in the eleventh Century" (Hall, 1985, chapters 6 & 7). It focuses on the Angkor Empire, while only a few pages are devoted to the Pagan Empire at the end.

Hall assumes that the Angkor Empire was "a growing confederation of populations who voluntarily submitted to central authority" (p. 160). The economy was based on temple farms connected in a single network around the cult of the god-king (devaraja) in the absence of a developed secular administration. "Temples were centers and means of redistributing economic and symbolic capital, as well as providing spiritual motivation for donations..." (p.162). The cult of the god-king was introduced by Jayavarman II at the beginning of the ninth century, synthesizing Indian and local beliefs around the figure of the king-the representative of the lord of the world Shiva on earth and the lord of the mountains, embodied by the royal temple. In the first half of the 11th century, significant administrative reforms were undertaken by Suryavarman I, who revised the hereditary rights of the Khmer priesthood and landowners.

Hall's definition of the social order of the Angkor Empire under Suryavarman I is somewhat contradictory. On the one hand, he writes that "in theory, the Khmer monarch assumed the role of patron, placing land under the 'exclusive' control of favored families and their temples. The aristocracy, deriving its livelihood from the land, theoretically owed its continued prosperity, directly or indirectly, to the king's favor" (p.175). But, on the other hand, Hall notes a little later that "... the Khmer state was not a highly centralized or 'bureaucratic' state, nor was it a 'feudal' system in which the king entrusted administrative duties to a land-holding elite who built up their landholding rights and status as a consequence of royal favor" (p. 175). With this definition of the feudal system, the Angkor Empire falls under it.

Hall emphasizes that the role of trade and cities in the Angkor Empire was very significant, and commercial communications were conducted mainly by river systems. Discussing the issue of interaction between merchants and kings, in particular in the form of taxation, he for some reason considers gifts to temples as an example of the services expected by kings from merchants (p.179).

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The economic functions of temples in Angkor Cambodia were reduced to three: they were centers and sources of investment, since the gifts of donors were redistributed among individuals or groups of peasant or personally dependent farmers; they were repositories of technological information and knowledge; and they were monitoring bodies for the agricultural population (p.184). Their connection with the royal temple consisted of deductions in favor of a certain share of goods and services. Land grants recorded in the inscriptions did not mean the transfer of land to the temples, but the assignment to them of a part of the income from it.

Looking at the nature and significance of the Angkor water management system, Hall notes that it was not a centralized irrigation network, but rather an irrigated rice paddy field (bundled-field), and these dams were earthworks to hold water due to the Mekong flood and the rising level of Lake Tonlssap. Dams were built by local communities, the centers of which were temples. But hydraulic structures could also have a symbolic meaning, referring to the cosmological ideas of the syncretic Indo-Khmer cult - around the royal temple, which embodied the center of the universe, Mount Mahendra (in Indian cosmology, Mount Meru), there were seas or oceans subject to the ruler of the world.

Hall dedicated a separate paragraph to King Jayavarman VII (1181-1218), who made an attempt to unite the kingdom with Mahayana Buddhism and built many temples, including Bayon, hospitals, and roads. However, after his death, Theravada Buddhism spread in the country. According to Hall, this branch of Buddhism provided an organizational alternative to the traditional Khmer state, which depended on the desire of local lords to submit to the royal cult center (p. 199). " The appeal of the Theravada tradition seems to have been enhanced by Mon and Thai-speaking peoples living in the Jayavarman state, as they were associated with this tradition in neighboring countries. areas of the Menam Chao Phrai River valley and the Malacca Peninsula" (p. 200).

The end of Chapter 6 provides a brief description of the interaction of state power and the Theravada Buddhist Sangha (community) in the Pagan Empire, which existed in Burma (Myanmar) in the XI-XIV centuries. Hall, following M. Aung-Twin, believes that there was no Mongol invasion in the 1280s and that the traditional dating of the collapse of the kingdom from this period is erroneous (p.208). The Pagan kings emphasized their moral and pious deeds, which consisted in benefitting the sangha, which in turn supported the kings. Land grants strengthened the sangha, weakening the kings. To restore their power, the rulers undertook periodic purifications of the sangha, citing its vanity and conducting re-ordinations with the help of monks sent to Sri Lanka at the royal expense (reordinations). Since re-ordination created a new hierarchy based on the order of initiates, the kings received monks who were personally devoted to them. But to maintain their image of a pious ruler, they needed to give gifts to the community again. This predetermined the cyclical nature of the strengthening and weakening of the central government.

Chapter 7, "The Development (Transitions) of the Southeast Asian mainland Trading kingdom circa 900-1500," describes shipbuilding in Southeast Asia and China in the first half of the 2nd millennium, the struggle for the Malacca Peninsula between Sri Lanka and the Pagan and Angkor empires in the 11th and 12th centuries, and the weakening and decline of Srivijaya (Sanfoqi) in the South-East Asia.east of Sumatra in the X-th and XIII centuries and the rise of the northern regions of the island, the rise of Ayutthaya (Ayutthaya) in Thailand in the XIV century. and the struggle of Daivet and Champa for the coast of Central Vietnam in the XIII-XV centuries.

Two provisions of Chapter 7 are noteworthy. First, the Vietnamese ruler Le Thanh Tong (15th century), who conquered the Cham principality of Vijay in 1471, encouraged international trade despite the transformation of state administration in the Chinese model and the desire to develop the agricultural sector of the economy, following the Chinese idea of the dominant role of agriculture in society (p.249). Second, Daivet became the largest exporter of ceramics in the late 15th century, thanks to the victory over the rival Vijaya (Champa) and the relocation of its artisans to their northern lands in the Red River Valley (p.249-250). The victory over Vijaya was the result of both the administrative and social transformation of Le Thanh Tong and the use of firearms.

Among the inaccuracies in the chapter is the contradictory dating of the last embassy of the Tambralinga kingdom located on the Malacca Peninsula to China: It is dated either 1170 (p. 222) or 1070 (p.225) (the latter date is correct [Wolters, 1958, p. 598]). There are

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typo in the dating of Zhao Zhugua's "Zhu fan zhi" (Description of everything foreign) to 1226 instead of the correct 1225 (p.245). There is another broken internal reference (p. 241): Hall points to a discussion of the Cham history of the 13th century in chapter 3, where only the Cham kingdoms of the 1st millennium were discussed. These little details would not be so significant if it were not for the statement that this is a textbook ("entry point for non-specialists").

Chapter 8, " Maritime Trade and Community Development in Java in the 14th and 15th centuries," deals with the rise and fall of the East Java kingdom of Majapahit, which was the hegemon of the Malay archipelago in the mid-14th century, and the introduction of Islam to the island.

Chapter 9, "Upstream and Downstream Integration and a Changing Sense of Community in the 15th-century Southeast Asian Seaport Polities," examines the history of maritime societies - the first Muslim principality of Southeast Asia, Samudra Pasei in north Sumatra, the Sultanate of Malacca, the Banda Island societies in Eastern Indonesia, and Cebu Island in the Philippines-in relation to their impact on the world. international trade flows.

Chapter 10, "Maritime trade and State Development circa 1250-1500," summarizes the history of Southeast Asia in the 13th and 15th centuries, noting the formation of more centralized state formations that used military and administrative control over their subject areas than the kingdoms of previous eras; the existence of several international trade zones ("six, if not seven", p. 326, which means that there are no separate economic zones in in contrast to the number of such zones mentioned in Chapter 1-5), through which goods from China and, more broadly, East Asia reached European markets; a high level of development of local trade, which resulted in the emergence of local trade groups (Orang Kaya "rich people" on the Banda Islands), which ruled entire areas; independent, not dependent the character of development of local societies depends on foreign (Chinese, Indian, European) "civilizers".

In general, K. Hall's monograph emphasizes the important, largely determining role of trade in the history of Southeast Asia. However, many questions remain unanswered. Why did the continental societies of the first half of the 2nd century choose Theravada Buddhism, and the island (and seaside Chams) Islam? Why did the desire to control the revenue from maritime trade in the case of the Banda Islands lead to the emergence of the Orang Kaya, and in the case of Samudra Pasei, to the formation of a monarchy? Is it just a matter of the previous tradition of political power (Srivijaya's legacy for the Malacca Sultanate, for example)? Why was there a greater degree of centralization of power in such ethnically and culturally diverse kingdoms as Majapahit and Ayutthaya than in the previous period? And isn't the conclusion about a greater or lesser centralization of power in certain societies a consequence of the elementary state of the source base (in most cases, much less data has been preserved from an earlier time) and / or inattention to the very definition of centralization of power?

There are always more questions than answers. Therefore, it remains to thank K. Hall for the thought-provoking monograph-a textbook, which, despite the inaccuracies contained in it, is necessary for everyone who studies Southeast Asia.

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