The article explains the changes that occurred in the stone industries of the early Upper Paleolithic on the Musashino hill, using a quantitative comparison of the types of raw materials, the technology of utilization of nuclei and the features of the production of tools. The results obtained suggest that the variability of the complexes is due not so much to the evolution of plate technology and the development of methods for making tools, but rather to changes in the approaches to the use of stone raw materials by hunter-gatherer groups. This may have been due to the increased mobility of the ancient population of the Musashino upland in the early Upper Paleolithic and the expansion of the territory developed by it, as well as the use of organic materials for making tools. The variability of stone industries indicates the diversity of technological systems and the flexibility of adaptive abilities of modern humans during their spread across the eastern part of Eurasia. Based on the data available for the Japanese Islands, including those obtained as a result of this study, it can be concluded that the history of settlement of the region was much more complex than previously assumed.

Keywords: early Upper Paleolithic, Japanese Islands, Musashino Upland, stone tools, stone raw materials.

Introduction

With the development of research on the spread of Homo sapiens, more and more attention is paid to the emergence of a complex of modern human behavior in various regions of the Old World (McBreaty and Brooks, 2000; Barker et al., 2007; Conard, 2008; Habgood and Franklin, 2008). It is established that its variability is caused by the history of settlement of a certain territory, geological conditions and environmental features. The variety of extant evidence of modern human behavior depends on the characteristics of a particular site, in particular on the degree of preservation of organic materials and the thoroughness of excavations of the monument. It should be noted that it is important not only to record these evidences, but also to get maximum information about the reasons that influenced the manifestation of modern behavior.

Japanese Paleolithic scholars who study the archaeology and paleontology of the Japanese Islands are also keenly interested in this topic. For example, the Research Committee of the Japan Association for Quaternary Studies published the book "Environmental Changes and Archaeology in East Asia during CIS-3"in 2009. Currently, the prevailing hypothesis is that the local variant of modern human behavior arose as a result of technological adaptation to environmental conditions (temperate forests and specific island conditions of Japan) [Izuho

Masami, 2009]. Several recent articles have presented new data on the early Upper Paleolithic of Japan, and discussed various aspects of modern human behavior during this period. Evidence for this behavior included seafaring (in the light of migrations to the Japanese Islands and the delivery of obsidian from the main islands to Kozu), the technology of preparing stone tools for anchoring in special bases, the replacement of hunting equipment sets, and the existence of pit traps (Sato, 2012; Shimada, 2012; Tsutsumi, 2012; Yamaoka Takuya, 2012].

When the Upper Paleolithic of the Japanese Islands is divided into two stages (early and late), the tephra (volcanic ash) of Aira Tn (AT, ca. 25 000 - 24 000 Mathida Hiro and Arai Fusao, 2003; Sato Hiroyuki, 1992. The dates of Early Upper Paleolithic complexes fall within the interval 40 000 - 28 000 l. n. (calibrated). More than 200 Early Upper Paleolithic sites have been excavated on the Japanese Islands. During the period of research from the beginning of the 1970s, the stratigraphic situation characteristic of complexes of this stage of the Paleolithic was studied in general terms, and a technological analysis of stone tools was performed; since the beginning of the 1990s, attributive analysis has dominated. This work is based on studies of changes that occurred during the early Upper Paleolithic in the Japanese Islands (Sekkibunka..., 1991; Sato Hiroyuki, 1992). They allowed us to establish that for the industries of the beginning of the early Upper Paleolithic in Japan (ca. 40 000 - 35 000 adzes (with polished blades) and trapezoids were characteristic. This distinguishes them from complexes from nearby regions of East Asia. However, these studies focused exclusively on Japanese archaeological materials, and their comparison with industries from other areas was given too little attention. In addition, they were based on the assumption that the Japanese Islands maintained cultural continuity throughout the Upper Paleolithic. In discussions about the nature of changes in the stone industries, most experts have based only on the study of formal tools. As a result, technological and morphological changes in the complexes of the early Upper Paleolithic were characterized as evolutionary, manifested in the increasing perfection of skills in the manufacture of tools, the development of plate technology and methods of production of formal tools.

In contrast to the trends described above, this study considers Early Upper Paleolithic industries from a different perspective, which consists in a broader coverage of the distribution context and behavior of modern anthropological people (see, for example: [McBreaty and Brooks, 2000; Barker et al., 2007; Conard, 2008; Habgood and Franklin, 2008]). It also provides a different interpretation of the structure of the Early Upper Paleolithic complexes of the Japanese Islands. In previous publications, I have provided statistical data on the selection of raw materials for stone tools, the utilization of nuclei, and the production of formal tools in Early Upper Paleolithic industries from the Musashino Upland, which are necessary for discussing the processes of their development and the general characteristics of Early Upper Paleolithic complexes (Yamaoka Takuya, 2004, 2006, 2009; Yamaoka, 2011).

Research area and its stratigraphic sequence

Musashino Hill is located in the southwestern part of the Kanto Plain around Tokyo (Figure 1). This plain is the largest in the Japanese Islands. Even before the active exploration of Paleolithic sites in other parts of Japan, large-scale excavations began in the 1970s. To date, more than 200 Upper Paleolithic sites have been studied. These were mostly rescue excavations related to the rapid development of the industry in the region. Among the sites studied, more than 60 contain cultural horizons dating back to the Early Upper Paleolithic (Tamagawa..., 2000). The chronology of the early Upper Paleolithic of the Musashino Upland formed the basis for understanding the chronological sequence of complexes throughout Japan. The reason for this is that here powerful stratigraphic sequences were studied at the initial stage of studying the early Upper Paleolithic of the Japanese Islands. At the same time, the Musashino hill can provide rich material for revising existing concepts.

Musashino is bordered by the Tama River in the south, the Ara River in the northeast, and the Iruma River in the northwest. The landscape is formed by several terraces formed as a result of changes in the flow of the Tama River, the lower levels of deposits of these terraces are composed of alluvial sediments of the ancient river (for more details on the processes of formation of the Musashino upland, see [Yamaoka, 2011]).

Musashino is located in the leeward side relative to the volcano system of the central part

Fig. 1. Location of the studied sites on the Musashino hill. 1-Seta; 2-Dougayato; 3-Karuta; 4-Shimayashiki; 5-Hanezawadai; 6-Tobitaku-yukita; 7-Ovarihankamyashikiyato; 8-Fujimidai; 9-Hyakunintyusantemenishi; 10-Kagomachi; 11-Yokota; 12-Nenokami; 13-Kuriyama; 14-Nishihara; 15 - Nishidaigotouda, 16 - Yotsubachiku; 17 - Narimasutonoyama; 18 - Sugawarajinjadaichu; 19 - Hotokenoki; 20 - Kakinokizaka; 21 - Kuriyatsu; 22 - Nishimatsubara; 23 - Fujikubohigashidaisan; 24 - Shimoyama; 25 - Toyama; 26 - Atagoshita; 27 - Tamonjima; 28 - Suzuki; 29 - Tamarandzaka; 30 - Musashidai; 31-Nishikokubundzekimaehirobatiku; 32-Nogawanakasukita.

2. Stratigraphic sequence of Tachikawa loams on the Musashino upland (Suzuki..., 1978).

Honshu Island, which caused a constant flow of volcanic ash to the high ground. Heavy Aeolian deposits covering the Musashino terraces and the Kanto Plain have accumulated since the beginning of the Middle Pleistocene. They are known as "Kanto loams" - a generalizing name for a series of deposits consisting of primary and secondary layers of tephra, Aeolian dust (or" loess " brought from China), fine-grained sands sifted from river terraces, and rock weathering products. In the Kanto loam, there are four formations that are roughly correlated with the topographic divisions of terraces. The uppermost one is the Tachikawa loam. Numerous Paleolithic artefacts have been found in the sediments of this formation.

Archaeological research on the Tachikawa loam began in the 1970s. The artefact-bearing deposits are divided into 12 layers (Akazawa Takeshi, Oda Shizuo, and Yamanaka Ichio, 1980) (Figure 2). These stratigraphic divisions of the Tachikawa loam were divided based on their color, texture, and inclusions of exogenous sediments. The upper layers I and II vary in color from black to dark brown and are Holocene humus, including cultural layers of the corresponding time. Paleolithic archaeological complexes in the Tachikawa loam are correlated with the Late Pleistocene layers of III-X.

Layer III has a yellowish-brown color. Unlike the underlying dense sediments, it is loose. Layer IV is brown in color. The dark brown deposits of layer V are known as the Black Band I

(buried paleosoil). Tephra AT is found within yellowish-brown layer VI. It plays the role of a regional stratigraphic marker and is distributed over a vast territory (most of the Japanese Islands, the Korean Peninsula, part of Eastern China, and Southern Primorye in the Russian Far East) [Machida Hiro and Arai Fusao, 2003]. The dark brown deposits of layers VII and IX are known as the Black Band II (buried paleosol). Layer VIII at the Suzuki parking lot, a section of which is shown in Fig. 2, missing. The lower part of layer IX and the underlying deposits up to the base of the Tachikawa loam are yellowish-brown in color. Layer XI contains a large amount of porous reddish volcanic lava.

Early Upper Paleolithic artifacts were found in sediments of layers VI-X. The complexes from Layer X are attributed to the initial stage of the Early Upper Paleolithic. No artifacts were found in the underlying sediments of this layer. It is assumed that the dates of Musashino Early Upper Paleolithic complexes are within the limits of 40 000 - 28 000 The tephra layer AT was determined in a stratigraphic column obtained as a result of drilling the bottom of the Sea of Japan. The time of its formation coincides with the transition from MIS-3 to MIS-2 (Aoki Kaori and Arai Fusao, 2000). The age of tephra AT is assumed to be equal to 28 000 - 29 000 calibrated years, which is based on data on the composition of oxygen isotopes from the GISP2 column in Greenland (Machida Hiro, 2005). The complexes from layer VI should be somewhat younger, since it was most likely formed after tephra deposition, and the accumulation of layer X occurred about 40,000 calibrated bp. This conclusion is based on the age of the overlying (AT) and underlying (SI, 50 000 - 47 000 tephra and the assumption that the sedimentation rate was constant [Ibid.]. Reliable AMS dates are 29,860 ± ± 150 hp (Beta-182638) and 30,380 ± 400 hp. (Beta-156135) were obtained from samples from a bonfire in layer X at the Musashidai site (western part) (Ovarihan Kamiyashikiato..., 2002). Additional data are needed to better determine the time of occurrence of the earliest Upper Paleolithic complexes on the Musashino upland.

Studied complexes

The materials that form the basis of this work come from the Early Upper Paleolithic complexes on the Musashino hill (see Figure 1). The units of analysis are individual clusters or several clusters of stone artifacts, which are connected by repair, and/or artifacts belonging to the same raw material group within the archaeological horizon (reports on the development of natural resources). see [Yamaoka, 2011]). The latter are combined based on the presence of common colors, textures, grain sizes from which the rock is composed, etc. Based on a comparison of such characteristics as the selection of stone raw materials, methods of reducing nuclei, and features of the production of formal stone tools, I divide the complexes of the early Upper Paleolithic into three groups representing consecutive periods. The first group includes materials from layer X and the lower part of layer IX, the second group includes complexes from overlying deposits up to layer VII, and the third group includes industries from layer VI. A total of 71 analytical units were used in my analysis: 18 for period I, 31 for period II, and 22 for period III.

Research methods

In order to reveal the features of the utilization of raw stone in the early Upper Paleolithic, I consider three main technical and morphological variations in the complexes: 1) selection of raw materials; 2) reduction of cores, usually carried out within the framework of plate technology; 3) production of formal tools (this section is based mainly on previous works [Sekkibunka..., 1991; Sato Hiroyuki, 1992]).

Selection of stone raw materials. The comparison is based on calculations of the number and mass of obsidian and other rock artefacts, such as silicified rocks, shales, andesites, tuffs, sandstones, etc. On the high ground of Musashino, obsidian is an exotic material, as its closest outcrops are located at a distance of more than 80 km from Musashino.

Reduction of nuclei. Methods of core utilization were studied based on the analysis of the characteristics of cleavages and cleavage sequences recovered by repair. The study of reconstructed plates, elongated flakes, and nuclei, as well as the determination of the ratio of plates to flakes among the cleavage wastes, revealed variations in lamellar cleavage and its specific weight in Early Upper Paleolithic complexes.

Production of formal tools. We analyzed both formal and informal tools made from chips, as well as adzes with a polished working edge. I have already demonstrated that the usual typology of formal tools does not apply to Early Upper Paleolithic complexes

Japanese Islands due to unclear type definitions (Yamaoka Takuya, 2004, 2006). Therefore, it was revised using more stringent criteria (Yamaoka Takuya, 2006). The ratios of formal and informal tools belonging to three periods were compared. The frequency of using formal and informal tools made from obsidian and other stone raw materials was analyzed. In order to study the relationship between preferences in the selection of stone raw materials and methods of reducing nuclei, as well as the production of tools on chips, I collected information about all adzes from the Early Upper Paleolithic Musashino complexes.

Selection of stone raw materials

It is possible to note an increase in the frequency of obsidian use from period I to period II, which confirms the previous assumptions about the existence of such a trend [Inada Takashi, 1984; Kanayama Yoshiaki, 1990; Sekkibunka..., 1991] (Table 1). Although these changes cannot be called drastic, the specific weight of obsidian in complexes increases. In general, the average mass of artifacts (the ratio of mass to quantity) is very small in those analytical units where its share is large. This is due to the fact that obsidian is mainly represented by small flakes, while there are very few large chips and nuclei from it. The average mass index decreases from period I to period III, due to an increase in the share of obsidian artifacts in industries. In addition, the total mass of stone artifacts from several analytical units belonging to periods I and II is very large. This is due to the presence of heavy nuclei and a significant number of large flakes. Most of the non-obsidian raw materials in the complexes of Periods I and II are represented by local siliceous rocks of low quality, from which many nuclei (or nucleoid tools) and amorphous flakes were made. A distinctive feature of Period III is the use of high-quality shales brought from afar. These rocks, like obsidian, are rarely represented in the form of large flakes and nuclei. Thus, it can be assumed that high-quality raw materials were used only in period III.

Disposal of nuclei

Figures 3-5 show samples of reconstructed cores from which plates and elongated flakes were chipped. Nuclei similar to those shown in Figure 3 were very common in Period III industries. In most cases, there are traces of techniques for reducing and removing cornices on impact platforms. Lamellar nuclei are present among the reconstructed cleavage sequences. Chipped patching of the nucleoli was revealed. Among the complexes of periods II and I, only a few reconstructed cleavage sequences contain plates. Special preparation of impact pads, adjustment of nuclei and lamellar nuclei are rare.

In general, reconstructed sequences are often represented by artifacts made from high-quality raw materials, including nuclei and elongated flakes. In the complexes of Periods II and III, it is mainly obsidian. The dimensions of the individual parts obtained as a result of repairs become larger in period III. Thus, during this period, plate technology comes to the fore, which is accompanied by more frequent use of high-quality material and an increase in the size of tool blanks.

Data from the table. 2 demonstrate the frequency of use of plate blanks of tools. From period I to period III, there is a noticeable increase in the proportion of plates. Obviously, plate technology is becoming the main method of core utilization in the industries of Period III. These observations support the conclusion about the dominance of this group.

Table 1. Number and mass of stone artifacts

Note: here and further in the tables after the slash line, the average indicators are calculated per analytical unit of the period.

Figure 3. Reconstructed period III cleavage sequences containing plates and elongated flakes. 1-4-Dougayato, horizon IV, clusters 1-3; 5-Suzuki, sq. Od; 6-Toyama, point 1, cluster 5; 7-Seta, Horizon VI, clusters 1-3; 8, 9-Ovarihankamyashikiyato, point 12, cluster 3; 10 - Sugawarajinjadaichu, clusters 4, 14, 17, 24, 30; 11 - Tobitakuyukita, horizon I; 12 - Kuriyatsu, item 15. 1-9-obsidian; 10-hard slate; 11-black slate; 12-quartzite.

Figure 4. Reconstructed period II cleavage sequences with plates and elongated flakes present. 1, 2-Hanezawadai, clusters VIIa, Vllbc; 3-Karuta, horizon IV, clusters 1-7; 4, 5-Nishidaigotouda, horizon VII, clusters 1-7, 9. 1-tuff; 2, 3-obsidian; 4, 5-shale.

5. Reconstructed cleavage sequences of period I, in which plates and elongated flakes are present. 1-Nishikokubundzekimaehirobatiku, 1st cluster, horizon V, clusters 21-23; 2-Shimoyama, 10th excavation, horizon IV, cluster 1. 1-shale; 2-silicified rock.

Table 2. Number and specific weight of guns on plates

Fig. 6. Types of formal tools on flakes.

technologies at the end of the Early Upper Paleolithic (Kakubari Jun'ichi and Fujinami Keie, 1986, 1987; Sekkibunka..., 1991).

Formal and informal tools made from chips

I adhere to the following classification of formal tools (Figure 6):

type A-pointed flake with retouching at the end and one or both sides of the base;

type B-pointed flake, retouched along one longitudinal edge;

type C-pointed flake with retouching along two longitudinal edges;

type D-flake with a straight or diagonal non-retouched edge formed by retouching on one longitudinal edge (trapezoid);

type E-flake with a straight or diagonal non-retouched edge formed by retouching on two longitudinal edges (trapezoid);

type F-pencil-shaped flake with retouching on both longitudinal edges;

type G-a flake that has more than half of its perimeter treated with retouching (scraping);

type H-flake with a vertical retouched finish (scraper).

The ratio of classes of formal tools made from chips changes over time. If scrapers and scrapers (types G and H) are distributed evenly over periods, then the number of tools belonging to types A - F is different: in period I, trapezoids (types D, E) and pencil-shaped points (type F) were common; in period III complexes, types A-C are represented to a considerable extent (pointed plates and flakes). In Period II, no type of formal implement had a noticeable advantage.

Analysis of the ratio of formal (types A - H) and informal (flakes treated with edge retouching, excluding types A - H) tools on chips longer than 2 cm in all analytical units shows a general increase in the proportion of the former from period I to Period III (Table 3). The share of formal obsidian tools is generally high in all complexes, and from other raw materials also increases over time, which is consistent with the increase in the number of artifacts from high-quality rocks from period I to period III. This suggests an increase in the intensity of production of formal tools, as well as an increase in the use of high-quality raw materials in period III.

Tesla

Adzes are both unifacially and bifacially shaped nucleoid tools with a semicircular cross-section and sometimes a polished working edge. They are most representative in the materials of layer X and the lower part of layer IX, but they are rare above. The highest frequency of occurrence roughly coincides with the change in the ratio of classes

Table 3. Specific weight of formal and informal tools on chips, %

The early occurrence of adzes (found near the base of the Tachikawa loam) was noted from the very beginning of Early Upper Paleolithic studies in the 1970s (Toda Masakatsu, 1976), and the data on new finds support the observations made at that time. Adzes were made mainly of tuff and sandstone, which distinguishes them from formal tools on chips.

Synthesis of the obtained results

The data on stone artefacts presented in this study suggest that in all periods, high-quality material was preferred both for the production of plates (as evidenced by the reconstructed splitting sequences) and for the manufacture of formal tools (a significant part of them is made of obsidian). The use of such a stone reduces the risk of failures both in the production of plates and in the application of retouching. It seems reasonable to assume that in the case of access to high-quality raw materials, hunter-gatherers preferred it. To further investigate the role of raw stone availability, I tried to identify changes in approaches to its selection, methods of nuclear cleavage (mainly based on the example of plate technology) and the production of formal tools during various stages of the early Upper Paleolithic on the Musashino hill.

In the complexes of Period I (beginning of the Upper Paleolithic), the frequency of occurrence of obsidian and formal tools is rather low. At that time, unmodified flakes and nuclei were mainly made from local low-quality silicified stone raw materials. Although the materials of the initial stage of the Upper Paleolithic present plate technology and formal tools, they are only rarely found. The average mass of stone artifacts is higher than in later complexes. This picture suggests that untreated flakes and nuclide products (adzes) were the leading forms of stone tools in period I. Groups of hunter-gatherers who lived on the Musashino hill at that time used a haphazard technique of splitting nuclei and used local raw materials.

In period II, high-quality stone raw materials were used more often than in the previous one. There are more formal tools and blank plates in the complexes of this time, but the reconstructed splitting sequences are as few as in the earlier ones. Because of these characteristics, period II is considered a transitional phase between periods I and III.

In period III (the end of the Early Upper Paleolithic), the frequency of obsidian use is highest during the entire Early Upper Paleolithic and most of the stone material is of high quality (for example, hard shale). Consequently, high-quality raw materials were very common during this period and were sometimes used in large quantities. In reconstructed cleavage sequences, plate technology is fixed more frequently, and plates are common among blanks, many formal implements. The frequent use of plates and high-quality raw materials suggests that the practice of making and using formal tools becomes vital for hunter-gatherers in Period III.

Interpretation of changes in the stone industries of the Musashino Upland during the Early Upper Paleolithic

The observed changes in the production of blanks for tools that occurred from period I to period III cannot be interpreted as a simple scheme of directed evolution of technology (improvement and complication of methods of production of formal tools), most likely, they reflect a sharp change in preferences in the selection of available stone raw materials. Certain forms of it led to a simultaneous change in the methods of disposal of cores and the manufacture of tools. Obviously, at different stages of the early Upper Paleolithic, the inhabitants of the Musashino Upland had different criteria for selecting raw materials. The use of exceptionally high-quality material for the manufacture of plates and formal tools was typical for all three periods. This suggests that high-quality raw materials were selected for the same purposes. This conclusion contradicts the interpretation of all changes as evidence of the development of technology for the manufacture of special blanks for tools and the tools themselves. The complexes of Period I show a wide distribution of unmodified flakes and nucleoid tools from local raw materials, which distinguishes them from the Upper Paleolithic industries in other regions of Eurasia. Thus, the characteristics of these complexes show that the variety of stone raw materials used and the variability of methods of reducing nuclei existed throughout the early Upper Paleolithic.

Changes in the principles of raw material selection can be explained by the increased mobility of the population and the increase in the territory developed by it. Many IP addresses-

investigators suggest that this occurred at the final stage of the Early Upper Paleolithic, as evidenced by the presence of a significant amount of obsidian in the complexes originating from the Shinshu area, which is located several hundred kilometers from the Musashino upland (Kanayama Yoshiaki, 1990; Tamura Takashi, 1992; Ito Takashi, 1998; Suwama Jun, 1998; Ishimura Toshi, 2002; Maji Ko: co:, 2003; Yoshikawa Ko:taro:, 2003]. In previous publications about the Japanese Paleolithic, two hypotheses were put forward regarding strategies for using raw stone. The first one is based on the assumption of its purposeful extraction and delivery [Ono Akiro, 1975] or about receiving as a result of an exchange [Harunari Hideji, 1976]. Later, most researchers discussed possible options for the delivery of raw materials based on the hypothesis of an embedded strategy (Binford, 1979). However, there is no data on specific routes between the obsidian springs and the Musashino Hill, nor on how to purchase raw materials. Therefore, I can only point out the possibility that the developed area in Period I was noticeably smaller than in the later stages of the Early Upper Paleolithic (Yamaoka Takuya, 2004, 2009).

This paper shows the growing role of obsidian in the production of formal tools from period I to period III. Taking into account the frequent use of plate technology and the manufacture of lighter formal tools from chips in period III, it can be assumed that at this time the population became more mobile [Andrefsky, 2005, p.226-227]. At the same time, it should be noted that the mobility of hunter-gatherer groups of Period I may be perceived as low due to the rare use of both plate technology and light formal tools, which led to an increase in the average mass of stone artifacts.

Changes in approaches to the use of raw stone materials may have led to some changes in the use of technologies for the disposal of organic materials (although not preserved, but presumably existing). [Yamaoka Takuya, 2004]. In contrast to the abundance of formal flake tools and the prevalence of plate technology in the industries of Period III, which is typical of the Japanese Late Upper Paleolithic, the complexes of Period I are dominated by untreated flakes and nucleoid tools, including adzes. As already noted, these earliest Upper Paleolithic complexes may be perceived as unusual in comparison with industries of the same period from other parts of the world. However, their tool sets show some similarities with the Paleolithic ones in Southeast Asia, where, according to some researchers, informal stone tools were often used to produce tools from organic materials (Hutterer, 1976). Traceological analysis of adzes showed that they were used for various tasks, including processing hides and wood (Tsutsumi Takashi, 2006). The fragmentation features of these tools indicate the possible use of large adzes for work that required the use of large rough tools (Sato Hiroyuki, 2006). Some researchers suggest that the hunter-gatherers of the initial stage of the early Upper Paleolithic of the Japanese Islands were much more dependent on plant resources intended for the manufacture of tools than the creators of the plate and microplate Upper Paleolithic complexes of Europe and Northern Eurasia (Inada Takashi, 2007).

Data on the nature of the environment support the possibility of significant changes in the availability of certain types of organic materials in the Early Upper Paleolithic of the region under consideration. The results of the analysis of plant palynospectres and macrostates indicate a gradual change of broad-leaved deciduous coniferous forests in the Kanto plain, where the Musashino upland is located, which ended at the beginning of the last glacial maximum (Tsuji Seichiro and Kosugi Masato, 1991). These changes roughly coincide with the transition from period I to period III. In addition, the opal analysis of phytoliths shows the distribution of herbaceous vegetation starting from the oldest stage of the early Upper Paleolithic and ending with its late stage (Sase Takashi, Machida Hiroshi, Hosono Mamoru, 2008). This roughly correlates with the decreasing number of adzes in the complexes. Consequently, the technological organization of tool production in period I may have been strongly influenced by the characteristics of plant resources.

Discussion

According to previous studies (Sekkibunka..., 1991; Sato Hiroyuki, 1992), it is widely accepted that directional changes in the composition of the raw stone used occurred throughout the Early Upper Paleolithic in most of the Japanese Islands. Trapezoids and tesla are represented in the complexes of its initial stage in many areas of Japan [Ibid.]. Plate technology and formal tools on rocks prevailed in the industries of the final stage; the regional variability of complexes becomes more pronounced after the end of the early Upper Paleolithic period [Tam

same]. It is believed that these changes in the Early Upper Paleolithic stone industries may reflect the transformation of the entire technological organization, determined by adaptation to increased mobility and increased developed territories, especially in those aspects that were influenced by environmental conditions, as was shown by the example of materials from the Musashino hill. It seems that changes in the technological organization were abrupt and significant in nature and occurred in a relatively short time. These archaeological findings reflect the flexibility of adaptive abilities of early Upper Paleolithic humans. L. R. Binford (1989) suggested that the techno-adaptive strategies of modern hunter-gatherers were extremely variable in the degree of planning, tactical depth, and direct implementation of daily activities. Technological features that reflect differences in the components of these strategies correlate well with environmental variability. According to L. R. Binford, such flexible adaptive abilities are characteristic of a modern type of person [Ibid., p. 21-23]. The phenomenon of the early Upper Paleolithic of Japan supports this hypothesis and is a prime example of the technological flexibility of Homo sapiens in response to environmental changes of this time.

It can be assumed that such drastic and significant changes in technological adaptation, at least in two aspects, are associated with the peculiarities of the geographical location of the Japanese Islands. These islands are located in the middle latitudes, where the climate could become both colder and warmer. The environment in colder periods was similar to that in high latitudes, and in warmer periods - to that characteristic of low latitudes. The complexes of the initial stage of the early Upper Paleolithic, which coincides with such a warm phase, are similar to the amorphous flake industries in Southeast Asia, and the final ones, which were left by the population during the colder period of the early Upper Paleolithic, are similar to the lamellar ones of Northern Eurasia.

To understand the early Upper Paleolithic of Japan, it is necessary to establish a link between the distribution processes of modern anthropological people and the geographical position of the Japanese Islands. The archipelago is located at a considerable distance from Africa, where modern anatomical man is believed to have originated. T. Goebel (2007), based on anthropological remains, archaeological evidence, and DNA studies, suggested the possibility of Homo sapiens spreading along two routes that have a certain chronological gap between them. The earliest settlement of modern humans from East Africa took place around 60-40 thousand years AGO (hereafter calibrated dates). The route to the east, most likely, ran along the South Asian sea coast to the islands of Southeast Asia and even to Australia about 50-45 thousand years ago. Later, 45-35 thousand years AGO, the spread occurred from Western Asia through the Mediterranean, the temperate zone of Europe, the territory of Russia and Central Asia. Homo sapiens reached Southern Siberia ca. 45 thousand years AGO and the Arctic belt approx. 30 thousand years AGO, the Japanese Islands are located just at the point of possible intersection of the early and late routes. In addition, the Australian Paleolithic complexes can provide important information for understanding the significance of changes in the technological adaptation of hunter-gatherers of the Early Upper Paleolithic in Japan. Industries with amorphous flakes, where lamellar technology is extremely rare, existed in Australia throughout the Paleolithic [Habgood and Franklin, 2008], despite the difference in environmental conditions and significant climatic changes at this time [Davidson, 2010]. Consequently, changes in environmental conditions do not always lead to the emergence of new technological systems, including plate technology. Like the Japanese Islands, Australia is located at a considerable distance from Africa, in addition, located in the southern hemisphere, it is as far as possible from the northern route of distribution of modern humans. This suggests that the changes in technological adaptation identified in the early Upper Paleolithic of Japan are related not only to the technological flexibility of hunter-gatherers. It is likely that technological systems involving plate manufacturing could have been transferred through intermediaries or brought directly to the Japanese Islands by a human group. In this connection, it is possible to suggest several waves of migrations to the Japanese Islands in the early Upper Paleolithic. It is important that the complexes of the beginning of this period are generally similar to the amorphous flake industries characteristic of the southern route of modern human distribution, and the complexes of the final stage are similar to the lamellar ones found on the northern path of Homo sapiens. Based on this, technological flexibility refers to the behavioral adaptability of a person as its specific characteristic.

Conclusion

In this article, based on quantitative comparisons of types of stone raw materials, methods of utilization

The changes that occurred in the Early Upper Paleolithic stone industries of the Musashino Upland are explained by the use of cannonballs and the production of formal tools. The obtained result suggests that they were associated with a change in the main type of stone raw materials, and not with the development of plate technology and the improvement of methods for the production of formal tools. This could be due to the increased mobility of the population and an increase in the developed area, as well as changes in the availability of organic materials in a changing environment. The stone industries of Period I, the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic, differ from those of Upper Paleolithic Eurasia, where plate technology and standardized formal tools predominated. The choice of stone raw materials and methods of production of tools in this period highly depended on the situation. The characteristics of the complexes of the early Upper Paleolithic reflect a significant variety of methods of using raw materials and technological organization. Consequently, at the time of its spread in East Asia, the modern type of man possessed flexible adaptive abilities. The data obtained indicate that the process of settling the Japanese Islands was much more complex than previously thought.

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Dr. Carisa Terry (Central Washington University) and Todd Thomas for their help in preparing the paper.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 14.12.12, in the final version-on 24.12.12.

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